Category Archives: Security

S. Africa: And If Karegeya was Assassinated by Zuma and Kikwete?

From: Juma Mzuri

SA investigations in Nyamwasa/Karegeya attacks become more suspicious

By Shyaka Kanuma

It is now four months and counting since someone strangled Patrick Karegeya to death in a Sandton (Johannesburg) hotel, but neither the South African Police nor its intelligence services appear ready to divulge credible information as to who the killers, or their motives might have been.

South African authorities instead have expelled four Rwandan diplomats and a Burundian (why the Burundian? they do not say) from Pretoria, for which Kigali retaliated by expelling six South African diplomats.

Then there followed a statement on 15 March from the office of Clayson Monyela, head of South African Public Diplomacy. The statement talks, in broad terms, of “certain criminal elements” who “have sought to undermine South Africa’s territorial integrity”. It then talks of the June 2010 assassination attempt on Kayumba Nyamwasa in Johannesburg, and that “criminal proceedings pertaining to this incident are in advanced stages”.

Like everything to do with the South African authorities’ handling of issues to do with attacks on Rwandan dissidents residing in South Africa, Monyela’s statement sheds less light on events it purports to talk about but raises more suspicions whether they (SA authorities) are entirely forthcoming with the truth.

For instance, two of the expelled Rwandan diplomats, Fred Rwabalinda and Aimable Nshagayintwari were new to Pretoria, only two weeks old in their duties, when they were handed their deportation letters. Yet the letters, and Monyela’s statement gave the impression that the “criminal acts” they talked of had been going on for a long time.

So why deport Rwabalinda and Nshagayintwari who had only then just received their accreditation cards from the South African Department of International Relations? Neither the deportation letters or the statement say.

Furthermore the other two diplomats, Didier Rutembesa the Chargé d’Affaires at the Rwandan Embassy in Pretoria and Claude Nikobisanzwe the First Secretary had never received any warning letter, or caution from the South African government in connection with any alleged criminal activity.

Speaking to The Rwanda Focus from Johannesburg, South African journalist Robert Shivambu of radio station Power FM said he and other media colleagues are “quite frankly” puzzled by these expulsions, and the statements that are handed to the media purporting to explain them.

“The statements are out there, but they explain nothing!” said Shivambu.

It is becoming clearer, according to journalists like Shivambu, that the SA government either has no information to disseminate on the Kayumba/Karegeya issues, or it is actively engaged in some cover up. But Shivambu seems to be in a tiny minority of SA journalists willing to question official versions of events given by his country’s officials on things to do with Rwanda.

The RNC and SA security

The Rwanda Focus discovered four years ago is that elements of South African Police in Johannesburg, and some intelligence operatives actively work with members of the so-called Rwandan opposition in exile. When Francis Gakwerere – a perennial victim of false accusations that he is behind assassination attempts on fugitive general Nyamwasa or the killing of Karegeya – was arrested in June 2010 and thrown into the interrogation cells of the John Vorster Police Station in Johannesburg he was taken aback when he saw that among his interrogators was one Frank Ntwali, a brother in law to Kayumba Nyamwasa. Today Ntwali is the “chairman of the RNC (Rwanda National Congress), Africa region”. Gakwerere narrated his ordeals under Johannesburg Police questioning to The Rwanda Focusfor an exclusive interview that we published on 18 July 2010.

“I refused to talk to the Police unless Ntwali left the cell; what was he doing there?!” Gakwerere asked. A day later Police dropped charges against Gakwerere of attempted murder and he returned to Rwanda, having lost a few thousand dollars to thieving police and two days of his life undergoing aggressive questioning and miserably cold conditions in cells.

To repeat Gakwerere’s question, when Frank Ntwali entered a police cell in the company of SA Police to interrogate a Rwandan from Kigali going about his business in a South African city, under what capacity was he acting? It looks, and smells murky.

It gets murkier.

When Johannesburg Police interrogated a young Burundian girl who happened to be in a sex-for-pay triangle with Karegeya and the deceased Burundian singer Christophe Matata, one of her questioners was Frank Ntwali. Matata’s demise in a Johannesburg hospital after ingesting a drug slipped into his drink by the girl (who confessed it to Burundian media) was well chronicled in the country’s media. At this point the question comes up, starkly: has the RNC become part and parcel of South African law enforcement?

Repeated attempts to get an answer from South African Police elicited no answer.

The question takes on more relevance when one takes a closer look at events surrounding the killing of Karegeya in the Michelangelo Hotel on New Year 2014.

This hotel is way up there among the most exclusive, and top end in South Africa. Heads of state stayed there during the recent funeral of Nelson Mandela. It is located in the most affluent neighborhood on the African continent. It goes without saying that security in such a facility is top notch. One cannot imagine for instance that there could be any fault with its closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras.

Yet up to now SA Police and intelligence investigators have not made public any CCTV footage or images, despite initial statements that they would. Four months into this investigation – during which they have put out other (equally false) statements, including the supposed arrest of Rwandan operatives in Mozambique on suspicion of the murder – they have nothing to show for their inquiries.

It is apparent that someone, or several somebodies in the SA security setup is engaged in a cover up, and a throwaway remark by journalist Shivambu offers a nugget of a clue. “Zuma (South African President Jacob Zuma) has issued instructions to the Police not to say anything about it” (the investigation), Shivambu told this journalist.

What is Zuma afraid of that the police or intelligence may divulge? Does CCTV footage of assassins walking into Karegeya’s room at the Michelangelo exist or not? If they do, as they should, why is it the security agencies are sitting on them, despite the clamor by the media for them? And if they existed and somehow implicated Rwanda would the SA intelligence apparatus hold off on making them public? This is hard to believe seeing how eager Zuma’s government seems to be to pin crimes on Rwanda, even in the total absence of evidence.

An incompetently cooked up story

The most recent and most spectacularly childish attempt to frame Rwanda for a cooked up crime is the “assassination attempt” on Kayumba Nyamwasa early last month.

When the alleged assailants “attacked” Nyamwasa’s residence in Johannesburg, he and his entire family conveniently weren’t home. SA intelligence claims the family had been evacuated following a tip-off that a Rwandan hit squad was coming for the fugitive general.

But, according to their version of events South African Police and intelligence acted with a level of incompetence that would make the Congolese gendarme look like the Israeli Mossad in comparison.

They say they knew a Rwandan hit squad was on the way, but did not lay a trap for the “assailants”. In fact, according to these SA intelligence people, the Rwandan “hit-squad” walked to the gate of Nyamwasa’s house, disarmed the two policemen guarding the house, proceeded to ransack it, and walked out of there, unchallenged.

The reality is that this incompetently contrived story gives the game away of the Police and intelligence operatives that planned it: they want, a) to show the public they indeed are doing their work countering perceived Rwandan skullduggery and b) they want to make ever more trouble for Rwanda in the process.

In all this they are being enabled by a media whose incompetence (at least as far as the Nyamwasa/Karegeya story is concerned) seems as staggering as its country’s security people.

Most South African media, which routinely and robustly questions power, has shown only an unfathomable laziness where “the Rwandan story” is concerned, in that they will only swallow and regurgitate stories such as the alleged assassination attempt. No questions to security officials as to how they could fail to trap foreign assassins in their midst even after alleged tip-offs; no challenge as to how it was even possible for foreign operatives to raid in broad daylight a house supposedly protected 24/7, since they know Nyamwasa has been the target of armed attack before; not a single salient question in fact.

One can see the logic in the Zuma government trying to pin crimes on Rwanda, even in circumstances totally devoid of evidence. President Zuma, who as you read this is being investigated for diverting millions of his country’s taxpayers’ rands into revamping one of his private residencies, the one at Nkandla, is a man with a voracious appetite for wealth, especially other people’s wealth.

Him, and Tanzanian head of state Jakaya Kikwete for instance contrived to have their countries’ militaries sent to the Congo under the guise of “peacekeeping”, but in reality to have a piece of the action in the extraction of Congolese mineral wealth. Their real target was the M23 rebel group, which came into being as a self-defense militia of the Tutsis of eastern DRC who for the past several years have been confronted with the prospect of annihilation at the hands of the FDLR Hutu rebels and their Congolese army sidekicks.

After Patrick Karegeya turned traitor and went into self-imposed exile in SA, Zuma saw him as a godsend. Kikwete too was delighted. Karegeya had cultivated both men when he still was head of Rwandan external intelligence. They were close friends. His defecting seemed a boon to Zuma and Kikwete because, they seemed to think, they could use his knowhow of Rwandan security secrets and operations in positioning themselves as protectors to Congolese President Joseph Kabila who has a child’s bogeyman fear of Rwanda, imagining it behind every one of his problems.

Very soon the alliance of RNC (Karegeya, Kayumba) and Zuma/Kikwete was driving a lot of clandestine events, all geared to maximizing their personal wealth while maximizing trouble for Rwanda.

All that is reason for Zuma and his pal Kikwete to be engaged in much rearguard, sniping against Kagame and Rwanda.

International media becomes vehicle of misinformation on Rwanda

But what does the South African media have to gain by broadcasting and propagating the narrative which the corrupt Zuma exactly wants them to? Only they know.

Why is a good number of South African journalists willing to unquestioningly broadcast or publish stories handfed them by the RNC, for example the funny claim which originated from Frank Ntwali that Rwandan “military operative”, “Col.” Francis Gakwerere (he has never been a colonel, and he has been out of military service for several years now) had been arrested in Mozambique, in relation to the Karegeya murder?
Shyaka Kanuma (left) having lunch with Francis Gakwerere in Kigali in January, at a time many media were claiming the latter was under arrest in Mozambique. (courtesy photo)

That was around 16 in January. I got out my phone and dialed Gakwerere’s number. “What is this thing I hear that you’ve been arrested in Mozambique?” I asked him.

His response: “what am I to do? I do not control those media. They will say what they want!” I took him out for lunch and had pictures of us together taken and I tweeted them. That dispelled the rumors.

A foreign press that was too willing to disseminate misinformation which can easily ruin an individual’s life (Gakwerere’s), would find no compunction in jumping onto, and widely broadcasting/repeating the canard that the Rwandan president said he killed Karegeya.

I was in the audience at the Serena Hotel when President Kagame was addressing the prayer breakfast early in January where he purportedly said that. I did not hear Kagame say he killed Karegeya and I did not hear him say he ordered Karegeya killed. All I heard was him expressing satisfaction that such an enemy of Rwanda had met the end he did. All I heard him say was that Rwandans shouldn’t shy away from expressing happiness that such a traitor had died. All I heard was Kagame saying, “You cannot betray Rwanda and expect things will end well for you.” Maybe he was talking about karma. Maybe he was saying someone had put the hex on all Rwanda’s enemies. I was not in Kagame’s mind. But to say he said he killed Karegeya is totally false.

There are many possible scenarios to account for Patrick Karegeya’s death.

Rwanda indeed may have had a hand in his killing. After all he was fighting Rwanda and it wouldn’t be surprising if it fought back.

But the stronger possibility is that South African intelligence working with elements of the RNC eliminated him, and all their suspicious behavior may be a pointer to that. Nyamwasa himself, when one looks at it objectively, would have an interest in having his fellow fugitive wiped out. Looked at from Nyamwasa or even Zuma’s perspective, Karegeya was no longer very useful. The M23 was no longer in existence, hence his intelligence skills dealing with groups perceived to be backed by Rwanda such as they were, were no longer needed. In fact he had become a dangerous liability with his drinking and reckless womanizing and greed for piles of dollars; a man one never trusted was safe with the kind of information he had, at any time of the day, in any place. One other aspect of the Karegeya/Nyamwasa partnership that isn’t public knowledge is that the two had been internally fighting for RNC leadership and things were getting pretty vicious between them.

It may be a long time, if ever, before the truth of Karegeya’s killing is known.

But it is time for the activities of the South African security operatives and the RNC, to come under more intense scrutiny both locally, in South Africa, and internationally.

By Shyaka Kanuma . Twitter @ShyakaKanuma

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From: Charles Banda

News just coming in is that the security details and body guards at State House have started staging a sit in since 7 am this morning. The sit in is as a result of unpaid allowances and ill treatment at state house. As at 12:00 PM today, Mwapasa and Chisale from State House were at C-Company in Lilongwe recruiting replacement of the security details and body guards,soon after Mutharika was sworn in vowed never to trust Malawi police services thus why he hired 30 private bodygaurds who are currently enjoying at state house on police officers expense.Will keep you updated.

Meanwhile, there has been another terrible accident just after road block where a minibus has collided with a lorry. 5 people have died at the spot and others have been rushed to Kamuzu Central Hospital.


From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Since we begun this debate on Islamic State of Iraq (ISIS) rebels’ war in Iraq many of our readers have been touched. Many questions and clarifications keep on coming in. Cynthia from Siaya County for example, would like to know why ISIS rebels are only targeting Yazidis, Christians, and Shia Muslims.

Bob from Car Wash, Kisumu City would like to know the number of Catholics and dioceses in Iraq and why Yazidis are the mostly targeted group. These are good concerns and it demonstrates how people can be in solidarity when conflicts arise.

Dolores from Kibera writes: “Hello friends, when you read this News Dispatch and see the atrocities committed, let us raise our hearts on a daily rosary crusade, either as an individual or a group for the christians in Iraq and Syria. Raise your rosary towards heaven when starting and say; “With this rosary, I bind all sinners and all nations to the Immaculate heart of Mary- Happy rosary day”.

The reason why ISIS rebels are threatening, attacking, and murdering Yazidis, Christians, and Shi’a Muslims is because their religious ideals do not conform to theirs. The rebels are particularly against Yazidis belief that God governs the world through seven angels.

There are no official statistics on their numbers in Iraq but Yazidis say their population in Iraq alone exceeds 560,000. Yazidis have throughout history confronted several challenges including the fact that areas in which they inhabit lie within the “disputed lands” between the central Iraqi government and the Kurdistan government.

Muslims are split into two main branches, the Sunnis and Shias. The split originates in a dispute soon after the death of the Prophet Muhammad over who should lead the Muslim community. The great majority of Muslims are Sunnis – estimates suggest the figure is somewhere between 85 and 90 percent.

Sunni Muslims regard themselves as the orthodox and traditionalist branch of Islam. The word Sunni comes from “Ahl al-Sunna”, the people of the tradition. The tradition in this case refers to practices based on precedent or reports of the actions of the Prophet Muhammad and those close to him. Sunnis venerate all the prophets mentioned in the Koran, but particularly Muhammad as the final prophet. All subsequent Muslim leaders are seen as temporal figures.

Meanwhile, the Shia claimed the right of Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and his descendants to lead the Islamic community. Ali was killed as a result of intrigues, violence and civil wars which marred his caliphate.

His sons, Hassan and Hussein, were denied what they thought was their legitimate right of accession to caliphate. Hassan is believed to have been poisoned by Muawiyah, the first caliph (leader of Muslims) of the Umayyad dynasty.

His brother, Hussein, was killed on the battlefield along with members of his family, after being invited by supporters to Kufa (the seat of caliphate of Ali) where they promised to swear allegiance to him. These events gave rise to the Shia concept of martyrdom and the rituals of grieving.

Estimates of the number of Shia range from 120 to 170 million, roughly one-tenth of all Muslims. They are in the majority in Iran, Iraq, Bahrain, Azerbaijan and, according to some estimates, Yemen. There are large Shia communities in Afghanistan, India, Kuwait, Lebanon, Pakistan, Qatar, Syria, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

In countries that have been governed by Sunnis, Shias tend to make up the poorest sections of society. They often see themselves as victims of discrimination and oppression. Some extremist Sunni doctrines have preached hatred of Shias.

Kurds are an Indo-European people of the Iranian branch. Ethnically and linguistically they are most closely related to Iranians and have existed in Iraq since before the Arab-Islamic conquest. They are possibly descended from the ancient Corduene.

The majority of Kurds are Sunni Muslims, with Shia and Alevi Muslim minorities. There are also a significant number of adherents to native Kurdish/Iranian religions such

There are over 300,000 Catholics living in Iraq, just 0.95 percent of the total population. There is the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Baghdad. It has jurisdiction over three parishes of 2,500 Latin Rite Catholics who live throughout Iraq.

The diocese is immediately subject to the Holy See and operates alongside eleven Chaldean dioceses, two Syrian Catholic, one Greek-Melkite, and one Armenian Catholic diocese. The Archdiocese’s cathedral is the Cathedral of St. Joseph, located in Baghdad, Iraq, not to be confused with the Cathedral of St. Joseph located in Ankawa, Iraq. The ordinary is Bishop Jean Benjamin Sleiman, O.C.D.

The Chaldean Catholic Archeparchy of Mosul is an Eastern autonomous Catholic, located in the northern Iraqi city of Mosul. Its followers are ethnic Assyrians and speakers of Aramaic. The territory is subdivided in 12 parishes. The diocese of Mosul was elevated to Archeparchy of Mosul on February 14, 1967 by Pope Paul VI.

The ordinary was Mar Paulos Faraj Rahho until his death in early 2008. He was succeeded in November 2009 by Archbishop-elect Emi Shimoun Nona, who until his election and ratification had been a professor of anthropology at Babel College and a pastor and vicar general in the eparchy of Alqosh. As of 2012 the Papal Nuncio was Archbishop Francis Assisi Chullikatt, whose Apostolic Nunciature is the entire state of Iraq.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste


From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Brian from Kahawa Sukari, Nairobi writes: “Fr Omolo Beste thank you for your article you posted yesterday about Jihadist war in Iraq. I am particularly touched by the concern of the Holy Father Pope Francis. Yet, I am worried with your headline that it is almost impossible to stop this war. What is the reason for this war and why US is so interested in it? Do you think by firing Iraq Prime Minister is going to stop the war?”

Thank you for the question Brian. The Holy Father is concerned, considering that this war is targeting innocent people including children. According to National spokesman for Iraqi Christians and Chaldean-American businessman Mark Arabo, the “evil” being carried out by ISIS militants in Iraq now includes shocking beheadings of children. This warning graphic raw photo courtesy Catholic online is quite disturbing-WARNING GRAPHIC, RAW PHOTOS — ISIS on Christians.

ISIS Jihadists are systematically beheading children, and mothers and fathers. The world hasn’t seen an evil like this for a generation. This is crimes against humanity. The whole world should come together to condemn it. After killing the men ISIS militants are taking over their wives and their daughters and making them into their wives.

Christian homes have been the target. This makes the situation not very far from a Christian holocaust. They are absolutely killing every Christian they see. This is because the terrorists that have taken over parts of Iraq have been especially brutal to religious minorities—rounding up families, executing men, enslaving women, and threatening the systematic destruction of an entire religious community.

Yes Brian, the reason why I said this is a war which is almost impossible to stop is against the background that the violence in Iraq is being carried out by Jihadists who are not only having global network, but also growing in number rapidly.

Furthermore, the fact that the violence go back to the divisive policies of Saddam Hussein’s regime which had laid the seeds for political tension between the Shiite majority and the Sunni minority just give more hints why it is not an easy war.

The situation was made worse by the catastrophic management of Iraq by the US-led coalition forces after the 2003 invasion, a free-for-all struggle for power between Iraqi political groups, and the emergence of Al Qaeda-linked Sunni extremists.

The US thought that by destroying the old order, and by enabling Shiite Islamist parties to claim through free elections Iraq would be peaceful. This has turned the opposite. Islamist extremists among the dozens of Sunni insurgent groups began deliberately to target Shiite civilians. A bomb attack on a Shiite shrine in the town of Samarra in February 2006 triggered revenge attacks by Shiite militias, leading to open conflict in religiously mixed areas.

Some Sunni leaders want equal participation in central government. Others want majority-Sunni areas to become a federal, autonomous entity within Iraq. A minority of extremists wants a total war against Shiites.

This answers your second question as whether Iraq would be peaceful after firing beleaguered Prime Minister of Iraq, Nouri al-Maliki. The Iraq President thinks that he is the cause of this war due to what he believes is his wrong policies, especially his alienation of the Sunnis and dictatorial style of governance.

The most significant factor behind Iraq’s problems is not the Prime Minister. It is in fact the inability of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs and its Sunni neighbors to come to terms with a government in which the Shias, by virtue of their considerable majority in Iraq’s population, hold the leading role.

This inability was displayed early on, when Iraq’s Sunnis refused to take part in Iraq’s first parliamentary elections, and resorted to insurgency almost immediately after the U.S. invasion and fall of Saddam Hussein.

Your third question why U.S. is interested in Iraq has several reasons. It goes back to days U.S believed Iraq had developed and may have possessed weapons of mass destruction. Another reason for the U.S. declaring war on Iraq is its repeated violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions.

The government justifies the war by saying that since Iraq has violated Resolutions 660, 661, 678, 686, 687 and 688, and is currently violating Resolution 1441, which was passed fairly recently by the U.N. Security council, the U.S. would simply be ‘enforcing international laws by going to war to remove its regime.’ There is another school of thought that U.S. is interested in Iraq’s Oil.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Africa: U.S. Conventional Weapons Destruction in Africa Sets Stage for Peace and Development

From: U.S. Department of State
Fact Sheet
Bureau of Political-Military Affairs
August 11, 2014

Since 1993, the United States has partnered with 31 nations across the African continent to save lives and prevent injuries through conventional weapons destruction programs that safely clear landmines and unexploded ordnance in countries struggling to recover from armed conflict. The U.S. works with regional governments to dispose of excess small arms, light weapons, and munitions and secure remaining weapons stocks from potential diversion and illicit proliferation. Our $342 million investment in conventional weapons destruction across the African continent has saved lives as well as set the stage for humanitarian aid and development assistance.

Humanitarian Demining

U.S. support, along with support from our international partners, helped Nigeria and Burundi to declare themselves mine-free in 2011, and Uganda to declare itself landmine impact-free in 2012. With more than $53 million in U.S. aid, Mozambique, once among the world’s most landmine-affected nations, is also on track to declare itself mine-free by the end of next year.

Current U.S.-funded humanitarian demining programs include projects in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Mozambique, Senegal, Somalia, South Sudan, and Zimbabwe.
Securing Small Arms and Light Weapons

The U.S. Government assists African partners in securing or destroying surplus, obsolete, or poorly-secured conventional arms and ammunition, including man-portable air defense systems (MANPADS).

Since 2001, the United States has funded the destruction of over 250,000 small arms and light weapons (SA/LW), and the unique marking of over 350,000 more to improve tracking and accountability in 24 African nations.

The United States has invested $2.2 million to purchase weapons marking machines in support of the Regional Centre on Small Arms in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa (RECSA), a 15-nation regional initiative to address small arms proliferation. RECSA is based in Kenya and also works in Burundi, Central African Republic, the Republic of Congo, DRC, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Seychelles, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. RECSA has marked more than 350,000 SA/LW with this equipment, and Rwanda and Seychelles have finished marking all police equipment.

In the Sahel, the United States is working closely with Niger and other regional partners to address increased security challenges from SA/LW trafficking in the aftermath of the 2011 conflict in Libya. The United States has invested almost $1 million to help Niger right-size its SA/LW and munitions stockpile and improve physical security of arms storage sites, and plans to expand training and support efforts with countries in the region. These efforts will contribute to U.S. peace and security efforts through increased national capacity to secure SA/LW and work toward reductions of weapons available for illicit trafficking.
Since 1993, the United States has invested more than $2.3 billion in aid to more than 90 countries for conventional weapons destruction. To learn more about U.S. Conventional Weapons Destruction programs, including humanitarian demining, check out the latest edition of our annual report, To Walk the Earth in Safety.

For additional information, please contact the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs’ Office of Congressional and Public Affairs at

The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs, manages this site as a portal for information from the U.S. State Department.
External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.

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Africa: U.S. Orders Departure of Eligible Family Members from Liberia; Sending Additional Disease Specialists to Assist

From: U.S. Department of State
Press Statement
Marie Harf
Deputy Department Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
August 7, 2014

At the recommendation of the U.S. Embassy in Liberia, the State Department today ordered the departure from Monrovia of all eligible family members (EFMs) not employed by post in the coming days. The Embassy recommended this step out of an abundance of caution, following the determination by the Department’s Medical Office that there is a lack of options for routine health care services at major medical facilities due to the Ebola outbreak. We are reconfiguring the Embassy staff to be more responsive to the current situation. Our entire effort is currently focused on assisting U.S. citizens in the country, the Government of Liberia, international health organizations, local non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the Liberian people to deal with this unprecedented Ebola outbreak.

We remain deeply committed to supporting Liberia and regional and international efforts to strengthen the capacity of the Liberian health care infrastructure and system – specifically, their capacity to contain and control the transmission of the Ebola virus, and deliver health care. Additional staff from various government agencies including 12 disease prevention specialists from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and a 13-member Disaster Assistance Response Team from USAID are deploying to Liberia to assist the Liberian Government in addressing the Ebola outbreak.

The Office of Website Management, Bureau of Public Affairs, manages this site as a portal for information from the U.S. State Department.
External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.

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Africa’s Food Security: Bags2Bulk Project Will Enhance Zambia’s Food Security Through Improved Grain Storage and Reduced Post-Harvest Losses

From: News Release – African Press Organization (APO)

With 80% of Zambia’s maize produced by smallholder farmers, there is significant demand for improved grain storage facilities

LUSAKA, Zambia, August 7, 2014/ — AGCO (Your Agriculture Company, NYSE:AGCO) (, a worldwide manufacturer and distributor of agricultural equipment, has launched a partnership with Feed the Future Partnering for Innovation (a US Agency for International Development-funded program) to reduce post-maize harvest losses and improve grain handling in Zambia.


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The new Bags2Bulk project will see AGCO and it partners, GSI Africa, Musika and Ybema Grain Services, introduce and sell 40 metal storage silos at grain trader level benefitting 12,000 smallholder farmers. In the first of several product demonstrations scheduled for Zambia’s Central and Eastern Provinces, more than 75 grain traders recently attended a roadshow in Mkushi to view the silos in action.

“With 80% of Zambia’s maize produced by smallholder farmers, there is significant demand for improved grain storage facilities,” says Nuradin Osman, AGCO Director Operations Africa and Middle East. “These producers primarily use recycled bags for storage, and it is estimated that 30% of grain is lost post-harvest as a result of rot, rodent and insect damage. The bulk silos, manufactured under AGCO’s GSI brand, will enable smallholder farms and traders to safely store larger quantities of maize in order to maintain grain quality. Added to this is the potential for them to make sales at a later date when prices may be more advantageous.”

Bags2Bulk is the first partnership between AGCO and Feed the Future, the US Government’s global hunger and food security initiative led by USAID. Feed the Future Partnering for Innovation, a program under this initiative, funds off-the-shelf technologies to increase smallholder productivity and competitiveness.

Along with the supply of 2.5-500 tonne capacity silos, the scope of Bags2Bulk includes provision of product training and demonstrations, marketing and the facilitation of finance.

AGCO’s consortium of operational partners for Bags2Bulk includes GSI Africa, distributor for GSI grain storage and handling technology in Zambia; Musika, a Not For Profit Company which works to stimulate private sector investment in the smallholder market, and Ybema Grain Services, an accredited grain trader.

Distributed by APO (African Press Organization) on behalf of AGCO Corporation.

Press contact:
Louisa Parker
Manager Institutional Funding & Stakeholder
Relations, Africa & Middle East
Tel: +44 02476852001

About AGCO
AGCO (NYSE: AGCO) ( is a global leader in the design, manufacture and distribution of agricultural machinery. AGCO supports more productive farming through a full line of tractors, combines, hay tools, sprayers, forage equipment, grain storage and protein production systems, tillage implements and replacement parts. AGCO products are sold through five core machinery brands, Challenger®, Fendt®, GSI®, Massey Ferguson® and Valtra® and are distributed globally through approximately 3,100 independent dealers and distributors in more than 140 countries worldwide. Founded in 1990, AGCO is headquartered in Duluth, GA, USA. In 2013, AGCO had net sales of $10.8 billion.

AGCO Corporation


From: Juma Mzuri

The SADC Ministerial Committee of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (MCO) meeting in Swakopmund, Namibia, noted with grave concern the blatant and disproportionate attacks against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, by the State of Israel which has resulted in the deaths and suffering of defenseless Palestinian civilians, mostly women, children and the elderly.

The SADC MCO supports the resolution adopted by the United Nations Human Rights Council on 23 July 2014, which, inter alia, called for an independent investigation into the unwarranted atrocities committed by the Israeli forces against the civilian population of Gaza which may be in violation of humanitarian law and international law principles. The SADC MCO condemns the indiscriminate Israeli bombardment from land, air and sea and the killing of hundreds of innocent civilians.

The SADC MCO further condemns the deliberate and systematic targeting and willful destruction of hospitals, schools, mosques, houses and other critical civilian infrastructures.

The SADC MCO therefore calls for an immediate ceasefire and for the Government of Israel and the Hamas to engage in a monitored dialogue. The Government of Israel and the Hamas are further urged to cooperate with the United Nations Secretary General and others, in their efforts to facilitate a ceasefire and to allow for unfettered humanitarian assistance to reach the wounded and all those in need.

The SADC MCO reaffirms the SADC peoples’ unflinching solidarity with the Palestinian people in their quest to realize their right to self-determination and an independent state of their own, living in peace, side-by-side, with the state of Israel.

Ukraine-related Sanctions; Publication of Executive Order 13662 Sectoral Sanctions Identifications List

From: Yona Maro


?Today, OFAC is introducing the Sectoral Sanctions Identifications List to identify persons operating in sectors of the Russian economy identified by the Secretary of the Treasury pursuant to Executive Order 13662. Directives found within the list describe prohibitions on dealings with the persons identified.

Specially Designated Nationals List Update

In addition, the following individuals have been added to OFAC’s SDN List:

BESEDA, Sergey (a.k.a. BESEDA, Sergei; a.k.a. BESEDA, Sergei Orestovoch); DOB 1954; Commander of the Fifth Service of the FSB; Commander of the Service for Operational Information and International Communications of the FSB; FSB Colonel General; Colonel-General (individual) [UKRAINE2].

BORODAI, Aleksandr (a.k.a. BORODAI, Alexander); DOB 25 Jul 1972; nationality Russia (individual) [UKRAINE].

NEVEROV, Sergei Ivanovich (a.k.a. NEVEROV, Sergei; a.k.a. NEVEROV, Sergey); DOB 21 Dec 1961; POB Tashtagol, Russia; Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation; Member of the State Duma Committee on Housing Policy and Housing and Communal Services (individual) [UKRAINE2].

SAVELYEV, Oleg Genrikhovich; DOB 27 Oct 1965; POB St. Petersburg, Russia; Minister for Crimean Affairs (individual) [UKRAINE2].

SHCHEGOLEV, Igor (a.k.a. SHCHYOGOLEV, Igor Olegovich); DOB 10 Nov 1965; POB Vinnitsa, Ukraine; alt. POB Vinnytsia, Ukraine; Aide to the President of the Russian Federation (individual) [UKRAINE2].

The following entities have been added to OFAC’s SDN List:



FEODOSIYA ENTERPRISE (a.k.a. FEODOSIA OIL PRODUCTS SUPPLY CO.; a.k.a. FEODOSIYA ENTERPRISE ON PROVIDING OIL PRODUCTS; a.k.a. FEODOSIYSKE COMPANY FOR THE OIL; a.k.a. THEODOSIYA OIL TERMINAL), Feodosiya, Geologicheskaya str. 2, Crimea 98107, Ukraine; Feodosia, Str. Geological 2, Crimea 98107, Ukraine [UKRAINE].

JOINT STOCK COMPANY CONCERN RADIO-ELECTRONIC TECHNOLOGIES (a.k.a. CONCERN RADIO-ELECTRONIC TECHNOLOGIES; a.k.a. ‘KRET’), 20/1 Korp. 1 ul. Goncharnaya, Moscow 109240, Russia; Website; Registration ID 1097746084666 [UKRAINE2].

JOINT STOCK COMPANY CONCERN SOZVEZDIE (a.k.a. JSC CONCERN SOZVEZDIE), 14 Plekhanovskaya Street, Voronezh, Russia; 14 ul. Plekhanovskaya, Voronezh, Voronezhskaya obl. 394018, Russia; Registration ID 1053600445337 [UKRAINE2].




KONSTRUKTORSKOE BYURO PRIBOROSTROENIYA OTKRYTOE AKTSIONERNOE OBSHCHESTVO (a.k.a. INSTRUMENT DESIGN BUREAU; a.k.a. JSC KBP INSTRUMENT DESIGN BUREAU; a.k.a. KBP INSTRUMENT DESIGN BUREAU; a.k.a. KBP INSTRUMENT DESIGN BUREAU JOINT STOCK COMPANY; a.k.a. ‘KBP OAO’), 59 Shcheglovskaya Zaseka ul., Tula 300001, Russia; Website; Email Address; Registration ID 1117154036911 (Russia); Government Gazette Number 07515747 (Russia) [UKRAINE2].


URALVAGONZAVOD (a.k.a. NAUCHNO-PROIZVODSTVENNAYA KORPORATSIYA URALVAGONZAVOD OAO; a.k.a. NPK URALVAGONZAVOD; a.k.a. NPK URALVAGONZAVOD OAO; a.k.a. OJSC RESEARCH AND PRODUCTION CORPORATION URALVAGONZAVOD; a.k.a. RESEARCH AND PRODUCTION CORPORATION URALVAGONZAVOD; a.k.a. RESEARCH AND PRODUCTION CORPORATION URALVAGONZAVOD OAO; a.k.a. URALVAGONZAVOD CORPORATION; a.k.a. ‘UVZ’), 28, Vostochnoye shosse, Nizhni Tagil, Sverdlovsk region 622007, Russia; 28 Vostochnoe shosse, Nizhni Tagil, Sverdlovskaya oblast 622007, Russia; 40, Bolshaya Yakimanka Street, Moscow 119049, Russia; Vistochnoye Shosse, 28, Nizhny Tagil 622007, Russia; Website; alt. Website; Email Address [UKRAINE2].

Sectoral Sanctions Identifications List Update

The following entities have been added to OFAC’s Sectoral Sanctions Identifications List:

GAZPROMBANK OAO (a.k.a. GAZPROMBANK GAS INDUSTRY OJSC; a.k.a. GAZPROMBANK OJSC; a.k.a. GAZPROMBANK OPEN JOINT STOCK COMPANY; a.k.a. GAZPROMBANK OTKRYTOE AKTSIONERNOE OBSHCHESTVO; a.k.a. GPB, OAO; a.k.a. GPB, OJSC), 16, Building 1, Nametkina St., Moscow 117420, Russia; 63, Novocheremushkinskaya St., Moscow 117418, Russia; SWIFT/BIC GAZPRUMM; Website; Email Address; Registration ID 1027700167110; Tax ID No. 7744001497; Government Gazette Number 09807684 [UKRAINE-EO13662].

OAO NOVATEK (a.k.a. FINANSOVO-INVESTITSIONNAYA KOMPANIYA NOVAFININVEST OAO; a.k.a. NOVATEK), 2, Udaltsova Street, Moscow 119415, Russia; 22 A, Pobedy Street, Tarko-Sale, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District 629580, Russia; 22a Pobedy ul., Tarko-Sale, Purovski raion, Tyumenskaya Oblast 629850, Russia; Email Address; Registration ID 1026303117642 (Russia); Government Gazette Number 33556474 (Russia) [UKRAINE-EO13662].

OPEN JOINT-STOCK COMPANY ROSNEFT OIL COMPANY (a.k.a. OAO ROSNEFT OIL COMPANY; a.k.a. OIL COMPANY ROSNEFT; a.k.a. OJSC ROSNEFT OIL COMPANY; a.k.a. ROSNEFT; a.k.a. ROSNEFT OIL COMPANY), 26/1 Sofiyskaya Embankment, Moscow 115035, Russia; Website; alt. Website; Email Address; Registration ID 1027700043502 (Russia); Tax ID No. 7706107510 (Russia); Government Gazette Number 00044428 (Russia) [UKRAINE-EO13662].


Yona Fares Maro

Institut d’études de sécurité – SA


An historical feature By Leo Odera Omolo Omolo

CONTRARY to the belief by many Luos that our founding President Jomo Kenyatta was always nursing a deeply rooted hate for the members of the Luo community, the late Kenyatta was at peace with the Luos like he was with any other Kenyan communities.

In fact Kenyatta was very much fond of Luo talents and their administrative prowess. He always talked good about several academic giants of the community who had excelled in their academics fields and professionals. In order to justify this claim Kenyatta secretly ordered the release of the jailed former Permanent Secretary – – to be released prematurely before he completed his four years prison terms, and instructed him to stay out of sight of the public and to stay at his rural home not to appear anywhere in public until after the remaining period of his prison term were over.

Aloys Philip Achieng’ was the Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Fisheries when he was accused of stealing from the public, convicted and sentenced to four years imprisonment. Achieng’ had taken out of his Ministry some money in the form of impress. The cash money was around kshs 70,000..

During his trial Achieng’s defense lawyer had produced documentation before the court showing that Achieng’ had already surrendered the impress money back to the Ministry. But the prosecution and the trial magistrate would not hear of this. They went on and convicted Achieng’ and consigned him to a four year prison terms.

What later transpired was that Achieng’ who was a confidant of the late Tom Mboya was the victim of a vicious circles comprising of anti-Mboya elements within the government. Mboya had died in the hails of bullets fired by an assassin in a Nairobi street on JULY 5, 1969 and his enemies were hell-bent to ensure that all his influence within and outside the government were routed completely.

After serving his prison terms for about one and half year, the information which filtered out of the Kamiti Maximum security prison was that Achieng’ was seriously down with a combined diabetic and high blood pressure and wad gradually loosing his eye sight..

When the information about Achieng’s poor state of health in prison reached South Nyanza district, a group of his friends hurriedly convened an emergency meting to find the best way possible how they could lend him a helping hand.

Most of those who attended the meeting were senior Chiefs, civic leaders relatives and top businessmen. Members of this elites were people who were personally known to President Jomo Kenyatta some of them at persona level. The group quickly resolved to draft a petition letter to president Kenyatta requesting for his personal intervention in Achieng’s case and to see to it that he was provided with a good medical doctor.

Members of this hastily organized group included Senior chief DAMIAJNUS ajwang’ {Gembe|}, senior Chief Samuel Odoyo {Kanyaea} Senior Chief Zephania Malit {Karachuonyo}, Civic leaders were councilor Wilson Lando {Ndhiwa}, Counc. George Joseph Bonga {Karachuonyo}also in attendance wete two prominent businessmen in the region, Rakwach Ochila {Lambwe} and Mzee Alfred Ogwago Opiyo {Karachuonyo}

A letter petitioning Kenyatta wad drafted and the Rift Valley P.C Isaiyah Mathenge who had served in South Nyanza as a D.C was chosen as the potential conduit for the purpose of delivery of this petition to President Kenyatta while this writer was appointed an emissary who was to deliver the letter to Mathenge at his Nakuru P.C.’s Office..

On the very day this letter was delivered to Mathenge who in turn handed it over to Kenyatta only after gauging out the President’s mood that evening. The delivery was made after the old man had enjoyed cultural and traditional dances performed by Nyakinyua women traditional Kikuyu dancers from Subukia and Rongai

Within the next two days, Achieng’ was summoned by the PRISON COMMANDER AT Kamiuti and told to get ready of going home. tHe former PS was to tall friends year latter that he could believed what he was hearing and the news came to him like a dream. The same morning he was airlifted by the Police Airwing fronm Wilson Airport in Nairobi Nairobi to Kabunde Aerodrome near Homa-Bay town..The plane touched down in the ,id-morning and there he was whisked out of sight of everyone around snd placed in a police van which drove him to his k0ochia Karamul village home about ten kilometer in the southeast of Homa-Bay town.

The next day a team of workers from the MOW visited his home to carry out a thorough renovation work on his house. President Kenyatta coughed out his personal money to the tune of Kshs 20,000. Achieng’ instructed him not to appear anywhere in public place, market place, or by the main road until after the time when his prison terms are over. Kenyatta later helped Achieng’ financially, which enable him win the a Parliamentary seat the larger Homa-Bay constituency in 1974.

For the whole duration of the period when Achieng’ was confined into his own home this writer acted as an emissary delivering messages from Achieng’ to President Kemnyata.

It was during these exercises that I learnt that Kenyatta only ideologically disagreed with his former Vice President and a close friend Jaramgi Oginga Odinga, and not the entire members of the Luo community. He loved the talent and used to speak well of the two Luo academic giants in the name of Prof; David Wasawo and Prof Alan Bethwell Bethwell Ogot, Dr William Odongo Omamo and George King Omolo George King a perfet English speaker and an educationist who had acted as English interpreter during his in famous Kapenguria trial of 1953.

Aloys Philiph Achieng’’ was a multi-talented person who was also a pilot and a sharp shooter as well as a Makarere trained fisheries spevialist.

He once shot and killed a rougue bull Hipo which was causing havoc in Mzee Kenyatta’s farm near Ruiru town. But their relations was cemented down when the emperor HAILIE Salessie of Ethiopia came visiting Kenya on a State Visit.

Kenyatta, according to Achieng’s testimony several years later was told the Emperor loved feeding ann Guinea fawls and not chicken and Jomo instructed Achieng’s with a daunting task of looking for several Guinea Fowls. The former PS moved to Kadiado with a shot guns and sh0t dead six guinea fowls. When be brought the dead birds to State House, Nairobi, Kenyatta told him that the Emperor cannot feed himself on dead birds. Achieng’s got disturbed and wondered as to where he could find the live guinea fowls. Fortunately one European resident of kilimani was breeding guinea fowls in his compound. Acieng’s visited the man and secured six live birds for which he paid dearly and brought them to Stte House amd this pleased mzee Kenyatta very much who praised him lavishly for his effort. This became the beginning of the friendship bond between the two men.

The obediency and the bond of friendship between Achieng’ and Mzees later to pay him handsomely.



Writes Leo Odera Omolo.

The Kenyan press reported this morning that three police officer and two security guards escorting close to Kshs 78 million from a commercial bank located in the suburb of the city of Nairobi disappeared with the largest amount of money last night.

The police have mounted one of the biggest man-hunts for their missing colleagues and the colossal amount of money.

The officials at the Central BANK OF Kenya where the money was being taken to were quoted as saying that the money was still in transit therefore did not belong to them until it is safely delive5ed to them.

The incident is the latest in which huge sums of cash money in transit has gone missing in Kenya. In 2012 more than Kshs 40 million, which was in transit from NAIROBI TO THE South Sudan capita, juba went missing in similar circumstances.

The money was part of the USD 500,000 of cash collected at the Kenya commercial Bank, Moi Avenue, Nairobi.

In the same year, 2012 another large sum went missing after the police escorting guards transporting the cash from the Western Kenya towns of Busia and Kisumu abandoned the vehicle mysteriously by the roadside and disappeared with no trace.

The CENTRAL bank of Kenya has recently devised the new method of safe delivery of bank from the inter-bank transactions, but the situation has remained unchanged as the latest heist attracted the persons entrusted with the escorting and safe custody of the cash are the one who in turn disappeared with it.


Ever-calm Tanzania hits turbulence

From: Abdalah Hamis


Tanzania has always been the calmest of the East African triplets, with Kenya and Uganda the more chaotic, and more politically tumultous, respectively. Every few years, usually tying in with the electoral cycle, Kenya dissolves into ethnic violence to one extent or the other.

People are killed by their fellow citizens, some flee into exile in Tanzania, and eventually the Tanzanians get tired of all the noise next door and send their president to help negotiate peace in Nairobi.

Uganda is not much better. Blessed or cursed, depending on your perspective, with a stable but boringly long Museveni presidency, our Kampala kin are far less political than Kenyans, but far more cynical.

Seemingly united

Opposition and government in Uganda tend to emanate from more or less the same Western Uganda tribes that President Museveni is a member of, and which have complicated serf-ruler tribal arrangements not dissimilar to the poisonous historical associations between Hutus and Tutsis in nearby Rwanda and Burundi.

This has ensured that Uganda, like Kenya, exists in a permanent state of political crisis: Museveni is forever either dishing out money to “cadres” to support his quest for another presidential term in 2016, or locking up one or other opposition leader for daring to breathe and dream of a truly free Uganda.

And so East Africans have always looked to Tanzania – poor but peaceful Tanzania – for an example of a country that is truly a nation, seemingly united in purpose, calm and collected, and working slowly towards making good use of its massive natural endowments. They have uranium, gold, diamonds, gas, oil, farmland, peaceful people, name it.

They also have one of the most mature, unspoken governing agreements in Africa: a Christian president is always succeeded by a Muslim, and vice versa.

It has been stable, and good going for the Wandugu. Until now. Tanzanians, like other Africans, have decided that their constitution is no longer sufficient for their needs.

They agitated for a constitutional review, and President Jakaya Kikwete agreed. And then it all went south from there. First, Tanzanians could not agree on how many levels of government they wanted to have. Thus far, Tanzania has been run by a two-tier government – a union government running the whole country, alongside an autonomous Zanzibar government.

Massive corruption

Tanganyika, the bit of Tanzania minus Zanzibar, thinks this is unfair, so Tanganyika leaders have proposed a three-tier government, with autonomous governments each for Tanganyika and Zanzibar, and a union government to run the two together.

The likely costs of this arrangement have created opposition, and Zanzibar wants to break away in order to control more of the gas and oil revenues it is expecting from the many gas finds around the island.

Throw in President Kikwete’s demand that civil servants should be banned from earning extra income apart from their salaries, the open conflict within the ruling party’s leading Christian figures – one of who will be elected to succeed President Kikwete – and the emergence of a divisive figure.

And former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa, as the frontrunner to succeed Kikwete despite allegations of massive corruption against him, and Tanzania is suddenly looking at some rather unwelcoming headlines.

Misery loves company, though, and Kenyans will quietly be smiling that they are not alone with Uganda in being the political pariahs of the region.

Read more at:

An appeal to the Quartet on the Middle East to sack Tony Blair

From: Yona Maro

This Friday, 27 June, will mark the seven-year anniversary of Tony Blair’s appointment as the Quartet representative to the Middle East. We, the undersigned, urge you to remove him with immediate effect as a result of his poor performance in the role, and his legacy in the region as a whole.

We, like many, are appalled by Iraq’s descent into a sectarian conflictthat threatens its very existence as a nation, as well as the security of its neighbours. We are also dismayed, however, at Tony Blair’s recent attempts to absolve himself of any responsibility for the current crisis byisolating it from the legacy of the Iraq war.

In reality, the invasion and occupation of Iraq had been a disaster long before the recent gains made by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. The sectarian conflict responsible for much of the war’s reprehensible human cost was caused in part by the occupying forces’ division of the country’s political system along sectarian lines.

In order to justify the invasion, Tony Blair misled the British people by claiming that Saddam Hussein had links to al-Qaida. In the wake of recent events it is a cruel irony for the people of Iraq that perhaps the invasion’s most enduring legacy has been the rise of fundamentalist terrorism in a land where none existed previously.

We believe that Mr Blair, as a vociferous advocate of the invasion, must accept a degree of responsibility for its consequences.

The occupied Palestinian territories represent another tragic failure of western engagement in the Middle East.

It is our view that, after seven years, Mr Blair’s achievements as envoy are negligible, even within his narrow mandate of promoting Palestinian economic development. Furthermore, the impression of activity created by his high-profile appointment has hindered genuine progress towards a lasting peace.

Seven years on there are still over 500 checkpoints and roadblocks in the West Bank. The Gaza Strip, severely damaged by Israel’s 2009 bombing, remains in a humanitarian crisis, with 80% of its population reliant on foreign aid for survival. Israel continues to build settlements that are illegal under international law. According to the Palestinian Authority’s former chief negotiator, Nabil Shaath, Tony Blair has “achieved so very little because of his gross efforts to please the Israelis.”

It is also our view that Tony Blair’s conduct in his private pursuits also calls into question his suitability for the role. Mr Blair has been widely criticised for a lack of transparency in the way he organises his business dealings and personal finances, and for blurring the lines between his public position as envoy and his private roles at Tony Blair Associates and the investment bank JPMorgan Chase.

With the current impasse in negotiations, it is time to rethink international engagement on the Israel-Palestine question. Alongside our call for you to remove Tony Blair as the Quartet special envoy, we are urging members of the public who feel the same way to sign the petition via the campaign website,


Mamdouh Aker, Palestinian Independent Commission for Human Rights
Mourid Barghouti, Palestinian writer and poet
Crispin Blunt MP, Conservative party
Professor Noam Chomsky, professor emeritus, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Sir Richard Dalton, former UK ambassador to Libya and Iran
Professor Hani Faris, University of British Columbia
George Galloway MP, Respect party
Jeff Halper, director, Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions
Ken Livingstone, former mayor of London
Christopher Long, former UK ambassador to Egypt
Caroline Lucas MP, former leader of the Green party
Michael Mansfield QC, barrister
John McDonnell MP, Labour party
Sir Oliver Miles, former UK ambassador to Libya
Peter Oborne, writer and journalist
Professor Ilan Pappé, Israeli historian, University of Exeter
Rt Hon Clare Short, former secretary of state for International Development
Baroness Tonge, independent Liberal Democrat peer
Tom Watson MP, former defence minister, Labour party

Tony Blair’s office has responded as follows:

“These are all people viscerally opposed to Tony Blair with absolutely no credibility in relation to him whatsoever. Their attack is neither surprising nor newsworthy. They include the alliance of hard right and hard left views which he has fought against all his political life. Of course he completely disagrees with them over the Middle East. He believes passionately in the two-state solution, but also believes that can only be achieved by a negotiation with Israel.

“The truth, and anybody who knows anything about the situation in respect of Palestine knows this, is that transformational change is impossible unless it goes hand in hand with a political process. There was hope that this could progress with the recent US-led talks which were underpinned by a hugely ambitious economic plan spearheaded by Mr Blair.

“Mr Blair has done no work for JPMorgan in the Middle East – he is the chair of their International Advisory Council – where he provides advice on global political issues.”

Yona Fares Maro

Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Energy Access and Security in Eastern Africa – Status and Enhancement Pathways

From: Yona Maro

A report by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), which assesses the state of energy access and security in 14 States of the Eastern Africa Region by employing energy access and security assessment methodologies was launched on 10th June in Kigali, Rwanda.

The report entitled “Energy Access and Security in Eastern Africa – Status and Enhancement Pathways” investigates on issues of energy technology, energy resources governance, energy and the environment, energy trade and the impact of energy on the macro-economy. It also reviews, in depth, the issues of energy access and security based on regional analysis, and case studies of Ethiopia, Tanzania, South Sudan and Uganda. It suggests pertinent recommendations on enhancing the state of energy access and security in the sub-region.

The share of the population with access to electricity in Eastern Africa is among the lowest globally. The report cites for example, that in South Sudan, a mere 1 percent of the population has access; in Burundi 2 percent; in DR Congo 9 percent; and in Uganda 12 percent. The regional access level of 27% is also below the level for middle-income countries (a policy aspiration of member States) of 82%. “Structural transformation aspiration of member States will need to overcome the energy access bottleneck impairing the pace of industrial development,” the report says.

The report further notes that due to limited progress in transition from traditional biomass as a main source of energy, since 1990 there has been a forest stock decline of 20% in Ethiopia, Somalia and Tanzania, nearly 40% in Uganda and Burundi and between 4-8% in DR Congo, Eritrea, Kenya and Madagascar, leading to household energy challenges.

Reflecting on energy security in the petroleum sub-sector, the report highlights that the region nearly exclusively relies on imported refined petroleum, with declining regional refining capacity and increasing consumption levels (increased by 63% in the last decade). Oil import is now taking a large share of GDP in member States, diverting financial resources from development. The needs for a regional and country framework on energy security management are discussed.

Yohannes Hailu, the Economic Affairs Officer in Charge of Energy at UNECA. “Energy trade with neighboring countries and regionally is an untapped opportunity in Eastern Africa” “Countries in the region which have the capacity to generate more power, given their energy resource potential, should increasingly look at regional energy trade opportunities that would mutually benefit all the economies of the region.” he added.

Hailu further noted that regional opportunities for energy sector development would have to be supplemented by greater efforts at the country level to develop indigenous energy resources, along with a national strategy and framework for energy security management.


From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
MONDAY, JUNE 23, 2040

Amos from Westlands, Nairobi writes: “Dear Fr. Joachim, tension is building around the country. Our leaders are not doing us justice. I would urge the President to take leadership to a new level and avoid statements like the ones he gave after the attack in Mpeketoni. In some parts of Kiambu, Naivasha, Molo, Nakuru a certain community was being told to vacate.

Now that Alshabab has continued to claim responsibility in the attack and have said they are posting a video of the attack, will our leaders rescind their negative ethnic statements and unite the country? This country will burn if we are not careful and badly. Let us spread message of unity and peace. Our Media is also very reckless showing raw materials and ethnic incitements. Poor Us!!!!!!!

Standard- has reported that the US and the UK insist the recent killings in Mpeketoni were a terror attack and not politically instigated, contradicting President Uhuru Kenyatta’s earlier statement. At the same time, the US announced it is relocating some of its staff in Nairobi to other countries following perpetual security threats. What is your take?’

Thank you Amos. I think the report by the US and UK is the correct one because even Al-Shabab has said it carried out the attack in order to take revenge on Kenya for the presence of its troops in Somalia, where they are battling the militants, as well as for the killing of radical clerics linked to al-Shabab in the port city of Mombasa.

It could also be that local Somalis and Oromos who claim the area as their ancestral home are trying to drive out Kikuyus, who they see as interlopers in Mpketoni. Reacting to the president Uhuru’s father for having illegally giving the area to his ethnic Kikuyus in the 1960s.

It is not only US and UK, even the opposition politicians have dismissed the president’s statement as a “joke”. President Kenyatta up to now has not named the local political group he was accusing.

This brings us to speculations that President Kenyatta would want to downplay the al-Shabab angle in order to try and protect Kenya’s embattled tourist industry and also to enable him to send security services of his choice in Lamu County.

Robert writes via iPad: “Fr Beste I read your article why President Uhuru will not implement Truth Justice and Reconciliation recommendations. Is it one of the reasons why he is not willing to have national dialogue?”

Robert, yes you are also right. Truth Justice and Reconciliation and National Dialogue demanded by CORD are similar. In 2008 I managed to capture what IDPs themselves demanded from President Mwai Kibaki concerning the need for dialogue, reconciliation and healing in Kenya-click here to read the article- Government undersiege as they forcefully resettle IDPs.

When the Government of Kenya began resettling more than 10,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in 2008, thousands of them who had been camping at the Nakuru Agricultural Society of Kenya (ASK) show ground, pleaded with Kibaki that his Government should have reconciled them with the neighbouring communities first instead of rushing to resettle them.

They said it was necessary for dialogue, reconciliation which would open the way for healing. Mzee Ibrahim Githatwa, 76, was among the IDPs who vowed never to go back to Keringet in Kuresoi where he had lived since the 1942 but was forcefully told to leave the premises.

Mzee Githatwa and a father of 13 children had also suffered a great deal under President Moi’s regime. During Moi he lost seven houses in the 1992 ethnic violence. Even after he could manage, together with some of his children to build five houses, they again got burnt down his house during the post-election violence.

The 13 farms where some IDPs were told to reallocate, including Sirikwa, Kiambogo, Githirika, Muthenji, Nyota, Kangawa and Lagwenda, Sasumua, Willa, Muchorwe, Karirikania, Kadonye and Nyaruai have history of violence every five years when they have general elections.

These are some of the areas that have been the scene of periodic violence since 1992. The land dispute around these areas, especially in Molo and Kuresoi is between the Kalenjin, Kikuyu and Kisii.

According to the annexes to the Ndung’u land dispute report released in 2004 the families of former presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi feature prominently in the list of prominent high ranking politicians and people who matter in Kenya government as those who have grabbed public land that was recommended for repossession.

If the government were to take action it would mean that names of all those who have been irregularly allocated public land in urban areas, settlement schemes, forests and reserves, with Moi alone owning 937 hectare farm in Narok hived off Trans Mara Forest be repossessed, then this would at least solve some of the land problems in the country.

The problem would even be more resolved if the government were to go by the Ndungu recommendation that allocation of various parcels to Mama Ngina Kenyatta be revoked. It includes 38 hectares hived off the Kikuyu Escarpment Forest in Kiambu District in 1965, including another 36 hectares in Thika District from the same Kikuyu Escarpment forest allocated to her in 1980 for farming, which Ndungu also recommended to be reclaimed, as well as another 24 hectare parcel allocated in 1993.

Among the cabinet ministers, judges and top soldiers listed to be among beneficiaries of settlement schemes carved out of Agricultural Development Corporation farms include then minister of State William ole Ntimama, assistant minister Kipkalya Kones, Court of Appeal Judge Emmanuel O’Kubasu and deputy chief of general staff, Lt Gen Nick Leshan.

Mr Ntimama was allocated 34 acres of Moi Ndabi Farm where Mr Leshan got 233 acres. Mr Kones got 145 acres in the Agricultural Development Corporation Sirikwa scheme where the average allocations were five acres, according to the report. Mr Justice O’Kubasu got 40 acres. Other according to the report include retired Judge Mbito who was allocated 50 acres.

The report recommended that former Lands and Settlement minister Jackson Angaine’s 900 hectares of land hived off from Mount Kenya forest in 1975 and 1977. If taken seriously, Ndung’u report would mean that many individual Kenyans who illegally acquired land would lose them.

Against background that constitutional review to address fundamental issues of land tenure and land use. The development and implementation of land policies, national land use policy and enactment of attendant legislations.

Land laws was to be harmonised into one statute to reduce multiple allocations of title deeds. Land ownership document replacement for owners affected by post-election violence, development of a national land use master plan, taking into account environmental considerations.

Land reform transformation unit in the ministry of lands to facilitate the implementation of the land reform programme as outlined in the national land use policy. Strengthen local-level mechanisms for sustainable land rights administration and management.

Finalise the land dispute tribunal act. Land reform process was to be factored in the constitutional review process within 12 months.

On Truth Justice and Reconciliation, the Commission recommended that between 1963 and 1978 when President Jomo Kenyatta presided over a government that was responsible for numerous gross violations of human rights, justice and reconciliation would focus on Shifta War, killings, torture, collective punishment and denial of basic needs (food, water and health care).

Political assassinations of Pio Gama Pinto, Tom Mboya and J.M. Kariuki; arbitrary detention of political opponents and activists; and illegal and irregular acquisition of land by the highest government officials and their political allies.

Under Moi it would involve massacres; unlawful detentions, and systematic and widespread torture and ill-treatment of political and human rights activists. Assassinations, including of Dr. Robert Ouko; Illegal and irregular allocations of land; and economic crimes and grand corruption.

Under Kibaki the report recommended that it would focus on unlawful detentions, torture and ill-treatment; assassinations and extra judicial killings; and economic crimes and grand corruption, including Anglo Leasing scandals.

The Commission found that historical grievances over land constitute the single most important driver of conflicts and ethnic tension in Kenya. Close to 50 percent of statements and memorandum received by the Commission related to or touched on claims over land.

The Commission also found that minority groups and indigenous people suffered state sanctioned systematic discrimination during the mandate period (1963- 2008). In particular, minority groups have suffered discrimination in relation to political participation and access to national identity cards. Other violations that minority groups and indigenous people have suffered include: collective punishment; and violation of land rights and the right to development.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
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USA, Dpt.o. State: W. Stuart Symington TravelS to Bangui, Central African Republic

From: U.S. Department of StateMedia Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
June 21, 2014

U.S. Special Representative for the Central African Republic W. Stuart Symington travelled to Bangui, Central African Republic, from June 17-21. Special Representative Symington’s visit to the Central African Republic reflects the U.S. government’s continued high-level commitment to restoring stability and security for the people of the Central African Republic, while promoting accountability, reconciliation, and democratic governance.

During his stay in Bangui, Special Representative Symington consulted closely with officials from the transitional government and the Transitional National Council of the Central African Republic, the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, and other international partners, as well as with Central African civil society and religious leaders. He also met with officials from the African-led International Support Mission to the Central African Republic (MISCA) and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA).

In his conversations during his visit with both officials and ordinary Central Africans, Special Representative Symington was impressed by their deep desire for peace, security, and reconciliation. The United States remains committed to helping the people of the Central African Republic reach these goals.

The United States has committed up to $100 million to support MISCA and French forces with airlift and equipment, including vehicles, personal protective gear, medical supplies, and construction goods. In addition, the United States has provided nearly $67 million this fiscal year to humanitarian assistance for conflict-affected persons, vulnerable migrants, and refugees in the Central African Republic and in neighboring countries.

The United States suspended operations at its embassy in Bangui in December 2012 but expects to resume operations as soon as security conditions permit.

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Joyce Banda faces arrest: Political will to have Malawi ex-leader indicted

From: Juma Mzuri

Joyce Banda faces arrest: Political will to have Malawi ex-leader indicted

After former Malawian President Joyce Banda has indicated that she will not quit politics as she will be leading People’s Party (PP) in rebuilding process for 2019 elections, the government is rolling its wheels that she should face an arrest for alleged offenses signalled by the new President Peter Mutharika.


From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Teddy from Kwale writes: “Fr Beste following what Joni quoted from Standard digital that Jomo Kenyatta took Kikuyus from Kiambu to illegally allocate them land in Mpeketoni can be concluded that is one of the reasons why Kikuyus were the targets?

Secondly, Internal Secretary Joseph ole Lenku announced the interdiction of the Lamu county police commander Leonard Omollo, Mpeketoni sub county commander Ben Maisori and Hindi area divisional officer a Mr Mutua. President Uhuru Kenyatta confirmed the suspension of the officers the following day. Could this explain why Raila is connected to the attacks?

Thirdly, when Bishop Emanuel Barbara of Malindi, who is also apostolic administrator of the Archdiocese of Mombasa, visited Mpeketoni after the attack he concluded that the attack was carried out by Kenyans and some foreigners.

Bishop Barbara told Fides News Agency that from what he saw he could say that there was an Islamic matrix to these assaults, but it also clear that ethic groups were the main targets. This he said because the assailants killed people based on their ethnicity and religion, what lesson could be learnt from this statement? Thank you.”

Thank you Teddy. Your first question whether land grabbing could be one of the reasons why particular ethnic community was the target we can say yes. This is going with what the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission report of last year condemned that the Mpeketoni land settlement scheme of the 1960s was “unprocedural”, “dubious”, “irregular” and the cause of perpetual tensions in the area.

The TJRC report, which was handed over to President Uhuru Kenyatta last year, also analysed conflicts in Lamu in the context of the Shifta (Kenya-Somali) conflict of the 1960s. The commissioners also factored in historically-rooted threats to peace posed by the proposed construction of the new Lamu Port. It said the Jomo Kenyatta presidency (1964-1978) engaged in setting up.

Your second question whether the interdiction of the Lamu county police commander Leonard Omollo, Mpeketoni sub county commander Ben Maisori and Hindi area divisional officer a Mr Mutua can explain why Raila is connected to the attack is not the issue.

The issue is that targeting Kikuyu communities because of land came in the open in 1992 when Youth for Kanu’92 (YK92), a group co-founded by William Ruto to help Moi retain power in 1992. Kikuyus in the Rift Valley were the targets. The idea was to have them out of the province. Those who resisted were slaughtered alive, properties destroyed, leaving many landless and traumatized.

These attacks continued in 1997 with the worse one on the night of 13 January 1998 when some Pokot and Samburu men attacked Kikuyu communities in the Magande, Survey, Motala, Milimani and Mirgwit areas of Ol Moran in Laikipia. Attackers were armed not only with spears, bows and arrows, but also with guns. Some of the attackers were dressed in military-type clothing.

It was estimated that over 50 Kikuyus were killed during these attacks and over 1000 others fled the area and sought refuge at the Roman Catholic Church at Kinamba, from where they were later relocated to temporary shelters at Sipili and Ol Moran.

On 21 January the same year, about 70 unidentified people invaded three farms in Njoro including one belonging to the newly elected DP Member of Parliament for Molo Constituency, Kihika Kimani. Three days later, groups of what local residents described as Kalenjins attacked Kikuyus in parts of Njoro in the same constituency.

There were varying explanations given for these attacks. One version of events blamed them on the refusal of local Kikuyu traders to supply goods and services to Kalenjins in response to the events in Laikipia.

Another suggested that this was simply an unprovoked attack on Kikuyus by local Kalenjin youths. The attack on Kikuyus on 24 January provoked a counter-attack by a group of apparently well organised Kikuyus, who on 25 January attacked Kalenjin residents of Naishi/Lare in Njoro.

According to police reports, 34 Kikuyus and 48 Kalenjins were killed during these initial attacks and over 200 houses were burnt down. Hundreds of people from both communities were displaced by the fighting, and many of them fled to temporary ‘camps’ at Kigonor, Sururu, Larmudiac mission and Mauche.

Your third question on what Bishop Barbara concluded that the attack was carried out by Kenyans and some foreigners has also been witnessed by some journalists on the ground. The BBC’s Anne Soy reported that the gunmen shot dead anyone who was unable to recite verses from the Koran.

According to the report, the attackers were well organised, and as soon as they finished their mission, they disappeared, supporting the theory that they may be locals. There are long-standing political and ethnic divisions in this area for decades now.

Another report said it could be that local Somalis and Oromos who claim the area as their ancestral home are trying to drive out Kikuyus, who they see as interlopers. Such disputes over land ownership were behind much of the ethnic violence which broke out across Kenya after the disputed 2007 elections.

Although Al-Shabab has said it carried out the attack in order to take revenge on Kenya for the presence of its troops in Somalia, where they are battling the militants, as well as for the killing of radical clerics linked to al-Shabab in the port city of Mombasa, a group of Kenyan Somalis or Oromos could easily wave al-Shabab flags and shout slogans such as Allahu Akbar (God is great) in order to divert blame.

It could also be argued that President Kenyatta would want to downplay the al-Shabab angle in order to try and protect Kenya’s embattled tourist industry. This would also enable him to send Kenya’s security services after some of his political enemies.

It is very unfortunate Teddy that ethnic conflict is now threatening the decades of stability that has set Kenya apart from so many of its neighbors, like Congo, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan. No one knows exactly when this land disputes and grabbing will end in Kenya.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
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Corruption: The Unrecognized Threat to International Security

From: Yona Maro

Corruption is typically seen as a pathology, a fraying at the edges of a system or, at worst, a sign of system failure. Consequently, much of the work to devise remedies is entrusted to aid agencies and local civil society actors, whose hard-fought efforts strive for small-scale, concrete successes. These interventions tend to be focused on remedying technical deficiencies or building capacity.

But in a range of countries around the globe, corruption is the system. Governments have been repurposed to serve an objective that has little to do with public administration: the personal enrichment of ruling networks. And they achieve this aim quite effectively. Capacity deficits and other weaknesses may be part of the way the system functions, rather than reflecting a breakdown.

This structural dynamic—together with the strong correlation between acute corruption and breaches of international security—suggests that corruption may be a higher-stakes problem than has been commonly thought. Foreign and defense policymakers, as well as multinational corporations, need to mainstream consideration of corruption into their decisionmaking processes.

But currently, Western governments and key business actors are not well set up to respond in this holistic way. Information on the organization, manning, and practices of kleptocratic networks in key countries is not systematically gathered. Corruption is not on the agenda for high-level bilateral exchanges. Experts and specialized departments working on the issue are rarely at the table when critical decisions are made. They are insufficiently resourced even to carry out the relatively marginal tasks they are assigned. And relationships or cooperation models come in too few varieties, precluding subtle or creative ways of furthering anticorruption priorities so an all-or-nothing approach prevails.

Yona Fares Maro

Institut d’études de sécurité – SA


from: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Joni from Nairobi writes: “Fr Omolo Beste Jubilee government claims that Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) are responsible for killing people at Mpeketoni, which according to Internal Security Secretary Ole Lenku and President Uhuru Kenyatta was planned and orchestrated by former Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

In 2010 then Lamu West MP Fahim Twaha claimed that a son of President Jomo Kenyatta, Mr Peter Muigai Kenyatta, Mzee Kenyatta’s eldest son was illegally allocated 50,000 acres of prime land at the Mpeketoni scheme in Lamu District. Could this be the reason why Uhuru is trying to bring in MRC and ruling out Al-Shabaab militias?

Mr Twaha told a public rally held at Mkunguni in Lamu town that the land was given to Mr Muigai Kenyatta because of weaknesses in the land processing system. He told a rally attended by then Lands Minister Joseph Nyagah and assistant ministers Zebedeo Opore and Francis Tarar that flaws in the land acquisition process had denied a lot of people their rightful share.

This claim is similar to the story by the Standard digital description how Mpeketoni came to be. It was created as a settlement in the late 1960s and early 1970s by President Jomo Kenyatta to settle landless Kenyans, mainly from Murang’a and other parts of the former Central Kenya, who were expelled from Tanzania after the collapse of first East Africa Community. And that explains why the majority of the occupants of Mpeketoni are Kikuyus.

According to the story, the settlement was centred on a fresh water lake named after the first President of Kenya. The original inhabitants were Bajuni and Watta who were soon outnumbered by the newcomers.

Mpeketoni township, owes its name to an admixture of Kiswahili “Mpe” meaning “give” and carton (English) — “Mpe katoni”. Locals say that as the landless settlers got off the lorries that transported them to the settlement with cartons bearing their essentials, the officer-in-charge barked, “Mpe katoni” (give him/her the carton). “Mpe katoni” later evolved to Mpeketoni, the popular name of the settlement.

By June 1977, the Mpeketoni scheme was fully occupied with 3,480 settlement plots covering an area of 14,224 hectares, with one settler’s allocation averaging 10 acres. Their numbers have grown by leaps and bounds and according to the 2009 census report, the population is nearing 50,000 with the age of the second generation averaging 37 years old.

Another question Father is, how comes that despite what President Uhuru claims that intelligence informed the security about Mpeketoni attack but did not act. Why was there a poor response from both police and the military, eliciting public outrage? How could the killing take 6 good hours without the knowledge of the police and government? This is outrageous.

Recently, it has been in the limelight with indigenous communities complaining that the 2007/8 Internally Displaced Persons were being ferried to the area. Why could the government do this without involving the locals? And why bring only one particular ethnic community?

This is very elaborate analysis Joni. The Standard digital description you have quoted about Mpeketoni to my opinion is why President Uhuru Kenyatta is alleging that Cord leader Raila Odinga used Mombasa Republican Council to fuel ethnic cleansing in Mpeketoni, aiming at Kikuyu community who are practically the occupants of the region.

Remember Joni, Uhuru and his deputy Ruto have cases at The Hague related to ethnic cleansing and to convince the world that Raila is the architect of ethnic violence could probably reduce the ICC case. Recently the ICC Chief Prosecutor added the 1992 classes when Ruto and his team used Kanu for youth 1992 to force Moi’s comeback.

During this periods Kikuyus were the targets in the Rift Valley. Mwai Kibaki’s DP party had become a threat in the province and in order to win they had to be moved out. This resulted to hundreds of deaths, loss of properties, trauma and landlessness.

Again Joni, you remember Ole Lenku saying in public that Raila is to blame for the attack at Mpeketoni because he has history of ethnic violence, referring also to the 2007/2008 post-election violence and the 1982 coup to remove Moi from power.

This according to my opinion is to come in to demonstrate to the world and ICC that Raila is to blame for 2007/2008 post-election violence to ease The Hague case. The idea in short is that all political or any type of violence in Kenya is orchestrated by Raila.

Uhuru and ole Lenku were to bring in the MRC, ruling out Al-Shabaab militias to convince Kenyans and the world that this was Raila’s plan. What is very clear is that Kenyatta family have been accused of grabbing big chunks of land, leaving many Coastal residence landless.
MRC was formed in 1999 was to address perceived political and economic discrimination, and land grabbing. The group traces its secession claims to the 1895 and 1963 agreements transferring the ten-mile strip of land along the coast to the Government of Kenya from Zanzibar.

MRC want this agreement which some critics characterize these as a form of bribery designed to facilitate colonization of the interior revoked. Their efforts to plead with Uhuru government to do so has never been successful.

The group contests these agreements as invalid, because they were enacted without the consent of coastal stakeholders, and says the state of Kenya has failed to honor the provisions designed to protect the coastal population.

The MRC was dormant until 2008, when it first raised claims that Mombasa should secede from Kenya to become an independent state. They argued that secession would liberate the people of the coast province from marginalization by the successive governments in Kenya. It would also enabled them claim back their grabbed land.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
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