Category Archives: Independence


From: Juma Mzuri

The SADC Ministerial Committee of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (MCO) meeting in Swakopmund, Namibia, noted with grave concern the blatant and disproportionate attacks against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, by the State of Israel which has resulted in the deaths and suffering of defenseless Palestinian civilians, mostly women, children and the elderly.

The SADC MCO supports the resolution adopted by the United Nations Human Rights Council on 23 July 2014, which, inter alia, called for an independent investigation into the unwarranted atrocities committed by the Israeli forces against the civilian population of Gaza which may be in violation of humanitarian law and international law principles. The SADC MCO condemns the indiscriminate Israeli bombardment from land, air and sea and the killing of hundreds of innocent civilians.

The SADC MCO further condemns the deliberate and systematic targeting and willful destruction of hospitals, schools, mosques, houses and other critical civilian infrastructures.

The SADC MCO therefore calls for an immediate ceasefire and for the Government of Israel and the Hamas to engage in a monitored dialogue. The Government of Israel and the Hamas are further urged to cooperate with the United Nations Secretary General and others, in their efforts to facilitate a ceasefire and to allow for unfettered humanitarian assistance to reach the wounded and all those in need.

The SADC MCO reaffirms the SADC peoples’ unflinching solidarity with the Palestinian people in their quest to realize their right to self-determination and an independent state of their own, living in peace, side-by-side, with the state of Israel.

Africa: On the Occasion of the Republic of Cabo Verde’s National Day

From: U.S. Department of State
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
July 8, 2014

On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I send best wishes to Cabo Verdeans as you celebrate 39 years of independence on July 5.

I spent more than 30 years representing Massachusetts as Lieutenant Governor and Senator, and I am proud of the historic connections and contributions of Cabo Verdeans throughout New England and across America. I was pleased to visit Cabo Verde for the first time in May, where I enjoyed meeting Foreign Minister Jose Brito.

The United States and Cabo Verde share many binding ties. Our second Millennium Challenge Corporation compact, worth over $66 million, is evidence of our continued commitment to a long-term relationship. We are also committed to deepening our partnership on a number of regional and maritime security issues.

We look to Cabo Verde as a leader in good governance, human rights, and renewable energy in Africa and celebrate the contributions of more than half a million Americans of Cabo Verdean descent.

The United States looks forward to continued collaboration in achieving our common goals. I wish all Cabo Verdeans peace and prosperity in the coming year.

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Africa: Cameroon National Day

From: U.S. Department of State
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
May 19, 2014

On behalf of President Obama and the American people, I congratulate the people of Cameroon as you celebrate your national day on May 20.

The United States and Cameroon have enjoyed a productive relationship since we first established diplomatic relations in 1960. Our bond has strengthened over the years, in part through our shared commitment to support peace and stability in central Africa.

Our governments work together on many fronts. We are working to curtail illicit trafficking. We are working to protect the environment. We are working to improve maritime security. We are working to address the threat posed by terrorism. And we are working to support the stabilization of the Central African Republic through the provision of U.S. equipment and training to Cameroonian troops deployed there as peacekeepers.

Our trade and economic relationship continues to grow as U.S. investment in Cameroon steadily rises. As Cameroon prepares to celebrate 42 years of unity, we welcome the opportunity to strengthen our partnership. Together, we can help bring greater security and greater prosperity to the entire continent.

I offer you my best wishes on this important anniversary. The United States looks forward to continued cooperation to promote democracy, human rights, and shared prosperity in Cameroon and across the region.

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USA State Dpt.: Press Releases: 74th Anniversary of the Lahore Resolution

From: U.S. Department of State
03/22/2014 05:33 PM EDT
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
March 22, 2014

On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I extend warm wishes to the government and people of Pakistan on the 74th anniversary of the signing of the Lahore Resolution, which laid the foundation for Pakistan’s independence.

Building stronger ties with the people of Pakistan has long been a deep personal commitment of mine. I was privileged to sponsor what became known as the Kerry-Lugar-Berman bill in Congress, which provided significant economic assistance to the people of Pakistan beginning several years ago. And we continue to deepen our partnership with Pakistan today, as both of our nations work to build peace and prosperity in Pakistan and the region.

President Obama and I were pleased to welcome Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Washington last year, a visit that highlighted the strength of our relationship and our commitment to partnership. That’s why we reinvigorated our Strategic Dialogue based on shared priorities. And that’s why we will continue to work with Pakistan on areas of mutual interest, from combating the forces of extremism, to bolstering our economies and those of the region, to helping Pakistan address its energy challenges, to increasing access to education.

I have visited Pakistan many times, both as a Senator and as Secretary of State. I have experienced firsthand the extraordinary hospitality and friendship that the people of Pakistan have to offer. Our relationship is strong because our people-to-people ties with Pakistan are growing even stronger through the thousands of professional and academic exchanges that take place between our countries each year.

On this special day, we remember the message of “hope, courage, and confidence” the Quaid-e-Azam delivered to the Pakistani people in his Eid-ul-Azha Message in 1947. Together, we must face our challenges with the same hope and determination.

We all have a stake in Pakistan’s success, just as Pakistan has a stake in ours.

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From: Yona Maro

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THE MINISTER OF STATE FOR COLONIAL AFFAIRS (THE EARL OF PERTH) My Lords, I have it in Command from Her Majesty the Queen to acquaint the House that Her Majesty, having been informed of the purport of the Tanganyika Independence Bill, has consented to place Her Majesty’s prerogative and interests, so far as they are affected by the Bill, at the disposal of Parliament for the purposes of the Bill.

My Lords, I beg to move that this Bill be read a second time. Once again, it is my privilege to bring to your Lordships a Bill giving independence to a Territory which has been under our care for a considerable time. This time, I think it is of especial significance because the Territory concerned is Tanganyika and it is the first of the Territories in East Africa. Tanganyika itself, as many of your Lordships know, is the largest of the East African Territories, about four times the size of the United Kingdom. It is also the most populous having some 9 million inhabitants, of whom a small part, about 150,000, are of races other than African, whether they be Asian, Arab or European. In the main, it is an agricultural country, depending on such crops as sisal, cotton and coffee, but there are large areas where agriculture is difficult because of the tsetse fly and the shortage of water. The only mineral deposits that have been discovered are diamonds and the Williamson Diamond Mines are producing an important addition to the wealth of the country.

All this does not dismay the Government of Tanganyika, who are shortly to embark on a new development programme about which I wish to talk a little more fully later. I just mention it now because it shows their determination to go forward for the wellbeing of their people; and I am sure that, despite the handicaps that I have outlined, they will be successful. I am all the more sure that they will be successful because from a business point of view conditions in Tanganyika are very favourable. The 733Government have always acted in a prudent and wise way and there exists that valuable thing, confidence in the country, and because of that confidence I am sure that they can rely on help coming from outside sources.

Our own responsibility for Tanganyika has been a short one, of only some 40 years. We took the country over as a mandated territory after the First World War and continued to look after its wellbeing until after the Second World War, when the United Nations came into being and it became a Trust territory. We have carried on with it as a Trust territory ever since. I am happy to say that there has been great progress during those 40 years. Of course, one can say that not enough has been done and that there is still much to do, but the progress has been remarkable. Thanks to the work of the civil servants, missionaries and others who have done so much to help, the country is provided with roads, railways, harbours, hospitals and schools. I have figures which show, for example, that in 1947 primary education was available to only some 120,000 children, whereas today it is available to 450,000 children, an increase of almost four times in the last fifteen years. I think that is a good record of progress. In regard to secondary and technical education, I know that your Lordships have been interested in the opening this autumn of a law faculty in the University College of Tanganyika at Dar-es-Salaam. Of course, if the Government of Tanganyika want more help from us on the technical side, we remain anxious and ready to give it and there is a Department of Technical Cooperation precisely for this purpose.

All this is not something on which the present Government are prepared to rest. They have worked out a new development programme for the next three years, largely based on a plan worked out by the World Bank. It is, in fact, something more ambitious than that suggested by the World Bank, and it is none the worse for that. One would expect them to do something even more. That development plan is calculated to cost £24 million, of which we have undertaken to underwrite up to £12 million, or half of the whole, and of that £12 million we are prepared to grant £8,750,000 under the old Commonwealth Development and Welfare Fund arid the balance under a new 734grant. Your Lordships will recall that this was all worked out in July when Mr. Julius Nyerere came to this country. The conversations were rather difficult and ran into trouble, but the final outcome, as I give it to your Lordships now, has been one which is fully satisfactory to the people of Tanganyika and I am very happy that we have been able to help their development programme in the way we have.

That is not the whole of it. We have also undertaken to make funds available for the Tanganyika Agricultural Corporation and for army development, by taking over certain stores, and by agreeing that the Colonial Development Corporation can put forward funds. Most important, perhaps, of the loans that we are prepared to make to help the Tanganyika Government is one to ensure the payment of compensation and other expenses for the Overseas Civil Service. While on the point of help for Tanganyika’s development programme, I should say how welcome has been the announcement made by the American and German Governments that they will play their part in making funds available for Tanganyika’s development programme.

I mentioned the overseas service. Without their help Tanganyika could never have reached the stage it has now. I am sure all your Lordships would join me in the tribute one would wish to pay to that Service. When one thinks of the Overseas Service, naturally one turns to the Governor and recent Governors of the territory. As your Lordships know we have one of them here to-day in the noble Lord, Lord Twining, who served the country before the present Governor for no less than nine years; and your Lordships know of the progress that was made during that period. I recall that .the noble Lord has written a book about the Crown jewels of Europe. But it seems to me that he has a jewel in his crown in what he has done to help Tanganyika forward which is at least as bright as any of those.

Then we have the present Governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, whose tenure of office in this exciting phase of constitutional development has been everything that one could call for and expect. The proof of that, if proof were needed, is the fact that the Government of735Tanganyika have asked that his name be submitted to Her Majesty The Queen as the first Governor-General of the territory. I am sure your Lordships feel with me that his well-doing and the trust that they have in him is shown by this action.

When I mention civil servants, I think it is very satisfactory that, so far, of those who are serving and who have the opportunity at a change-over like this of leaving the country, only a relatively small number, somewhere around 20 per cent., have indicated that they want to go to other fields. This shows not only that the Government and people of Tanganyika run their affairs well, but also—and I think this is important—that the arrangements we have recently made through the Overseas Services Aid Scheme have helped to ensure that these civil servants may stay and yet not suffer loss. Your Lordships know how vital it is at a moment of transition like this, until such time as the Africans are able to take over the running of their affairs, that they should have every help from those who have the experience.

This is, as I say, most satisfactory; and the main credit for it goes to the Prime Minister of Tanganyika, Mr. Julius Nyerere. No doubt many of your Lordships know him. He is a man of great wisdom and charm, very skilful in negotiation and, perhaps I should say, moderate in his presentation of his demands. The result of all that, and the peaceful way in which the country has been led to its present state, has been a natural one—namely, that one is predisposed to try to help him forward on the road that he has set. I think it is just because of the moderation and wisdom with which he has handled these affairs that we find that Tanganyika is the first of the East African territories to reach independence. Perhaps there is some moral in this, and, if there is, it may be that it will not be lost on others in the territories in that area.

Something which is perhaps as satisfactory as anything in the last years has been the real partnership between all of the races in Tanganyika. If your Lordships look at the present Government, you will find that elected Ministers 736and nominated Ministers are African, Asian and European. They have all pulled and worked together. It is invidious to pick out any particular names, but, having said that, I want to pay particular tribute to Sir Ernest Vasey, at present the Finance Minister of Tanganyika, and before that Finance Minister in Kenya. There is no doubt that East Africa, as a whole, and Kenya and Tanganyika, in particular, owe a great debt to him for what he has done in helping forward their economies.

I should now turn to the Bill itself, which names the day of December the 9th for Tanganyika’s attainment of fully responsible status within the Commonwealth. Happily, it has been announced that Her Majesty The Queen will be represented by His Royal Highness The Duke of Edinburgh at the independence celebrations. I am sure your Lordships will not be surprised at the tremendously warm welcome that this news has received in Tanganyika.

I have expressed my regret that this Bill is being, as it were, speeded through the Houses of Parliament, but, as your Lordships know, this is often the way in the case of such Bills, because once the date has been fixed there is much work still to be done, and naturally the country is anxious to get on with things. There is a technical angle, in that until a Bill like this has been passed it is not possible to announce what may be the actual Constitution of the country. That is laid down by an Order in Council only after the Bill has been approved. So it is of great importance that this Bill should be passed quickly, and then be followed by the Order in Council for the Constitution; and that Constitution will, of course, be laid for information in your Lordships’ House or in the Library. It is not right for me to anticipate beyond a point just what will be in that Constitution, but I can say it has been worked out in full collaboration with the Tanganyika Government, and it has been agreed to recommend a Constitution which is broadly along the lines of the Constitution that Tanganyika enjoys at the present time.

Clause 1 of the Bill is in the usual form that these things follow for territories which are about to become independent. Clause 2 deals with nationality. Here, again, the form is very similar, for example, to what was done in the 737case of Nigeria and Sierra Leone. Clause 3 covers certain modifications of United Kingdom enactments which are necessary in view of the fact that Tanganyika is shortly to be independent.

Clause 4 deals with the Tanganyika Agricultural Corporation, and the fact that we are going to continue to provide the help which was promised to that Corporation even after the independence of the country. The Agricultural Corporation, as many of your Lordships will remember, is the successor to the groundnuts scheme of long ago. It took over the remaining parts of which use could be made, and has in fact over the years done a great service in developing not only what was left to be developed but in generally helping forward the agricultural well-being of the country. I know that the Tanganyika Government have in mind to continue so to use it. Lastly, in Clause 4. we have mention of the money under the Colonial Development and Welfare Funds which may be available. I refer to Clause 4 (3), for common services with other territories. What we have in mind there, of course, is the East Africa High Commission as it is known to-day, which, when Tanganyika becomes independent, will change its name, and certain of its functions, and become known for the future as the East African Common Services Organisation.

It is a source of great satisfaction that this body is to continue to operate and to continue to give common economic services to the East African territories for so many things which are of common interest to them all—for example, transport, communications, collection of income tax, customs and excise, and various common fields of research. The preservation of this form of economic unity, is, I think, a tremendous encouragement. The confirmation that they wanted to continue with all this came out of a conference in July, in which all the territories were present, and Zanzibar was an observer. It was a most satisfactory conference, filling one with great hope for future collaboration in that part of the world. As I need hardly say, if, looking beyond the economic side, the territories also wish to consider closer political association, the groundwork of that is laid. It is essentially something for the African territories themselves to decide, but this is a good 738move in the right direction, if they so wish.

It is a great pleasure for me to commend to your Lordships this Bill which will result in a new member of the Commonwealth. Tanganyika, of course, will be the youngest, but I am sure that she will prove to be one of the best. My right honourable friend the Prime Minister has heard from the Commonwealth Prime Ministers that they will be very glad to accept Tanganyika as a fellow-member of the Commonwealth as from the date of her independence—that is, December 9. This is both welcome and happy news, and I am sure that all the Commonwealth stands to benefit from her joining with them. I beg to move.



May take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt profound condolence to the family and friends of the late Nyeri fierce politician Waruru KANJA.

I Knew the late Waruru Kanja way back in 1957 when he led a group of hard-core Mau Mau detainees on Mageta Island, Bondo district, now Siaya County, who were involved in jailbreak after killing the European prison commander who was in charge of the camp.

After killing the prison boss, the group escaped MAGETA Island using a makeshift raft and swam across the Nyanza Gulf {formerly Kavirondo Gulf and landed at Ulugi, near Lihanda beach on Rusinga Island in what was then known as South Nyanza distric after swimming for more that 14 hours.

The fugitives were given shelter by the LUO Elders who gave the them accomodation and food inside hideout houses, but only after separating them in four groups. The colonial police launched an elaborate search for the jail breakers both aerially using the police air-wing and motor-boats. The search also went on into the villagers on the mainland locations of Yimbo, Sakwa and Uyoma.

The colonial authorities used motor-boats and even sent their agents to the twin fishing islands of Rusinga, but all in vain, Warurur Kanja and his friends had been issued with new clothes and were living safely in the villages.

I met the late ex-Mau Mau detainee in the 1980s while he was serving in the cabinet as a Minister and Nyeri Town MP in Parliament Building over a cup of tea, and I found his memory to be very fresh. He could easily recognize me, though many years had lapsed because in 1957 I was a young man of 18 of age. Mzee Kanja was a true nationalist and freedom fighter apart from being detribalized person and humanist

May Almighty God give his soul eternal peace.

veteran journalist-cum-Author


Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo

ANYONE reading through the columns of the Kenyan newspapers will not escape from reading malice and deliberate distortion and concoction of the the country’s political history, especially in regards to the role of those gallant freedom fighters of the past. I was so disgusted, perturbed and dismayed when I read the stories of Kenyan heroes of the yester-years

The photographs which were lined up as those of the freedom fighters during the hero’s day celebrations were mostly of former Home-Guards and boot lickers of the colonialists. I am particularly concerned with the several supplements carried out by some of the dailies.

Our papers showed only those who were well-known as the blue-eyed agents of the colonialists and white settlers, and the photos with dubious contributions to the real task for liberation war.

The list of the pseudo heroes were published either by design or malice that excluded the portrait of Mzee Harry Thuku, the fonder of the Kikuyu Central Kenya Association, which was later to became the mother of the defunct Kenya African Union {KAU}

The late Thuku, is arguably is the father of African nationalists uprising against the British colonial rulers in this country and their associates, the white settlers, Indian business moguls, and the Arabs. In the list of the past heroes of the independent struggle,the writers deliberately excluded the photo and name of Ronald Gideon Ngala, James Smuel Gichuru,Ex-Senior Chief Koinnange Wa Mbiyu, Wokesha Mengu of Taita/Taveta, Fred Kubai, Makan Singh, Walter Fanuel Odede,Daniel Ojijo Oteko of Karachuonyo, John Paul Olola from Alego, Jalmaya Okaka Rabala of Seme, of the Kavirondo Taxpayers Association { Piny Owacho}, John Kebaso of Kisii, JOHN andala of Bunyore, Lumadede Kisala of Maragoli, Elijah Masinde of Bukhusu, Rev Canon Awori , W.W.W.Awori, Eliud Wambu Mathu, Benard Mate , J.jeremiah Nyagah and Francis J.Khamisi.

Other freedom fighters who had the colonialists and their white settlers friends sleepless nights included Arap Koilagen the head of laibons in Kericho and the descendant of Kipnyige and Koitalel Arap Samoei. Arap K Mfangano Island after his entire Talai Laibon clan} Talai were forcefully evicted from their fertile ancestral land to pave thew way for the white settlers tea plantation in Keriucho and Bomet aregions and driven to the remote Gwassi Hills in the then South Nyanza in 1934. Koilagen died in 1956 and was buried on Mfangano Island while his two other cousins died in Nyeri prison where they were detained by the colonial government

The second regent generation of freedom fighters included Lawrence Gerald Oguda,Taaitta Araap Toweett, John Marie Seroney Josef Stanley Mathenge of Nyeri, Ambalal Patel [Ambu} , V.V. Patel.Daniel Moss oF Mt Elgot Congress, Kondit Ole Tiis, Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano, J.D. Kali

Back to JAMES Samuel Gichuru, it was the latter who prior to the return of Jommo Kenyatta from Europe in 1948 became the first President of KAU. He relinquished this position and stood down for Kenyatta to resume the party leadership.,.

Again for the second time in 1941 Gichuru stood down as the President of KANU to give way to Commn Kenyatta to resume the party”s leadership after the latter”s release from the colonial jails in 1961,

About ODEDE, The Makerere trained veterinarian had stepped into Kenyatta shoes and resumed the presidency of KAU late in October 1951 only a week after Kenyatta and other top leaders of the party were rounded up by the colonial security personnel on the night of October 20. Kenyatta and five other were vanished in the remotest part of the NORTHERN Kenya before they were charged before a court in Kapenguria and jailed with hard labour on the framed charges of managing Mau Mau. Before the end of the same month, Odede hiukself was arrested while visiting South Nyanza and vanquished into detention camp in Maralal, Samburu from where he remained in the colonial detention and restriction camps until 1960s.

It would be good for the young writers to visit libraries before penning about history and they should stop sycophantic outbursts in which people whose contributions to the independence struggle are very insignificant.

The younger journalists must stop turning the history of this country upside down



Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Homa-Bay

THE Homa-Bay County government has envisages a plan to have the road from Mbita Point crossing to Rusinga Island termacked in order to give tourists and other visitors easy access to Tom Mboya Mausoleum, which is located at the late freedom fighter’s home near Matenga beach at Kamasengre, Rusinga West Location.

This was disclosed by the Homa-Bay governor Cypria. Otieno Awit. He further explained that ather road network earmarked from future improvement included Oyugis Kendu-Bay road and Rangwe-Rodi-Kopany Oyugis road. These roads are so important not only for easy communication, but would also facilitate easy travelling for traders and formers to access markets in the hinterland.

Other projects which are in the pipeline included tarmarcking the road which is traversing Mfangano, another fishing island which is also potential for tourist attractions.

Plans are also a foot for improving Kadongo-Gendia road and and the road that branches off at Kanyadhiang on the main Kendu-Bay-Homa-Bay rod and traversing Homa Hills via Pala as well as Kadel-Kowuor Pier road.

Prior to independence in 1963 Mboya used to walk from Mbita Point to his Kmasengre home on Rusinga Island.a distant of about eight miles. He used to cross Mbita Channel using a Dingy while leaving his car on the mainland, but this was later replaced by Ferry servicerr and after Mboya’s death in 1969, a Coasway was constructed. A permanent bridge is currently under construction The KENYA Museium services has since taken over the management of Tom Mboya Mausoleum.

Mboya, the most brilliant politician Kenya, has ever had is widely acknowledge as an uncompressed freedom fighter at the same time the architect of Kenya’s independence, died in hails of bullets fired by an assassin in a Nairobi street on July 5, 1969. HE HAD BEEN THE Secretary General of the independence party KANU ever since its inception in June 1960 up to his death while serving as Kenya’s MINISTER FOR Economic Planning and Development.

Governor AWITI said his government is busy initiating many socio-economic projects with far reaching to the electorate in the region. These projects are well spread in all seven parliamentary constituencies.


ARCHIVES – 1st Tanganyika Rifles Mutinie 1964

From: Yona Maro

(Please note that we will cover the Kenya and Uganda Mutinies at a later date)

The alarm bells started to ring on the 12th January 1964: there was trouble in Zanzibar. It was a rising against the Sultan. The 2nd Scots Guards, who had made a previous visit to the island in the August of 1963 to supervise the elections, stood by to fly to the Sultan’s aid. The British Government was against intervention and the Scots Guards flew instead to Aden. The Sultan was at the mercy of the triumphant revolutionaries. The safety of the British community was in jeopardy, The Staffordshire Regiment, standing by in place of the Scots Guards, flew a company to Mombassa, where they embarked in the frigate H.M.S. Rhyll just to wait and see what happened. As it turned out the Sultan made his escape by air, to Tanganyika, thence to be transferred to the safety of the UK.

The next call for help came from President Nyerere himself. The first alarm came from Kenya on January the 20th. The men of the 1st Tanganyika Rifles, quartered near the capital Dar-es-Salaam, had risen up against their British officers, had locked them up, seized the airport, and arrested the British High Commissioner. With the mutineers holding the airport at Dar-el-Salaam, they released the British officers and NCOs from both the 1st and 2nd Battalions-some 30 from each-complete with their families and sending them to Nairobi where they arrived safely. Nyerere retained control of the government and formally made an appeal to Britain for help. It had already been decided at HQ Middle East Command at Aden that it was a task for 45 RM Commando. Hastily embarked on the carrier H.M.S. Centaur with 815 Naval Helicopter Squadron, they set sail at midnight Jan 20th and on the 24th lay off Dar-es-Salaam. At first light on the 25th, Z Company made a helicopter lift to the football field next to the mutineers’ barracks, while a gunboat put down diversionary fire to a flank.

With all weapons blazing, the Commandos rushed and seized the barrack entrance. The mutineers were then called upon to surrender. The answer was a burst of firing, to which the Commandos retaliated by demolishing the roof of the guardroom with an anti-tank rocket. It produced a sad stream of Askaris emerging with hands up. The helicopters meanwhile were completing the lift of Commandos, so that the town could be dominated and the remnant of the mutineers rounded up. Since many of the mutineers had broken out of barracks this latter task called for extensive searching. One civilian Englishman, with total disregard for his own personal safety, brought back to the guardroom one fully armed Askari festooned with ammunition and grenades. Despite his menacing attire the Askari was only too delighted to surrender to the civilian. X Company was despatched to secure the airfield and the broadcasting station, while Y Company was sent into Dar-es-Salaam. This was designed to be a two-pronged advance, with X Company’s move by helicopter. However it turned out to be a parade rather than an attack.

Vic Balsdon writes:

I have read several accounts of the suppression of the Dar es Salaam mutiny by 45 Commando but nowhere have I come across the mention of the fact that 45 took BLANK ammunition with them. The story that went around the Corps at that time was that the RSM was told that it was going to be an “exercise” and, quite understandably, assumed that the unit would only need blanks. Only later, when the unit was well under way on board HMS Centaur, did the error emerge. Lee Enfield No 4 rifles, together with the appropriate .303 ammunition (either 5 or 10 rounds per man) were hastily scrounged from the ship’s company (seamen) to prevent what might have been a monumental disaster. The passage that states that ‘the commandos went in with all guns blazing’ seems, if the rumour was true, a trifle exaggerated! The rocket that hit the roof of the Guardroom, was a practice round, not HE, and dislodged some tiles, one of which hit a mutineer on the head, killing him.

The story goes that the RSM carried the can for the @#%$! up but whether it was a misinterpretation of an order, or the wrong order from the Adjutant, was never revealed.

I can understand why the story was hushed up. We all love to rant on about our “victories” but are a little less inclined to publicise our mistakes.

Anyway, job well done, Royal, blanks or no blanks!

The cover picture of the February 1964 edition of LIFE shows a Royal Marine conducting a small group of Africans and he is clearly holding a Lee Enfield No. 4 rifle. These weapons had been replaced by the 7.62mm Self Loading Rifle (SLR) in either late 1958 or early 1959, depending on the operational committments of the various branches of the armed forces. Some branches, such as the Royal Navy, were still using the No.4 much later. Hence, 45 Commando were able to borrow some from HMS Centaur’s ship’s company to avert a near disaster and many red faces.

Our thanks to Mr Balsdon for providing this piece of the story.
If anyone has a copy of this edition and can provide us with a scan of the Tanganyika piece from the edition we would be grateful.

The Europeans, Asians and many Africans gave the Commando an unexpected tumultuous welcome as they thronged the pavements. Elements of Y Company secured Army House whilst the remainder carried out local patrols. The second-in-command of 45 was to take command of Dar-es-Salaam. Z Company was to remain at Collito Barracks and the support company was landed soon after 12 noon. The Royal Marine detachment from H.M.S. Centaur landed by lighter with the Ferret armoured cars of 16/15 Lancers. A show of force was made through the town where again they received a great welcome.

Tabora is some 400 miles west of Dar-es-Salaam and the 2nd Battalion of the Tanganyika Rifles stationed there had already mutinied, and after hearing of the events at Collito Barracks had agreed to hand in their rifles. All was quiet but this, however, was not confirmed and there was a distinct possibility that they could break out again and secure the airfield. Y and X Companies were earmarked for this task. In addition four Sea Vixens, armed with rockets, were attached to H.M.S. Centaur to provide air cover should the landing at the air strip be opposed. Personnel of Y Company, accompanied by the CO of 45 with his tactical HQ, arrived at Tabora at about five-fifteen; a flight of just over two hours. Lt-Col. Stevens remembers his arrival at Tabora as one of light comedy, despite being deeply concerned at the possibility of armed opposition. As the DC-4 came in to land, an Argosy suddenly appeared at the other end of the runway with the intention of also landing.

The Argosy won and the DC-4 hauled off to land a few moments later. The Argosy contained an Air Commodore and some men of the RAF Regiment, who had flown in from Nairobi. At six-fifteen that evening, the Beverleys arrived with the remainder of X and Y Companies. The mutineers’ barracks, being about seven miles away, the Commando’s commandeered some public works department vehicles to ferry the two Companies within two miles of the barracks. The Marines arrived at the barracks in the early hours of the morning and with great rapidity the guard room and weapons were secured. The contents of the stores and weapons of the mutineers were loaded on to the vehicles and the next stage was to arouse the sleeping battalion. This task fell to a Tanganyika Rifles officer, who with a bugler, the general assembly was sounded. The mutineers, informed that they were surrounded, fell in quietly and the ringleaders were marched off. The Tanganyika Rife mutiny was ended. Looking back on the whole operation from the start on the 25th, the operation had gone extraordinarily smoothly.

The final days were spent in consolidating positions and restoring the confidence of the population. The Royal Marine Band from H.M.S. Centaur was landed and concluded a heavy program by marching through the streets. The operation had been described as a classic and had been a resounding success. 45 RM Commando had virtually assumed military control over a country the size of Britain with a population of some six million all within 24 hours. 41 Commando flew out for Britain on Thursday the 30th January; H.M.S. Centaur had sailed for Mombassa the previous day, and 45 CDO embarked in H.M.S. Victorious to be transferred to H.M.S. Albion the Commando ship nine days later, prior to disembarkation at Aden later in February

I was luck to be in attendance at the birth of the OAU 50 years ago


By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City,Saturday 25th May 2013

I was lucky to have been among the youthful budding journalists who were privileged to witness the birth of the Organization of African Unity {OAU} on May 25,1963.

This was the second largest Pan-African political gathering to be held in an African independent country. The first such major pan-African political gathering was held in Accra ,Ghana in December 1958.

Thomas Joseph Mboya, then twenty year-old Kenya member of the colonial Legislative Council for Nairobi and a leading Pan-Africanist trade unionist was elected unanimously to chair the Accra meeting beating the host Ghanaian President Dr Kwame Nkrumah {Osyageffo} with the largest number of votes.

In Addis Ababa the summit of the OAU was initial attended by 21 heads of states of the African governments. 15 other joined later in the process brining the initial number of founding fathers to 36.

Today the OAU which later transformed itself into African Union has 54 member countries including the hotly disputed Saharawi Republic.

It was during the cold war, and there were evidence of covrt operations between members of the intelligence communities from ther East and West. The two blocs were scrambling for the control of Africa’s political and economies at the time.

The man who stole the show and looked the most popular head of state was the Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser, his popularity emanating from his firm stand and beating off the Allied Invasion of the Suez Canal in 1956.Thius was after the British and France combined forces had invaded Suez Canal and Alexandria, which sparked off the middle East Crisis of 1957.

President Ahmed Ben-Bell was just smarting from the .Both Nasser and Ben-Bella had become an house hold across the African continent.

Other heads of states in attendance at the initial stage were Hompught Boigny of Ivory Coast, Leon Mba of Gabon, the poet-writer Leopold Senghor of Senegal. Olympio of Togo,Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea,Jomo Kenyatt of Kenya, the Prime Minister of Uganda Dr Apollo Milton Obote, Julius \Kambasrage \Nyerere of Tanganyika. AlI Muhsin of Zanzibar,Dr Sharmake of Somalia,.Chiuef Leabue Jonathan of Lesotho

THe meeting took place before the formation of the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar which was later christened Tanzania a year later after the rug-tug soldiers led by a Ugandan carpenter John Okello overthrew the Sultante of Zanzibar in 1964 paving the way for the formation of the Union between the mainland Tanganyika and the Isles of Zanzibar and Pemba, which became Tanzania.

The African countries which were still struggling to free themselves from the Yolk of colonialism were given the observers status between the mainland Tanganyika and the Isles of Zanzibar and Pemba.

Notable present at the Africa Hall, which also houses the UN Economic Commission for Africa {ECA}

President Jomo Kenyatta a personal friend of the Emperor Haile Selassie was accommodated in a suit located inside Gion Hotel, a walking distance to Africa Hall and also a short distance to the Menelik Palace,the official residence of Emperor Haile Selassie.

Other prominent Pan-Africanists who attended the inception of the OAU included the late George Padmore of Trinidad and Tobago, Dubois. Padmore was the adviser of Dr.Nkrumah on Pan-African affairs.Dr Namdi Azikiwe of Naigeria, Sir Abubakas Tafawa Balewa the Federal Prime Minister of Nigeria,Kenneth David Kaunda nf Zambia and Dr Hasting Kamuzu Banda oif Malawi.

The radical camp which was led by Dr.Nkrumah and Nasser had an agenda of wanted the founding fathers to work out on the charter and agenda of for the creation of the United States of Africa the model of the USA, but this was found to be impracticable due to the fact that almost close to half of the African continent was still under the occupation and colonialists and racists white South Africans.

The meeting began after the official opening ceremony in an electrifying speech by the Emperor Haile Salassie on May 22nd.But it encountered problem in the afternoon of the same day when the government ofCongo Leopoldville presented two sets of delegations. One delegation had come from the ceciuonist leader Moise Tshombe of Katanga and was led by one Godfroid Munongo, while the Leopoldville delegation was led by its then Minister for Foreign Affairs Justin Bomboko.

There werealso several splinter delegation like those of the Srahawi Republic and Morocco.But our gounding father used their political magnanimity and cooled down the situation. The Francophone Anglophone differences also emerged during the meeting. but was shot down and watered with anti-colonialism sentiments.

Kenya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Joseph Murumbi was busy shuttling between Africa Hall and Gion Hotrel whenever he was required for consultations by President Kenyatta. The other Kenyan minister who looked busy was Dr. Mungai Njoroge, who was also acting as the personal physician of President Kenyatta.Tom Mboya was another Minister assigned a lot of work by the President. He was the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs..

President Julius Kambarage Nyerere had brought along his Minister for External Affairs and Defense, the flamboyant Oscar Kambona who was then the Secretary-General of the ruling TANU party.Dr Hasting Kamuzu Banda had Kanyama Chiume a journalist as his country Minister for Foreign Affairs, whileDr. Obote had Sam Odaka and Adoko Nekyon as his principal advisers.

Dr Nkurumah the Ghanaian president had Alexei quesedion as his Foreign Affairs Minister.Things were so cheap in Addis Ababa, especially in the Mariketo area, one could buy an autoimatic pistal with full ammunition loaded in its magazine or a hunting rifles in the street provided you handed the gun to the captain or pilots of the plane while boarding it for home.Vials of drugs were sold in the open area and dd not require any doctor’s prescription.

Batteries of local and international journalists were herded into Ras Hotel ,for their accommodation.The hotel is located right in the middle if he City, but it is also a walking to the Africa Hall.Accreditation was noi very cumbersome as it is today.

It came at a time when I had already worked for the Uganda Argues in Kampala,and also edited PINY OWACHO,I had also served as s tringer for the East African Standardand later joined the staff of the BARAZA the weekly Kiswahili as its sports editor. and a regular contributor to the drum MAGAZINE East African edition

In 1963 each and every bar and restaurant in Addis Ababa had a compartment with well prepared bed for the revelers who wished to go inside for a rest with their girl-friends




Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Kendu-Bay Town.

REPORTS emerging from Rachuonyo South district within Homa-By County say clans politics is raising its ugly head ahead of the March 4, 2013 general election.

However, sources in this most populous and expansive rural farming constituency have confided to us that it would be an uphill task for an aspirant contesting the election on another party ticket outside the ODM to clinch the east.

The residents have vowed to follow the six piece voting pattern in the area to the latter despite of the concerted effort by one of the parliamentary aspirant to introduce the inter clans rivalry kind of politics which is pitting the east and the west side of the expansive constituency.

According to impeccable sources, the architect of the inter-clans rivalry politic in
Karachuonyo is Adipo Okuome, a perennial parliamentary election loser in the area ever since the late1980s. This time around, he was beaten hands down by the immediate former MP for the area Eng. James K Rege.

Disgruntled after losing in the ODM primary nomination, Adipo Okuome it is being alleged had mobilized drunken and heavily intoxicated youths who staged violence protest by way of blocking he main Kendu-Bay-Homa-Bay with logs and burning tires.

The youths stoned motorists, while singing derogatory songs against the ODM leader Raila Odinga shouting ‘no Adipo Okuome no Raila Odinga. They tore up and burnt Raila Odinga‘s election posters. The gangs of hired political goons had earlier attacked the motorcade of Eng. Rege when he toured Nyakongo area in Central Karchuonyo where the former MPs made a narrow escaped amid hails of stones.

Adipo Okuome had since ditched the ODM and took the ticket of the Wiper party and he is still in the race. Another ODM primary nomination loser David Ngala joined the UDF on whose ticket; he is still in the race for the election proper, which is slated for March 4, 2013.

Following the ODM nomination fiasco, the inter-clans politics has raised its ugly head with unconfirmed allegation claims that the Wiper candidate has been preaching for the partition of Karachuonyo constituency into to the east-West confrontation.

In Karachuonyo, the family tree is evenly distributed into sub-clans based on the clans named after the five wives of the community’s great grand father, Rachuonyo son of Jok. The descendants of the polygamous grand father are named after their grand-mothers, namely, Joka-Achieng’. Jo-Kanyipir, Jo-Kauma, Joka-Nyaluo and Joka-Adwet.

Rachuonyo’s wives were Achieng’, Nyipir, Nyaluo, Auma and Adwet.

The Kadwet group, which is the most populous sub-clan occupied the central and the eastern parts of the constituency including the Kendu-Bay town which is the nerves center of the region .politics.

The intriguing history of Karachuonyo politics rotates around the two major clans which live in the East and West. The east had the advantage accessing modern education owing to the fact that it was the homes of colonial chieftains, who dominated the area administration from 1906 to the time when Kenya attained its political independence in 1963. The old colonial chiefs who were from one sub-clan, joka-Adwet might have committed some act of injustices against members of other sub-clans, which were considered to be inferior due to lack of exposure to modern education and civilization, and from the look of things, it appears as if these sub-clans which were previously marginalized and suppressed by the colonial chiefs have yet to forgiven the Joka-Adwet sub-clan.

Despite of its population numeracy, the Joka-Adwet has yet to produce an MP ever since the inception of Karachuonyo constituency in 1962.

The first MP for Karachuonyo was the lat Elijah Omolo Agar who win the election as an independent KANU candidate the late Joseph Gogo Ochok who was the KANU official candidate during the 1963 independence general elections.

Omolo Agar met the fatal road accident in 1966 and died before completing his five year terms. At the time of his death he was serving in the post independence cabinet as an Assistant Minister for home-Affairs.

The election contest between the late Omolo Agar and the late Gogo Ochok was full of political intrigues and controversies in that Jaramogi Oginga Odinga who was the then KANU Vice President threw his weight behind the late Gogo Ochok the official KANU candidate while the late Tom Mboya who was then the KANU Secretary-General backed the candidacy of Omolo Agar.

Omolo Agar hails fro the Kanyipir sub-clan in the West .After Agar’s death, the former area member of the defunct Nyanza regional Assembly David Okiki Amayo was voted in to become the second Karachuonyo MP, Okiki Amayo, was to dominate the area politics for the next two decades until the until spoken women leader Mrs Phoebe Muga Asiyo dethroned him in another controversial and bruising election battle.

Asiiyo retired from active politic after representing thezrea for three five years term, ad was replaced by his former chief campaigner Dr. Paul Adhu Awiti.

Awiti lost to Rege in 2007 and has since been engaged by the prime minister Raila Odinga as his political adviser on Luo politic.

What is expected to come out of the election in Karachuonyo is the fact that those aspirants contesting the election in the Luo-Nyanza outside the ODM stand no chance of wining the election after the Luo political kingpin Raila Odinga had toured the area and questioned the voters not to elected “Madodoa” candidates. He warned that electing such a candidates would reduced the party majority in the next parliament.



Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo

READING about who is who among the leading political personalities and UDF supporters who converged at the party’s delegates conference in Nairobi and endorsed the Hon. W Musalia Mudavadi as the party’s flag-bearers in the 2013 presidential race, I am not amused in saying that this purely a Neo-KADU.

Those who have lived in this country long enough like myself, especially during the colonial area and the pre-independence days politics of the late 1950s and early 1960s will agree with me in principles that the UDF is a replica of the defunct Kenya African Democratic Union {KADU].

The UDF has truly balkanized all the Kenya tribes and communities which had supported KADU and collaborated well with the white settlers in a conspiracy to cause the delays in the attainment of Kenya’s political independence, which eventually was ushered in by KANU in 1963.

In the forefront of KADU were the late Ronald Gideon Ngala a Griama from the Coast Province, Henry Masinde Muliro a Bukusu from Western Province, Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi a from Tugen sub-tribe of the larger Kalenjin ethnic groups and Taaitta Araap Towett, a diminutive Kipsigis politician from the South Rift.

The UDF is therefore a true replica of the defunct KADU because it has amalgamated of Kenya’s tribes and communities which had a very negative attitudes toward the politics of true nationalism and patriotism. These communities have gone down in the history of Kenya as those who had collaborated well with the die-hard white settlers and colonialists, which were vehemently opposed to the country’s liberation and the struggle for independence.

The communities which I mentioned above had ganged up with the white settlers who were heavily funding KADU with intention, aims and objectives of delaying the Kenya’s political independence under the pretext that they were representing the marginalized minority groups.

They were the blue-eyed boy of the white settlers and colonialists who had hatched a secret plan to make Kenya a dominion country under the British Empire like Southern Rhodesia, New Zealand,Canada,Australia, and the defunct Central African Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland then under the white settlers Prime Minister Sir Roy Welensky.

Kenya was then viewed as a Whiteman’s country and its fertile highlands christened The White-Highland. The collaborating KADU politicians dined and whined in high places and five star hotels in Nairobi with the white supremacists, led by the late Group Captain L.R. Briggs of the whites only United Kenya party, the late Sir Michael Blundell of the multiracial Kenya National Party, which was later late transformed into the New Kenya Party.

The conspiracy against nationalism began in earnest immediately after the British Colonial Office in London lifted the state of emergency and lifted the restriction on the formation of the countrywide Africans political movement. Hitherto Africans were only allowed to form district political associations. But immediately after the first round table constitutional conference, which was held in the Lancaster House in London from Fabruary 1960 to April the same year.

This saw the birth of the Kenya African National Union [KANU} AT Kirigiti Stadium in Kiambu on June 30th 1960. Ngala, Moi, Muliro were conspicuously missing at the meeting that witnessed the formation of KANU in Kiambu. However, Taaita Arrap Towett was present, though he was roughed by KANU youths.

But within two weeks thereafter, the three Ngala Muliro, Moi and Towett with the help of the colonial administration and white settlers brought together the Maasai United Front then led by David Lemomo, The Towettled Kalenjin political Alliance led by Taaitta Toweett, Mombasa African Democratic Union [MADU] led by F.J.Khamisi, Coast African People Union [CAPU] led by one D.N.Korokoro and Msanifu Kombo and other Coastal politicians like Apollo Kilelu, S.Roggers Msechu

And that came the birth of KADU.Ngala Muliro and Moi declined the position offered them in KANU during the party’s inception at Kiambu.But readily accepted the positions allocated to them in KADU.

This is exactly how Mudavadi, Eugene Wamalwa, Gideon Moi,Nick Salat and others have been behaving since the clamor for the formation of political alliances

The only Rift Valley politicians who stood firm and remained steadfastly with other early nationalists were Danile Moss of the Mount Elgon District Congress and John Marie Seroney.

The late James Samuel Gichuru was made the first President of KANU on interim capacity while awaiting for the release of the late Jomo Kenyatta from the colonial detention and restriction camps in the northern

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was made the vice president of KANU while Tom Mboya was named the party’s secretary general. The trio had the backing of other true nationalists like Julius Gikonyo, Kiano,

Dr Mungai Njoroge,Josef Stanley Mathenge, Eric Edward Khasakhala, J.D.Otiende,Mohinga Chokwe, Eliud Ngala Mwendwa, Mister Mister Arap Korir, Christopher Kiprotich Arap Murei,William Mbolu Malu,George Nthenge F.J Mukeka and others.John Kebaso, Washington Ondicho, Lawrence George Sagini,James Nyamweya and others who stood firm and steadfast with KANU and flatly refused to be manipulated by the colonialists and white settlers.

The coming weeks will certainly rove the like of Wamalwa, Mudavadi, Khalwalewrong when Kenyans would be deciding as to which group is best suited tor the Amani Group, Jubilee or CORD. However, all the indications are that CORD would overcome the two other groups which are full of masters of political deceits. I am really sorry and sympathized with Musalia Muadavadi and wondered why should the son of my old friend the King of MululuMoses Sabstian Budamba Mudavadi should be prone to political conmen and miss the boat once again as he missed in 2002.

In this context, I am not ashamed to say that politics of tribal balkanization has no room in the modern day Kenya. Therefore the time for reflection will come soon and those who are there simply to protect their status quo and stood on the way of political reforms in this country will be taught a good lesson that they will live to regret for the rest of their lifetime.

I also beg to request the Hon Najib Balala the Mviuta Mp to correct a statement which he uttered during the TNA/URP alliance rally at the Tononoka ground in Mombasa recently touching on the horny issue of land redistribution at the coast and redress against the injustices committed against the coastal communities over their ancestral land.

Could Hon Balala be more specific and honest to tell us who owns the Taita Concessions Limited, the TaitaSisal Estate,at Mwatate which is measuring close to 36,000 hectares of land. How about rhe Ziwani Sisal Estate in the neighborhood near Mwakitau,

How about the ownership of \Jipe Sisal Estate, Taveta Sisal Estate and 0ther prime land at the coast. It is high time those defending impunity be told in a clear cut-sort of terms that Kenyans are tired of leaders whose families are associated with land grabbing.


USA, NYC; & Nigeria: October 6th Nigerian Independence Day Parade Video clip

From: African Views Information Exchange

Here is the video footage of the Nigerian independence day parade that took place in New York on October 6, 2012.



Raila had no role in the Mau Forest eviction exercises he a just implementing the cabinet decision

News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo

The younger generations of politicians, particularly the Kalenjin MPs who of late have been pointing accusing fingers at the Prime Minister Raila Odinga blaming him of complicity in the Mau Forest evictions and rehabilitation of this important water tower are simply not telling the truth about the historical background of the matter.

The political history of Mau Forest and other injustices related to the land distribution could as well be traced back to the final constitutional talks on the future of an independent Kenya, which were held inside the famous Lancaster House in London, UK in 1962.

These problems are inter-related to the dismantling of the so-called “White Highland”. It has since emerged that during the round table constitutional talks, the African delegates who were then representing two major political parties of the time, namely KANU and KADU were subjected to too much blackmailing by the White Settlers representative and those representing colonial authorities.

And due for the then clamor for political independence and the liberation of the country fro the colonial York to an independent African government, they hastily and hurriedly rubber-stamped many clauses in the then new Lancaster House constitution that wee only meat for the protection of white settlers and their properties.

Kanu delegates were led by the founding President the late Jomo Kenyatta, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Tom Mboya, James Samuel Gichuru, Eliud Ngala Mwanda, Muhinga Chokwe and other party stalwarts like Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano,Samuel Onyango Ayodo, and Mbiyu Koinange.

The KADU team was led by Ronald Gideon Ngala, Daniel T. Moi, Masinde Muliro, Taaitta Arap Toweett, Marie John Seroney,Peter Habenga Okondo, William Murgor and John Keen.

The moderate white settlers were led by Michael Blundell, Sir Charles Markham, Mrs Agnes Shaw, Mrs Dorothy Hughes, Bruce Mackenzie,Sir Alfred Vincent ,Culwick and Crosskill, R.S Alexander and Humprey Slade.DEREK Eriaskin and others.

There were also extremist’s racists’ white supremacists like major BP Roberts, Major F Day, Aircomodore Howard Williams and others. Ex-officio representatives included the Governor, the deputy Governor,Sir Patrick M Renson, the Chief Secretary, W.F.Coutts and Minister for legal Affairs Griffith Jones ,Q.C. and others.

The Indian community were represented by the likes of Avind Jammidar, Ibrahim Nathoo, D.B Kholi, J.S Patel, F. De Souza, C.B.Madan, K.P Shah

Due to the clamor for political independence, KANU AN KADU delegates to the talks were coerced and blackmailed by the representatives of the Her Majesty government at the Whitehall and Colonial Office led by the then Secretary of State for the British Colonies Duncan Sandys to succumbed easily to the white settlers demands for compensation for those who wished to leave the county at the independence.

The British government at the same time readly made available millions of sterling British pounds, which was to be given to the new Kenya government headed by he late Jomo Kenyatta. The money was meant to be utilized in compensation payout to the departing white settlers and partly to be used in the purchasing of the farms owned by European settlers and other for properties and partly for the settling of the millions of the landless African people of Kenya.

Immediately when the independence came and the white settlers had realized that the new African government had the money for the compensation of their land an property, there was mass exodus of whites despite of the repeated assurances given by Jomo Kenyatta and member of the post-independence cabinet that their property would be given maximum security protection under the Bill of Right entrenched in the Lancaster House constitution, the majority of the whites settlers numbering about 200,000 in population opted to go out of Kenya for green pasture elsewhere.

The new independent government half-heartedly used the money in settling few African population in Subukia, Rongai, Londiani, Molk, Olkalou, Nyahururu, Laikipia, and other places.

The settlement scheme the re-distribution of the lands were , however, biased and only dished out selectively to favor one particular community [the Kikuyu] at the expense of other needy Kenyans.

The Kikuyus were given farm lands in areas previously considered as the indigenous Kalenjin regions in total disregards of the local indignant communities.

Members of the Kalenjin community dissented to this, but the senior Kalenjin politician of the time who were none other than Daniel Arap Moi and Dr.Taaitta Arap Towett, were happily serving in he post independence cabinet an never raised any objection to the settling of Kikuyu people in area previously considered as the Kalenjin land.

Two Kalenjin politicians, however, were vehemently opposed to the spread of Kikuyu settlement in what they considered as the Kalenjin land.They were Marie John Seroney then the MP for Tinderet and Morogo Saina then the M for Eldoret North. This was the source of hostility between Seroney and the KANU government, which led to both Seroney and Saina being jailed and landed in detention camps following the no in famous Nandi Hills Declaration.

It was the same money given by the British government for the settlement o landless African people of Kenya that Kenyatta is being alleged to have used in acquiring vast plantation s land in Taita Taveta, Mwatate, Ziwani, Laikipia, Ruiru and Salgaa near Nakuru.

Jomo Kenyatta died on August 22nd and hi hen Vice President for 12 years Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi stepped into his shoes at the mantle of power. It was during Moi’s presidency hen the government half-heartedly opened up the Mau Forest and other areas for Kalenjin settlement, most of hem illegal squatters.

The first tribal land clashes between the Kalenjin, Kikuyu, Kisii, Luos, Luhyias were believes to have been launched with the full knowledge of members of the security apparatus during the Moi’s Presidency.

It was also the Moi KANU regime which encouraged tribal land clashes which were meant t cleanse the region of what were commonly called madoadoa colours out of the region

The dreaded Kalenjin warriors were secretly trained an armed with crude weapons in the Embobut Forest, Ndoinet, Marigat and Mau Forest and then ferried on government vehicles an other tracks donated by wealthy Kalenjin businessmen and farmers when they launched three prongs full scale attack on the Kisii in Sotik, Luos in Nyando Valley, Nyakach an luhyias in Lugari and along he Rift Valley-Western Provinces boundaries causing the first internally displaced persons in 1996/97 and the last clashes and the worse of all was in 2007/2008.

The original intention was to keep a bay those who were clamoring for the multi parties system of politics then opposed to the KANU doctrine of the monolithic one party dictatorship.

On the latest opposition to Raila Odinga roe in the Mau Forest saga, the Prime Minister had no personal interests in the forest, but was just executing and implementing the collective decision of the cabinet. Some of the now outspoken MPs like William Ruto were members of the cabinet and at in the cabinet meetings when decision and government plans on the rehabilitation of Mau Forest were being deliberated upon, but they did not raise any objection.

Mr Odinga should be exonerated out f these malicious accusations and falsehood a he has done nothing wrong to the Kalenjin community because the source of injustices done to this particular community as the land redistribution is concerned lies elsewhere and not strictly with Raila Odinga.



From: Ouko joachim omolo
Voices of Justice for Peace
Regional News


Today is Saturday September 22, 2012, the day Honorable Martha Karua was born. It is also the day Mali achieved its independence from France. Born Martha Wangari Karua on September 22, 1957 in Kirinyaga District, Central Province of Kenya, Karua is Kenyan politician, Member of Parliament for Gichugu Constituency.

Nicknamed Iron Lady of Kenyan politics, Karua studied Law at the University of Nairobi from 1977 to 1980 and Kenya School of Law for the statutory post graduate law course from 1980- 1981. She began her career as District magistrate to a Senior Resident Magistrate-Makadara law courts from 1984-1985 and Kibera Law courts from 1985-1987 respectively.

She started a law firm Martha Karua & Co. Advocates in 1987 which she ran till 2002. In the early 1990s she was a member of a political movement that saw the reintroduction of multi-party politics in Kenya from the defiant authoritarian rule of a party KANU led by Kenya’s former dictator president Daniel arap Moi.

She later joined Kenneth Matiba’s FORD ASILI where she first vied for the Gichugu Parliamentary seat but lost to George Kareithi a former Head of Public Service. She regained the seat in 1992 in Democratic Party (DP) ticket through the support of Mwai Kibaki who was the head of the party by then.

Karua surprised Kenyans by resigning from her influential Justice, National cohesion and constitutional Affairs docket in a government she fought hard to see in leadership. She gave the reason for her resignation as the constant frustrations she received from her colleagues in government in an effort to entrench reforms.

She announced her presidential bid during a dinner hosted at the National Museums of Kenya, Louis Leakey Auditorium on the 27 of April 2011, vowing to push for reforms if elected president even though it still remains to be seen if she will rise up to her competitors and critics in government.

Karua who is also the Chairperson of NARC-Kenya says she will continue to use her campaign platforms to promote peaceful coexistence and nationhood amongst all Kenyans, insisting that action must be taken against all inciters and/or sponsors of violence whatever their station in life.

Some of her critics however, challenge her presidential bid, saying that until she explains to Kenyans why she stood up for rigged elections to keep her mentor in power, why she assisted Kibaki to be sworn in at night like a thief, and if she can acknowledge that her actions in 2007-2008 endangered Kenyans life’s and brought about the clashes where many innocent Kenyans lost their life’s she won’t make it to presidency.

Her critics say Martha should start by asking forgiveness from Kenyans first and foremost, while at the same time telling Kenyans the truth of what transpired during and after the 2007 elections, adding that quitting her ministerial position was not enough to change Kenyans Views about her.

Martha Karua was Kenya’s Minister for Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs. She was appointed to this post in April 2008 following the naming of a Grand Coalition Government in Kenya. She was elected on a Narc Kenya ticket in the 2007 General Elections to represent Gichugu Constituency.

The coalition is led by President Emilio Mwai Kibaki (PNU), Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga (ODM) and Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka (ODM-K). These were the three top and antagonistic contenders for the presidency in the 2007 general elections.

Martha Karua first became a minister after the Narc came into power in 2003 when she was named the Minister for Water and Irrigation. She held this position until December 2005 when President Kibaki dissolved his entire cabinet following his defeat in the jinxed 2005 constitutional referendum when his ‘Yes’ banana side was defeated by the ‘No’ orange side spearheaded by Raila Odinga, the then minister for public works who had been brewing a rebellion within the NARC Government.

Karua appointed businessman Hussein Mohamed as the secretariat’s Chief Executive Officer for her campaign. Mr Mohamed was recently trounced in Federation of Kenya Football elections by Sam Nyamweya.

Speaking during the launch in Nairobion, the Narc-Kenya leader said she is running for president to defend the Constitution, which guarantees all Kenyans a life of dignity and equality, pleading to end impunity and fight corruption.

In 1998, Karua declined the position of Shadow Minister for Culture and Social Services which conflicted with her position of National Secretary for Constitutional Affairs (an elected office) that made her the official spokesperson on legal matters of the party. She opted to resign her position as the National Secretary.

In 2001, when the Constitutional Review Bill was laid before the House, the entire Opposition with the exception of Karua walked out of Parliament. The Bill had been rejected by the Opposition as well as Civil Society but Karua was of the view that as elected representatives, instead of walking out, it would be more prudent to remain in Parliament and put the objections on record.

In an interview with BBC’s HARDtalk in January 2008, Karua said, regarding the violent crisis that had developed over the election results, that while the government had anticipated that the ODM) of Raila Odinga might be “planning mayhem if they lost”, it was surprised by “the magnitude” of it, calling the violence “ethnic cleansing”.

Asked to clarify, Karua said that she was stating “categorically” that the ODM planned ethnic cleansing. Odinga subsequently called Karua’s accusation “outrageous”.

She was endorsed as the national chairperson of the NARC-Kenya political party on November 15, 2008. There was virtually no competitive election during the party’s national delegates’ convention at the Bomas of Kenya in Nairobi as all the officials including Ms Karua were being endorsed.

After her endorsement she immediately declared she would be gunning for the highest political seat in the Kenya’s 2012 elections.

At one time in her Kirinyaga District, Karua walked out on President Moi who was then addressing a crowd in the district stadium. She has been a leading crusader for the widening of democratic space and gender issues in Kenya.

She has been involved in championing women’s rights through public interest litigation, lobbying and advocacy for laws that enhance and protect women’s rights through her work with various women’s organizations, particularly the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA-Kenya) and the League of Kenya Women Voters.

In February 2009 during her time as Minister of Justice, she once had a heated argument with the Minister of Agriculture William Ruto at a cabinet meeting as the President sat quietly, watching the sparring ministers, according to the source at the meeting. The President did not say or do anything.

He just sat there quietly watching as the ministers took on each other. It was chaotic, hot and eruptive. The two ministers had been sparring in public over a period of three weeks, with Ms Karua demanding Mr Ruto’s resignation over a maize scandal. This gained her momentum and was referred to as “the only man” in the PNU Cabinet.

Although today also marks the day Mali achieved independence from France in 1960, this country in the West African state has been afflicted by several rebellions, insurrections, and coups. The Malian army’s overthrow of President Amadou Toumani Toure threatens to end two decades of democratic rule in the country.

The following is the timeline courtesy Aljazeera

1960: The Mali Federation (which included Senegal) gains independence from France. Mobido Keita, a socialist, becomes the country’s first president. Senegal left the Federation later that year.

1962-64: Nomadic Tuareg peoples in the north of Mali, dissatisfied with their position in the new state and wanting a state of their own, revolt in the First Tuareg Rebellion. The Malian government’s army is much better-equipped than the rebels, and after defeating them, force Tuareg areas under military administration. This stokes resentment in these regions, and causes many Tuareg to flee to neighbouring countries.

1968: A coup led by a young army lieutenant named Moussa Traore overthrows Mobido Keita’s regime. Traore forbids opposition political parties, and presides over the development of a police state.

1968-74: Mali suffers from a major drought, which devastates many Tuareg areas in the north.

1990-95: The Second Tuareg Rebellion begins in June 1990, as separatists in the north demand their own Tuareg state. Malian president Alpha Konare grants greater autonomy to the Tuareg-heavy Kidal region, causing the conflict to die down somewhat, but hostilities continue for several years more.

1991: Dissatisfaction with poor economic conditions and the Traore regime’s corruption help spur a pro-democracy protest movement. Following a government crackdown, in which dozens are killed or injured by government forces, a military coup removes Traore from office in the so-called “March Revolution”. The coup leader, lieutenant colonel Amadou Toumani Toure, leads Mali before stepping down when elections are held in 1992.

1992: The first democratic elections since before the Traore regime are held in Mali. Alpha Konare is elected president, and then re-elected in 1997.

2002: Amadou Toumani Toure, who led the 1991 coup overthrowing Traore, is elected president after winning 64 per cent of the vote.

2006: In June, Mali reaches a peace agreement with Tuareg rebels seeking greater autonomy for their northern desert

2007: Toure wins 71 per cent of votes to guarantee a second five-year term as president. A Tuareg rebellion breaks out in Niger and Mali, concentrated in Niger’s northern Agadez region and Mali’s northeastern Kidal Region.

2008: Several Malian government troops and Tuareg fighters are killed when a rebel column attacks an army post near the Mauritanian border, despite a ceasefire between the two sides.

2009: Hundreds of rebels lay down their weapons in northern Mali in a sign that military pressure and Algerian mediation may be helping end the rebellion led by Tuareg nomads.

2011: After the end of the uprising in Libya, large numbers of Tuareg, who had fought for Muammar Gaddafi in the Libyan civil war, return to their home country, many heavily armed. The Tuareg rebellion is reignited in northern Mali, with the aim of establishing an independent Tuareg state called Azawad.

January 2012: Tuareg rebels exchange gunfire with Malian soldiers in a northern town.

February 2012: Mali are due hold its presidential election on time in April despite the rebellion in the north, Toure says.

March 2012: Mutinous Malian soldiers close the borders hours after declaring they seized power from the president in protest at the government’s failure to quell the rebellion in the north.

March 22: The newly formed National Committee for the Return of Democracy and the Restoration of the State (CNRDR) declares it has seized power. Malian soldiers say they have deposed Toure and suspended the constitution.

March 23: The African Union suspends Mali’s membership following the coup. Regional bloc ECOWAS follows suit a few days later and threatens to use sanctions dislodge the army leaders.

March 28: Toure, in his first public comments since he was ousted, tells French radio he is free and unharmed.

March 30 – April 1: Tuareg rebels enter key towns in the north of Mali after soldiers abandon positions. They seize regional capitals Kidal, Gao and then Timbuktu in a three-day offensive. The rebellion effectively controls the whole of the northern half of Mali.

April 2: ECOWAS imposes sanctions including a complete shutdown of borders to force the junta to step down from power.

April 6: Tuareg fighters who have captured the north of the country declare an independent state called Azawad, with the city of Gao as its capital.

ECOWAS and Mali’s military coup leaders agree to a deal under which the junta will hand over power to parliament speaker Diouncounda Traore, who will be sworn in as interim president with a mission to organise elections.

April 8: Mali’s President Amadou Toumani Toure hands in his official letter of resignation from one of the hiding places in the capital where he had been since the coup. This paves the way for the ECOWAS brokered deal to take effect.

April 12: Diouncounda Traore is sworn in as interim president. He says he will not hesitate to wage war against the rebels who have seized the northern parts of Mali, if they do not agree to peace talks. ECOWAS lifts sanctions against Mali and agrees to give amnesty to those involved in the coup.


Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
People for Peace in Africa
Tel +254-7350-14559/+254-722-623-578

Peaceful world is the greatest heritage
That this generation can give to the generations
To come- All of us have a role.

Kenya’s presidential aspirant who pick up Franis Atwoli of COTYU{K} could be assured of election victory next year

News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo

The time is ripe for Kenyan politicians who are nursing presidential ambition to cast their political nets widely open while shopping around for suitable running mates to consider the possibility of including the COTU {K} Secretary-General in their teams.

Atwoli has the largest constituency in the labor movement; therefore his inclusion into the presidential race team as the running-mate could have a far-reaching and fruitful result to any party or presidential hopeful who chooses him as a running-mate.

Historically it should be remembered that the labor movement in Kenya had played a pivotal role in the struggle for independence and went as far as helping the Kenyan African National Union{KANU} into a sweeping victory in 1963 general elections that ushered in the political independence.

It could be remembered that its inception at the Kirigiti stadium in Kiambu town in June 1960, KANU immediately identified itself with the Kenyan workers. It was gradually built on the strength of the labor movement.

At the birth of KANU, the late Tom Mboya had won its coveted top office of the Secretary-General of newly established first black African colony-wide mass political movement ever since the colonial authorities banned the Kenya African Union [KAU} under the Sate of Emergency declared by the colonial governor in Kenya, Sir Evelyn Baring on October 20,1952.

The formation of KANU an that of its rival Kenya African Democratic Union {KADU} came as a hard bargain during the first round able constitutional conference in Kenya which was held a he famous Lancaster House in London between February and March 1960.

It happened that Mboya who had trounced Arthur Aggrey Ochwada with only one single vote for the position f the Secretary-General was at the time the most influential General Secretary of the defunct Kenya Federation of Labor {KFL}, which was the hen the umbrella of the labor movement I Kenya.

All the unions affiliated to KFL joined the fray. All the general secretaries of the unions affiliated to KFL mobilized the workers who in turn joined KANU en mass. Prior to the birth of KANU, the KFL had become the most effective voice of he workers in Kenya and also that of the African population frequently issuing statements on behalf of African population and is aspiration as well as the demand for political independence and the end of both the state of emergency and racial discrimination on jobs.

In its early existence as a mass political movement in Kenya , KANU survived mostly on resources and manpower provided by the KFL, which later propelled I-it into power in 1963.
It was also joined by splinters of African political parties which were given very limited chances to operate within the district level. This was so in the absence of any mass and colony-wide African political parties. Ii fact it as through the KFL unfaltering support that KANU successfully managed to over its rivals like the pro-white settlers KADU and other a the tie of the 1963 general election, which ushered in political independence.

And even today the labor movement could [provide the competing parties with a swing votes. This is the main reason why I have the opinion that any presidential aspirant whose party can settle on Atwoli as its running-mate could harvest maximum votes within the industries and from the plantation workers.

The outspoken unionist has built a large following not only among the workers, but the Kenya public at large. He is a robust- man who always prefer taking the bull by its horn and a fearless speaker when it come to the question of defending he Kenyan workers.

Atwoli always peaks his minds irrespective of how other takes hi views. He has built a strong constituency beyond parochial lines, tribal ethnic boundaries; therefore he could be an asset to the party that picks him up as a running mate to its presidential aspirant. Such a party would definitely harvest maximum votes from the workers and other Kenyans who have come to trust Atwoli as an untainted leader.

History is so kind and it tells us that the later Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana won and be Secretary general of the Trade Union Congress o Ghana {TUC}, while in Kenya the late Jomo Kenyatta’s accession to power was made possible owing to the organizational skills and mobilization ability of the politically genius Tom Mboya. It was Mboya’s dynamism and used his political magnanimity and skills in propelling KANU into victory n 1963.

Atwoli apart from c being the boss of COTU {K} is also the Secretary-general of the membership –rich Union of the Kenya Plantation and Agricultural Workers. Also in his armpit is the Kenya Union of Sugar Plantation Workers.

Atwoli is known as a man who strongly abhorred the politics of sycophancy and as such would make a wonderful vice president of the Republic of Kenya. Ever since stepping into the helm of workers leadership, Atwoli has put the Kenyan workers into the world map. He is sitting o several key and important world-wide workers boards, important workers boards in the African continent.


Keeping AFRICOM out of the neighbourhood

From: Yona Maro

After the winds of change in the 1960s, Africa found itself fast-gaining independence from colonialists, one country after another, until South Africa became the last country to claim uhuru.

Since then, there appeared to have been a surrender of the colonial ideology by the colonial masters but sooner rather than later, the colonial masters regrouped and came up with a more subtle manner of re-colonising Africa through regime change disguised as “humanitarian military interventions, democracy, good governance and accountability”.

The sad story is that all these high-sounding words were crafted and started being implemented largely from an American, British and French point of view and, generally from a Eurocentric point of view.

Democracy, good governance and accountability were never sought and implemented from an African perspective, not from an Africa eye and each African leader who has defied this has been a victim of regime change.

The pseudo-democrats, created and hoisted into power by the Americans, the British the Canadian and the French, have all turned out to be sell-outs with no interest of Africa and the Africans, but giving all the resources to the master of regime change.

This has been the dilemma of Africa and an affront to African humanism.

The United States of America in particular has set up military commands for the absolute control of Africa’s resources and is willing to deploy is soldiers to any portion of Africa, firstly disguised as helpers bringing peace and stability but behind the scenes, America will be milking that country’s resources or effecting regime change.

All Africans in the know got worried late last year when America deployed 100 soldiers to Uganda, to hunt for the Lord’s Resistance Army and save President Yoweri Museveni.

The question by all and sundry is saving Museveni from what?

The other question is how is Museveni going to pay back the American?

What with Museveni’s involvement in the DRC?

What has Museveni done to deserve special protection from the Americans, which Sudan’s Al-Bashir does not deserve?

What special protection does Museveni deserve which Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe does not deserve from the MDC onslaught?

The point is, while we should not support the rebels in Uganda, it is equally interesting to question the motive of the Americans yet there is the African Union that should be expressly dealing with such problems.

Is it not correct for the African Union to come up with a military contingent to deal with such problems, since SADC already has a Standby Brigade?

The LRA is not silly and reports from its camp are that they have done a tactical withdrawal until they understand the American mission.

They have not disbanded but they have gone underground.

For a country as big as America to have a military intervention in yonder Uganda, there must be something special and Africans should smell a rat.

Why America?

The UN, itself a latterday mouthpiece of American foreign policy claims that it has noted a reduction on LRA presence, effectively giving credit to the American operation in the same manner it did in Libya until the violent overthrowing of Muammar Gaddafi.

What is needed in Uganda is an African solution not an American solution.

This fact is attributed to a gradual decrease in Joseph Kony’s troops.

According to the Ugandan government, their numbers do not exceed 350-400 fighters.

But truth is that Kony now has more sympathisers in the Arab world than he had before as the anti-American sentiment is high in that section of society.

Considering this, one can clearly see how flimsy the US official excuse for sending 100 troops to the Great Lakes District is that there is need for stability in that region and that Kony has butchered ordinary people.

At the same time, this move is completely in line with the US plan to penetrate African and consolidate its military, political, and economic grip on the continent.

The move has given US AFRICOM one step into the African soil and it is fact not fiction that Museveni no longer has the power to withdraw the American soldiers and neither will he have the power to determine when the mission will end.

It is equally true that Museveni no longer has the power to defend his country’s independence and that he will now dance the American tune to the fullest.

The first stage of the plan was implemented in Libya, with the AFRICOM being brought into play there to deal with Gaddafi, disguised as America’s contingent to help Nato. Now the Africom troops are deployed in the Great Lakes District and what is next for Africa?

The decision made by the government of Uganda, DRC, Central African Republic, and South Sudan to allow the AFRICOM troops to their respective territories undermines the other AU member-countries’ effort to establish their own peacekeeping forces.

African leaders must put on the agenda of the January 2012 AU summit, the issue of deploying a regiment of the SADC Standby Forces in the Great Lakes as soon as possible, not AFRICOM.

This step would enable African countries to maintain control over the situation on the continent, keep any foreign players from meddling in African affairs and put an end to the new wave or colonisation.

The move is an affront to all effort for Africa to control and defend its independence in a manner it sees fit not in manner other countries and continents see fit. –

*Professor Muchai Wa Muthatha teaches History at Makerere University

Karibu Jukwaa la
Pata nafasi mpya za Kazi


From: odhiambo okecth


I want to take the flip side and address the issues you are raising and complaining about in a nutshell.

At Independence, all across Africa, we had a few issues that drove the need for Independence. First, we wanted to rule ourselves and help achieve certain key issues we thought were dear to us.

In Kenya, we zeroed on 3 cardinal issues; Poverty, disease and illiteracy. We had some other issues we thought were dear to us.

But immediately we attained Independence, some of our leaders changed the goal posts. Many states in Africa went dictatorial; where the big man became the Mister Know it all. Democracy was defecated upon and what we had in reality were sham elections. And then they invented tribalism as a buffer for their leadership, and we promptly swallowed that.

In those sham elections, the people were used to rubber stamp the pre-determined electoral choices of the ruling elite. This led to the fight and agitation for the Second Liberation wave across all Africa.

Again, in Kenya, the people decided that we had seen enough of this electoral malaise and with Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, George Moseti Anyona, Masinde Muliro, Kenneth Matiba, Raila Odinga and others in the front line, the journey to the Second Liberation had started.

The people won in the fight for the Second Liberation, but lost in electing people, men and women of repute to electoral offices. Instead of electing leaders, we elected fleecers; men and women whose main preoccupation once in office was to fleece the common man.

Food prices went up. Housing units went up. Fuel went up. School Fees went up. Taxation went up. MPs salaries went up and the common man’s salary was gravely eaten into. Then, we were given another chance to elect new leaders and promptly, we elected and returned to office the same known thieves who had messed us up.

The end result is that we are in the mess we are in, courtesy of ourselves. We are constantly given a chance to correct the mess, but we vote tribe. We vote for money. And we vote for ineptness. Then we blame the leaders we have voted for.

Have you ever heard of garbage in garbage out?

That is our malady and untill we will make up our mind to stop voting for tribe, money and ineptness, we will keep blaming the garbage we keep piling in.

My take is simple; change will not come from somewhere else. We are the change we have been waiting for. Let us join hands and help Clean Kenya.


Karibu Jukwaa la
Pata nafasi mpya za Kazi

— On Sun, 3/4/12, Cornelius Ambale wrote:

Dear Presidents/Prime Ministers, of Africa

On behalf of the poor people of Africa, I send you this protest letter.

We are angry. Yes, we the people are very angry. We have endured your ill conceived, harsh and austere economic and social policies for quite too long. We have watched silently to see you and your cronies enjoy while we the masses continue to suffer. We have no jobs, no income, no savings and no place to lay our heads while you and your selected few live in mansions at the expense of the very poor you are refusing to take care of. You have consistently ignored all our cry for help even though you know our plights very well.

Are you not appalled by the scale of poverty and the living condition of the people? Are you not appalled to see children selling on the street instead of being in the classroom? Are you not appalled to see children scavenging for food while you and you cronies frequent five star hotels? Don’t you care about the dignity of the people you claim to be serving?

For years, you have asked us to sacrifice and even today we are still sacrificing. How many more years should we continue to sacrifice and tighten our belts while you and your cronies enjoy from our sweat? We cannot continue any longer. No we cannot.

We are tired of all of you who call yourself leaders of the people. We are tired of dictatorship, media censorship, torture, imprisonment without trial, war and political instability. We are tired of being refugees. We are tired of seeing our children die of preventable diseases. We are tired of sharing water from the same source with animals; water infested with bacteria and viruses. We are tired of lack of access to education, health, energy, food, medicine, shelter and clothing. We are tired of having to work with cutlasses and hoes in this 21st century. We are tired of having to rely on nature to plant our crops. We are tired of having to plant without fertilizers. We are tired of having to use 18th century seeds that yield next to nothing. We are tired of having to endure poverty, starvation, diseases, humiliation, torture, oppression, in your hands.

Above all, we are tired of your excesses. We are tired of your corrupt practices and the looting of the treasuries. Your foreign bank accounts are swollen with hundreds of millions of dollars, pounds and Euros while hundreds of millions of people live on one dollar a day.

We are tired of you using our money to procure arms for your own protection while children go to school barefooted and on empty stomach; while hospitals are without essential medicines; while factories are folding up for lack of electricity; and while harvested crops remain in the bush for lack of good roads. We are tired of all your inactions, the wait- see – and – do – nothing approaches to problem solving.

There are many of you that we have not chosen or asked to lead us yet are carrying themselves as our leaders. Such people we demand should retire and allow elections to take place. We demand an end to torture in Egypt and starvation in Ethiopia and Zimbabwe. We demand an end to the dictatorial rule in Libya, Egypt, Cameroon, Gabon, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Uganda and the Gambia. We demand an end to the instabilities in DR. Congo, Sudan, Somalia, Northern Uganda, Chad and Madagascar. We demand an end to the genocide in Darfur and the killing of innocent children, women and civilians.

We demand an end to the official corruption and graft in Nigeria, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Angola, DR. Congo, Chad, South Africa, Kenya and Guinea. We demand an end to the eroding of democratic values in Ethiopia, Nigeria, Egypt, Mauritania, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon and Gabon. We demand an end to the injection of tribalism in our politics. We demand an end to the use of the continent as a hub for cocaine shipment to Europe.


from ouko joachim omolo
Colleagues Home & Abroad Regional News


Today Kenyans are honouring the Mashujaa (heroes/heroines ) because they resisted colonization. They wanted Kenya to be free of intimidations, racism, negative ethnicity, nepotism, corruption, and political assassinations, land grabbing, torture, human rights abuses and many more.

Mekatilili wa Menza, a Kenyan woman leader, is remembered for her courage in leading the Giriama people in a rebellion against the British Colonial Administration and policies in 1913 – 1914. They had sacred dwelling places called Kayas, located in forested areas, one of which the British Colonial Administration destroyed by dynamiting it in 1914.

Because of her resistant to colonial policies Mekatilili was captured by the British and exiled to Mumias in Western Province of Kenya, far away from her coastal native area. Even after five years in prison she was released she continued to oppose the imposition of Colonial policies and ordnances. She died in 1914, and was buried in Bungala, in Magarini District.

Dedan Kimathi Waciuri (31 October 1920 – 18 February 1957) is honoured because he fought against the British colonial government in Kenya in the 1950s. He was convicted and executed in 1957 for murder and terrorism. The British colonial government convicted him because he was the main lead of Mau Mau movement.

Other heroes include M’Kiribua M’Muchiri alias Musa Mwariama born in 1928 at Muthara in Tigania division of Meru District. Waruhiu Itote was one of the key leaders of the Mau Mau rebellion alongside Dedan Kimathi and General Stanley Mathenge and Musa Mwariama.

Ramogi Achieng Oneko (1920–2007), one of the six freedom fighters arrested by the British colonial government in Kapernguria in 1952. Other members of the group, known as “Kapenguria Six” were Jomo Kenytatta, Paul Ngei, Bildad Kaggia, Kungu Karumba and Fred Kubai. They were arrested for allegedly being linked with the Mau Mau rebellion movement. They were released nine years later, in 1961, two years before Kenya gained independence.

On the other hand, while Jomo Kenyatta is honoured for his role in Mau Mau uprising, his regime is remembered for the death of Josiah Mwangi Kariuki (March 21, 1929–March 2, 1975). Mwangi was a great opponent to Kenyatta and always fought for the poor Kenyans-unfair distribution of land by Kenyatta to his close friends.

JM as he was popularly known is remembered by Kenyans as a hero as he came to represent the force against the evils that have harmed the country to this day. He is remembered for his great quote: “Kenya has become a nation of 10 millionaires and 10 million beggars.” “Every Kenyan man, woman and child is entitled to a decent and just living.

JM was brutally murdered on March 2, 1975, three weeks short of his 46th birthday, robbing Kenya of one of the most dedicated champions of the rights of the poor and a vociferous critic of inequality.

Kenyatta is also remembered for the death of Tom Mboya and Pio Gama Pinto. Pinto had discovered that Kenyatta had allocated himself a total of 50 farms in Central province and Rift valley and this did not please him. Some of the farms had poor Kikuyu squatters who were to be evicted.

The land owned by the Kenyatta family includes Taita Taveta farm (74, 000 acres), Kahawa Sukari farm (29, 000 acres), Gatundu farm, Thika farm, Brookside farm, Muthaita farm, Green Lee Estate, Njagu farm in Juja, Kasarani farm (9, 000 acres), Nakuru farm in Rongai near Moi’s home, a quarry in Dandora, Naivasha Ranch and several farms in Nairobi.

Close associates of Kenyatta such as Mbiyu Koinange, Kihika Kimani, Isaiah Mathenge, Eliud Mahihu, Jackson Angaine, Paul Ngei, Daniel Arap Moi, Njoroge Mungai, Charles Njonjo, Mwai Kibaki, Njenga Karume among other power brokers of the time, were encouraged to acquire, and did acquire, as much land.

Pinto’s problem began when he decided to move a vote of no confidence in Kenyatta. Kenyatta confronted him within the precincts of parliament and challenged him over the no confidence vote. Tom Mboya had earlier warned Pinto that his life was in danger and he could take refuge outside Kenya, and advise Pinto ignored.

When Pinto refused to back down Kenyatta called him a bastard to which Pinto immediately responded by telling Kenyatta in front of witnesses and other cabinet ministers that he (Kenyatta) was also a bastard.

Mboya was a brilliant young Suba man who also became a key rival of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and allowed himself to be played against Jaramogi by the Mt Kenya elite. It was because of him that Kenya Peoples Union came into existence…after he came up with the regional vice presidency scheme.

Born Thomas Joseph Odhiambo Mboya on 15th August 1930, he was to die by an assassin’s bullet at the tender age of 39 on 5th July 1969. It is widely believed that his high profile and illustrious career as a brilliant and charismatic leader, led to his assassination.

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga found himself into a big problem when it came to emerge that he had arranged for Pinto to hide in Mombasa and if necessary sneak out of the country from there. Kenyatta had to appoint Joseph Murumbi his Vice President later that year when he heard about this and said it was not possible for Kenyatta to kill Pinto.

Pinto was killed in cold blood. It has never been revealed before but it was the realization that Pinto’s assassination had been carried out by Kenyatta insiders that led to the resignation of Joseph Murumbi as Vice President later on. Others who died mysteriously during Kenya include Ronald Ngala and CMG Argwings Kodhek.

Although Argwings-Kodhek’s death was attributed to a road accident, Kodhek who became a powerful minister in the Kenyatta cabinet was believed by a close confidant of Kenyatta that his death was actually the result of a gunshot fired from a police-issued rifle. Many close to the family actually believe that this was President Kenyatta’s first political assassination.

Closely held family records indicate that former cabinet minister Paul Ngei actually identified the police vehicle that carried the assassins to the ambush point on Hurlingham Road (now Argwings-Kodhek Road). The vehicle in question was part of Vice-President Moi’s Vice-Presidential Escort detail.

The testimony of former cabinet minister Andrew Omanga, then C.M.G.’s Permanent Secretary indicate that when Omanga met him lying in the road shortly after the ‘accident’ C.M.G. stated that he had a ‘shock’ and that he heard a ‘gun shot’. Formerly powerful Attorney-General Charles Njonjo confirmed as C.M.G. lay dying the next morning that the ‘wounds are consistent with gun shot wounds’.

It is commonly known that Kenyatta, frustrated with Oginga Odinga, had already notified Argwings-Kodhek that he was going to be appointed Vice-President—a position C.M.G. had turned down and suggested that it be given to Moi, instead of Mboya—to become the first African to join the colonial Legislative Council.

The Kenyatta administration clearly did the most damage in dividing the country along tribal lines and destroying all the national unity that had been achieved in the run up to independence.

On the other hand, while Daniel arap Moi is honoured as one of the heroes, like Kenyatta he is also remembered for numeral deaths during his tenure including the controversial one of Dr Robert Ouko and Anglican Bishop, Alexander Kipsang arap Muge.

Ouko was murdered after a controversial trip to the United States where it is rumoured that he had easier access to the then US President George Bush Senior than did President Moi. That was a threat to National security.

Horace Ongili who was said to have been a rising politician in Kenya also died mysteriously during Moi. By the time he was brutally murdered and his body discarded in a maize plantation, it was rumoured that he was set to be named vice president. At that time, the seat was occupied by Mwai Kibaki who is the current president.

The next victim was Masinde Muliro (1922 – August 14, 1992), one of the renowned freedom fighter who campaigned for the restoration of multi-party democracy in Kenya. He was a ruthless negotiator and a proponent of peaceful but focused politics.

Prior to his death it has been speculated that had he not died, he may have beaten for the presidency in 1992. He was appointed minister of commerce just before Kenya gained independence in 1963. He worked in various positions in later governments, but was frequently on the wrong side of President Kenyatta.

Other heroes in my own opinion to be honoured include students of Nairobi and Kenyatta universities who were the most visible participants in the 1982 coup attempt celebrations, significantly, the chairman of the Students’ Organisation of the University of Nairobi (Sonu), Titus Adungosi who went on radio to express solidarity with the rebels. Moi jailed him for ten years. He died at Naivasha GK Prison in 1989.

Some of the students picked up by coup investigators and later released include Cabinet ministers Musalia Mudavadi, Chepalungi MP Isaac Ruto, former Rangwe MP Shem Ochuodho and David Murathe.

Others are lawyer Philip Murgor, East African Standard Group Managing Editor Wachira Waruru, Human Rights activist Odour Ong’wen and then director of the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation, Mr Kibisu Kabetesi.

As a second-year BA student, Isaac Ruto was neck-deep in campus politics when the air force revolted on August 1, 1982. He was the vice-chairman of the students’ organisation, Sonu. He learned of the coup at 4am when students’ chairman Tito Adungosi waked him up.

Oginga Ogego, Kanu activist and aide to Raila Odinga who was involved in the Kanu-NDP merger talks was then a third year political science student, was jailed for 10 years on charges of sedition. In fact Ogego had initially been jailed for six years but was added four more when he told appeal Judge Matthew Muli that his only regret was that the coup attempt had failed.

Musalia Mudavadi was a second-year student studying Land Economics when the University of Nairobi was sucked into the coup. Police picked up Musalia two days later. He spent a night at Turbo Police Station before being transferred to Embakasi GSU Training School. He was released after three days.

David Murathe, MP for Gatanga then was a third-year student and a member of the Sonu council, Murathe was reluctant to go into the streets when news of the coup reached the campus. Three days after the coup attempt, Murathe was arrested at Gatanga chief’s camp. He was held at the Embakasi GSU Training School and released a few days after recording a statement.

Shem Ochuodho was was locked up at Embakasi GSU Training School and charged with participating in an illegal demonstration. The case was later withdrawn, but not before Ochuodho had spent six months in police custody.

Philip Murgo, Nairobi lawyer, was a third-year law student when he was arrested after the coup attempt and stayed in police custody for six months. That time Wachira Waruru, Group Managing Editor, The East African Standard was a third-year literature student at Kenyatta University when he attracted the interest of the coup investigators. He was released after a day of questioning.

Six weeks later, police went for him at the offices of the now defunct Nairobi Times newspaper, where he worked as a reporter. He also ended up at Embakasi GSU training school and was freed in February 1983.

Stephen Omondi Oludhe, politician and best known as the founder of National Development Party of Kenya (NDP), which was turned over to Mr Raila Odinga and later merged with Kanu was a third-year student at the University of Nairobi when he became the target of detectives investigating the coup.

He was whisked away by the Special Branch in Kisumu as he went to report to his location chief. He was briefly held at Kisumu Police Station before being transferred to Embakasi GSU Training School, where he was held for six months.

Oduor Ong’wen was a second-year science student at Chiromo campus. Ong’wen was arrested four days later at his rural home in Siaya district. He was briefly locked up at Kisumu Police Station, where he found Shem Ochuodho and Stephen Oludhe. The three were later transferred to Embakasi GSU Training School where they remained for six months.

Private Hezekiah Ochuka who led the coup and later killed by Moi after been convicted on murder charges- Moses Wetangula, the current Foreign Minister in Kibaki government should also be honoured for having been Ochuka’s defence lawyer.

Ochuka believed Moi would have been put in custody together with his cronies, who had misused public property, and then taken to court after an inquiry.

Letter to the Editor


I couldn’t believe my eyes for whatever I saw on 8th of Oct at Uhuru Park during the funeral service of Prof. Maathai. At one hand I was disappointed and in fact it was shameful and on the other hand I was impressed. This is the story: Ngilu who behaved in a very shameful manner towards Vice President Kalonzo by intentionally refusing to greet him.

I know they have their own political differences but that was shameful and imprudent to do that especially at a funeral and moreover of Maathai. I wish the late Maathai would know what Ngilu did. This was a great dishonour to the late Prof. Maathai and lack OF public ethics. To make matters worse, some other dignitaries from outside and within African were present and in case they saw this then it was a big shame to her and to the republic of Kenya. I respect her as any other Kenya but she should style up.

On the other hand I was impressed. Even at home, whenever differences arise in the family and especially between the parents, there are moments they have to put them aside more so in the presence of a visitor(s). At The Hague during the hearing of Uhuru Kenyatta’s case, he accused Raila for being entirely responsible for the post — election violence of 2007/8. But surprisingly, even after such allegation I saw them embracing each other during that funeral service.

Well, they may not be real friends because of their differences in ideologies in politics which is very healthy, but it was a good show and praiseworthy. I therefore thank Raila and Uhuru Kenyatta for demonstrating their maturity and I hereby call upon Kenyans and especially politicians to learn from these two great men.

By Chrispine Onyango

Via Email- Nairobi

People for Peace in Africa (PPA)
P O Box 14877
00800, Westlands
Tel +254-7350-14559/+254-722-623-578

Kenyans Celebrate Mashujaa Day

from Dr. Barack Abonyo For Kisumu Governor 2012

20th Oct. 2011
Mashujaa Day

Today, Kenyans celebrate the first Mashujaa Day to honor the heros andheroins who made significant contriutions to our nations liberation struggle. Now is the time to move Kenyha forward with great velocity, free from oppression

~ Dr. Barak Abonyo for Ksumu Governor 2912
The People’s Candidate
Dr. Barack Abonyo