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26May/130

I was luck to be in attendance at the birth of the OAU 50 years ago

A KENYAN VETERAN JOURNALIST WHO WITNESSED THE BIRTH OF THE OAU 50 YEARS AGO RECALS HOW THE LATE GAMAL ABDUL NASSER OF EGYPT AND AHMED BEN-BELL OF ALGERIA WERE RECEIVED WITH ULULATION AND STANDING OVATION IN ADDIS ABABA

By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City,Saturday 25th May 2013

I was lucky to have been among the youthful budding journalists who were privileged to witness the birth of the Organization of African Unity {OAU} on May 25,1963.

This was the second largest Pan-African political gathering to be held in an African independent country. The first such major pan-African political gathering was held in Accra ,Ghana in December 1958.

Thomas Joseph Mboya, then twenty year-old Kenya member of the colonial Legislative Council for Nairobi and a leading Pan-Africanist trade unionist was elected unanimously to chair the Accra meeting beating the host Ghanaian President Dr Kwame Nkrumah {Osyageffo} with the largest number of votes.

In Addis Ababa the summit of the OAU was initial attended by 21 heads of states of the African governments. 15 other joined later in the process brining the initial number of founding fathers to 36.

Today the OAU which later transformed itself into African Union has 54 member countries including the hotly disputed Saharawi Republic.

It was during the cold war, and there were evidence of covrt operations between members of the intelligence communities from ther East and West. The two blocs were scrambling for the control of Africa's political and economies at the time.

The man who stole the show and looked the most popular head of state was the Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser, his popularity emanating from his firm stand and beating off the Allied Invasion of the Suez Canal in 1956.Thius was after the British and France combined forces had invaded Suez Canal and Alexandria, which sparked off the middle East Crisis of 1957.

President Ahmed Ben-Bell was just smarting from the .Both Nasser and Ben-Bella had become an house hold across the African continent.

Other heads of states in attendance at the initial stage were Hompught Boigny of Ivory Coast, Leon Mba of Gabon, the poet-writer Leopold Senghor of Senegal. Olympio of Togo,Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea,Jomo Kenyatt of Kenya, the Prime Minister of Uganda Dr Apollo Milton Obote, Julius \Kambasrage \Nyerere of Tanganyika. AlI Muhsin of Zanzibar,Dr Sharmake of Somalia,.Chiuef Leabue Jonathan of Lesotho

THe meeting took place before the formation of the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar which was later christened Tanzania a year later after the rug-tug soldiers led by a Ugandan carpenter John Okello overthrew the Sultante of Zanzibar in 1964 paving the way for the formation of the Union between the mainland Tanganyika and the Isles of Zanzibar and Pemba, which became Tanzania.

The African countries which were still struggling to free themselves from the Yolk of colonialism were given the observers status between the mainland Tanganyika and the Isles of Zanzibar and Pemba.

Notable present at the Africa Hall, which also houses the UN Economic Commission for Africa {ECA}

President Jomo Kenyatta a personal friend of the Emperor Haile Selassie was accommodated in a suit located inside Gion Hotel, a walking distance to Africa Hall and also a short distance to the Menelik Palace,the official residence of Emperor Haile Selassie.

Other prominent Pan-Africanists who attended the inception of the OAU included the late George Padmore of Trinidad and Tobago, Dubois. Padmore was the adviser of Dr.Nkrumah on Pan-African affairs.Dr Namdi Azikiwe of Naigeria, Sir Abubakas Tafawa Balewa the Federal Prime Minister of Nigeria,Kenneth David Kaunda nf Zambia and Dr Hasting Kamuzu Banda oif Malawi.

The radical camp which was led by Dr.Nkrumah and Nasser had an agenda of wanted the founding fathers to work out on the charter and agenda of for the creation of the United States of Africa the model of the USA, but this was found to be impracticable due to the fact that almost close to half of the African continent was still under the occupation and colonialists and racists white South Africans.

The meeting began after the official opening ceremony in an electrifying speech by the Emperor Haile Salassie on May 22nd.But it encountered problem in the afternoon of the same day when the government ofCongo Leopoldville presented two sets of delegations. One delegation had come from the ceciuonist leader Moise Tshombe of Katanga and was led by one Godfroid Munongo, while the Leopoldville delegation was led by its then Minister for Foreign Affairs Justin Bomboko.

There werealso several splinter delegation like those of the Srahawi Republic and Morocco.But our gounding father used their political magnanimity and cooled down the situation. The Francophone Anglophone differences also emerged during the meeting. but was shot down and watered with anti-colonialism sentiments.

Kenya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Joseph Murumbi was busy shuttling between Africa Hall and Gion Hotrel whenever he was required for consultations by President Kenyatta. The other Kenyan minister who looked busy was Dr. Mungai Njoroge, who was also acting as the personal physician of President Kenyatta.Tom Mboya was another Minister assigned a lot of work by the President. He was the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs..

President Julius Kambarage Nyerere had brought along his Minister for External Affairs and Defense, the flamboyant Oscar Kambona who was then the Secretary-General of the ruling TANU party.Dr Hasting Kamuzu Banda had Kanyama Chiume a journalist as his country Minister for Foreign Affairs, whileDr. Obote had Sam Odaka and Adoko Nekyon as his principal advisers.

Dr Nkurumah the Ghanaian president had Alexei quesedion as his Foreign Affairs Minister.Things were so cheap in Addis Ababa, especially in the Mariketo area, one could buy an autoimatic pistal with full ammunition loaded in its magazine or a hunting rifles in the street provided you handed the gun to the captain or pilots of the plane while boarding it for home.Vials of drugs were sold in the open area and dd not require any doctor’s prescription.

Batteries of local and international journalists were herded into Ras Hotel ,for their accommodation.The hotel is located right in the middle if he City, but it is also a walking to the Africa Hall.Accreditation was noi very cumbersome as it is today.

It came at a time when I had already worked for the Uganda Argues in Kampala,and also edited PINY OWACHO,I had also served as s tringer for the East African Standardand later joined the staff of the BARAZA the weekly Kiswahili as its sports editor. and a regular contributor to the drum MAGAZINE East African edition

In 1963 each and every bar and restaurant in Addis Ababa had a compartment with well prepared bed for the revelers who wished to go inside for a rest with their girl-friends

Ends

About the author LEO OIDERA OMOLO is a veteran KENYAN JOURNALIST NOW AGED 76 AND STILL WRITING AND COMMENTING ON TOPOIC ARTICLES. HE OPERTATES IN KISUMUCITY.

9Feb/131

KENYA: KARACHUONYO CONSTITUENCY MIGHT NOT BE THE FERTILE GROUND FOR NON-ODM ASPIRANT TO WIN THE PARLIAMENTARY SEAT DESPITE THE INTRODUCTION OF CLANS POLITICS

Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Kendu-Bay Town.

REPORTS emerging from Rachuonyo South district within Homa-By County say clans politics is raising its ugly head ahead of the March 4, 2013 general election.

However, sources in this most populous and expansive rural farming constituency have confided to us that it would be an uphill task for an aspirant contesting the election on another party ticket outside the ODM to clinch the east.

The residents have vowed to follow the six piece voting pattern in the area to the latter despite of the concerted effort by one of the parliamentary aspirant to introduce the inter clans rivalry kind of politics which is pitting the east and the west side of the expansive constituency.

According to impeccable sources, the architect of the inter-clans rivalry politic in
Karachuonyo is Adipo Okuome, a perennial parliamentary election loser in the area ever since the late1980s. This time around, he was beaten hands down by the immediate former MP for the area Eng. James K Rege.

Disgruntled after losing in the ODM primary nomination, Adipo Okuome it is being alleged had mobilized drunken and heavily intoxicated youths who staged violence protest by way of blocking he main Kendu-Bay-Homa-Bay with logs and burning tires.

The youths stoned motorists, while singing derogatory songs against the ODM leader Raila Odinga shouting ‘no Adipo Okuome no Raila Odinga. They tore up and burnt Raila Odinga‘s election posters. The gangs of hired political goons had earlier attacked the motorcade of Eng. Rege when he toured Nyakongo area in Central Karchuonyo where the former MPs made a narrow escaped amid hails of stones.

Adipo Okuome had since ditched the ODM and took the ticket of the Wiper party and he is still in the race. Another ODM primary nomination loser David Ngala joined the UDF on whose ticket; he is still in the race for the election proper, which is slated for March 4, 2013.

Following the ODM nomination fiasco, the inter-clans politics has raised its ugly head with unconfirmed allegation claims that the Wiper candidate has been preaching for the partition of Karachuonyo constituency into to the east-West confrontation.

In Karachuonyo, the family tree is evenly distributed into sub-clans based on the clans named after the five wives of the community’s great grand father, Rachuonyo son of Jok. The descendants of the polygamous grand father are named after their grand-mothers, namely, Joka-Achieng’. Jo-Kanyipir, Jo-Kauma, Joka-Nyaluo and Joka-Adwet.

Rachuonyo’s wives were Achieng’, Nyipir, Nyaluo, Auma and Adwet.

The Kadwet group, which is the most populous sub-clan occupied the central and the eastern parts of the constituency including the Kendu-Bay town which is the nerves center of the region .politics.

The intriguing history of Karachuonyo politics rotates around the two major clans which live in the East and West. The east had the advantage accessing modern education owing to the fact that it was the homes of colonial chieftains, who dominated the area administration from 1906 to the time when Kenya attained its political independence in 1963. The old colonial chiefs who were from one sub-clan, joka-Adwet might have committed some act of injustices against members of other sub-clans, which were considered to be inferior due to lack of exposure to modern education and civilization, and from the look of things, it appears as if these sub-clans which were previously marginalized and suppressed by the colonial chiefs have yet to forgiven the Joka-Adwet sub-clan.

Despite of its population numeracy, the Joka-Adwet has yet to produce an MP ever since the inception of Karachuonyo constituency in 1962.

The first MP for Karachuonyo was the lat Elijah Omolo Agar who win the election as an independent KANU candidate the late Joseph Gogo Ochok who was the KANU official candidate during the 1963 independence general elections.

Omolo Agar met the fatal road accident in 1966 and died before completing his five year terms. At the time of his death he was serving in the post independence cabinet as an Assistant Minister for home-Affairs.

The election contest between the late Omolo Agar and the late Gogo Ochok was full of political intrigues and controversies in that Jaramogi Oginga Odinga who was the then KANU Vice President threw his weight behind the late Gogo Ochok the official KANU candidate while the late Tom Mboya who was then the KANU Secretary-General backed the candidacy of Omolo Agar.

Omolo Agar hails fro the Kanyipir sub-clan in the West .After Agar’s death, the former area member of the defunct Nyanza regional Assembly David Okiki Amayo was voted in to become the second Karachuonyo MP, Okiki Amayo, was to dominate the area politics for the next two decades until the until spoken women leader Mrs Phoebe Muga Asiyo dethroned him in another controversial and bruising election battle.

Asiiyo retired from active politic after representing thezrea for three five years term, ad was replaced by his former chief campaigner Dr. Paul Adhu Awiti.

Awiti lost to Rege in 2007 and has since been engaged by the prime minister Raila Odinga as his political adviser on Luo politic.

What is expected to come out of the election in Karachuonyo is the fact that those aspirants contesting the election in the Luo-Nyanza outside the ODM stand no chance of wining the election after the Luo political kingpin Raila Odinga had toured the area and questioned the voters not to elected “Madodoa” candidates. He warned that electing such a candidates would reduced the party majority in the next parliament.

Ends

5Jan/130

KENYA: UDF IS A TRUE REPLICA OF THE DEFUNCT kadu AND IS OUT TO CAUSE CHAOS AND POLITICAL MAYHEM

Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo

READING about who is who among the leading political personalities and UDF supporters who converged at the party’s delegates conference in Nairobi and endorsed the Hon. W Musalia Mudavadi as the party’s flag-bearers in the 2013 presidential race, I am not amused in saying that this purely a Neo-KADU.

Those who have lived in this country long enough like myself, especially during the colonial area and the pre-independence days politics of the late 1950s and early 1960s will agree with me in principles that the UDF is a replica of the defunct Kenya African Democratic Union {KADU].

The UDF has truly balkanized all the Kenya tribes and communities which had supported KADU and collaborated well with the white settlers in a conspiracy to cause the delays in the attainment of Kenya’s political independence, which eventually was ushered in by KANU in 1963.

In the forefront of KADU were the late Ronald Gideon Ngala a Griama from the Coast Province, Henry Masinde Muliro a Bukusu from Western Province, Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi a from Tugen sub-tribe of the larger Kalenjin ethnic groups and Taaitta Araap Towett, a diminutive Kipsigis politician from the South Rift.

The UDF is therefore a true replica of the defunct KADU because it has amalgamated of Kenya’s tribes and communities which had a very negative attitudes toward the politics of true nationalism and patriotism. These communities have gone down in the history of Kenya as those who had collaborated well with the die-hard white settlers and colonialists, which were vehemently opposed to the country’s liberation and the struggle for independence.

The communities which I mentioned above had ganged up with the white settlers who were heavily funding KADU with intention, aims and objectives of delaying the Kenya’s political independence under the pretext that they were representing the marginalized minority groups.

They were the blue-eyed boy of the white settlers and colonialists who had hatched a secret plan to make Kenya a dominion country under the British Empire like Southern Rhodesia, New Zealand,Canada,Australia, and the defunct Central African Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland then under the white settlers Prime Minister Sir Roy Welensky.

Kenya was then viewed as a Whiteman’s country and its fertile highlands christened The White-Highland. The collaborating KADU politicians dined and whined in high places and five star hotels in Nairobi with the white supremacists, led by the late Group Captain L.R. Briggs of the whites only United Kenya party, the late Sir Michael Blundell of the multiracial Kenya National Party, which was later late transformed into the New Kenya Party.

The conspiracy against nationalism began in earnest immediately after the British Colonial Office in London lifted the state of emergency and lifted the restriction on the formation of the countrywide Africans political movement. Hitherto Africans were only allowed to form district political associations. But immediately after the first round table constitutional conference, which was held in the Lancaster House in London from Fabruary 1960 to April the same year.

This saw the birth of the Kenya African National Union [KANU} AT Kirigiti Stadium in Kiambu on June 30th 1960. Ngala, Moi, Muliro were conspicuously missing at the meeting that witnessed the formation of KANU in Kiambu. However, Taaita Arrap Towett was present, though he was roughed by KANU youths.

But within two weeks thereafter, the three Ngala Muliro, Moi and Towett with the help of the colonial administration and white settlers brought together the Maasai United Front then led by David Lemomo, The Towettled Kalenjin political Alliance led by Taaitta Toweett, Mombasa African Democratic Union [MADU] led by F.J.Khamisi, Coast African People Union [CAPU] led by one D.N.Korokoro and Msanifu Kombo and other Coastal politicians like Apollo Kilelu, S.Roggers Msechu

And that came the birth of KADU.Ngala Muliro and Moi declined the position offered them in KANU during the party’s inception at Kiambu.But readily accepted the positions allocated to them in KADU.

This is exactly how Mudavadi, Eugene Wamalwa, Gideon Moi,Nick Salat and others have been behaving since the clamor for the formation of political alliances

The only Rift Valley politicians who stood firm and remained steadfastly with other early nationalists were Danile Moss of the Mount Elgon District Congress and John Marie Seroney.

The late James Samuel Gichuru was made the first President of KANU on interim capacity while awaiting for the release of the late Jomo Kenyatta from the colonial detention and restriction camps in the northern

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was made the vice president of KANU while Tom Mboya was named the party’s secretary general. The trio had the backing of other true nationalists like Julius Gikonyo, Kiano,

Dr Mungai Njoroge,Josef Stanley Mathenge, Eric Edward Khasakhala, J.D.Otiende,Mohinga Chokwe, Eliud Ngala Mwendwa, Mister Mister Arap Korir, Christopher Kiprotich Arap Murei,William Mbolu Malu,George Nthenge F.J Mukeka and others.John Kebaso, Washington Ondicho, Lawrence George Sagini,James Nyamweya and others who stood firm and steadfast with KANU and flatly refused to be manipulated by the colonialists and white settlers.

The coming weeks will certainly rove the like of Wamalwa, Mudavadi, Khalwalewrong when Kenyans would be deciding as to which group is best suited tor the Amani Group, Jubilee or CORD. However, all the indications are that CORD would overcome the two other groups which are full of masters of political deceits. I am really sorry and sympathized with Musalia Muadavadi and wondered why should the son of my old friend the King of MululuMoses Sabstian Budamba Mudavadi should be prone to political conmen and miss the boat once again as he missed in 2002.

In this context, I am not ashamed to say that politics of tribal balkanization has no room in the modern day Kenya. Therefore the time for reflection will come soon and those who are there simply to protect their status quo and stood on the way of political reforms in this country will be taught a good lesson that they will live to regret for the rest of their lifetime.

I also beg to request the Hon Najib Balala the Mviuta Mp to correct a statement which he uttered during the TNA/URP alliance rally at the Tononoka ground in Mombasa recently touching on the horny issue of land redistribution at the coast and redress against the injustices committed against the coastal communities over their ancestral land.

Could Hon Balala be more specific and honest to tell us who owns the Taita Concessions Limited, the TaitaSisal Estate,at Mwatate which is measuring close to 36,000 hectares of land. How about rhe Ziwani Sisal Estate in the neighborhood near Mwakitau,

How about the ownership of \Jipe Sisal Estate, Taveta Sisal Estate and 0ther prime land at the coast. It is high time those defending impunity be told in a clear cut-sort of terms that Kenyans are tired of leaders whose families are associated with land grabbing.

Ends

11Oct/120

USA, NYC; & Nigeria: October 6th Nigerian Independence Day Parade Video clip

From: African Views Information Exchange

Here is the video footage of the Nigerian independence day parade that took place in New York on October 6, 2012.

Enjoy:

http://www.africanviews.org/country-profile-videos/viewvideo/30688/nigeria/ny-usa-52-eme-anniveraire-de-lindependance-de-nigeria-new-york

AV

2Oct/122

Raila had no role in the Mau Forest eviction exercises he a just implementing the cabinet decision

News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo

The younger generations of politicians, particularly the Kalenjin MPs who of late have been pointing accusing fingers at the Prime Minister Raila Odinga blaming him of complicity in the Mau Forest evictions and rehabilitation of this important water tower are simply not telling the truth about the historical background of the matter.

The political history of Mau Forest and other injustices related to the land distribution could as well be traced back to the final constitutional talks on the future of an independent Kenya, which were held inside the famous Lancaster House in London, UK in 1962.

These problems are inter-related to the dismantling of the so-called “White Highland”. It has since emerged that during the round table constitutional talks, the African delegates who were then representing two major political parties of the time, namely KANU and KADU were subjected to too much blackmailing by the White Settlers representative and those representing colonial authorities.

And due for the then clamor for political independence and the liberation of the country fro the colonial York to an independent African government, they hastily and hurriedly rubber-stamped many clauses in the then new Lancaster House constitution that wee only meat for the protection of white settlers and their properties.

Kanu delegates were led by the founding President the late Jomo Kenyatta, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Tom Mboya, James Samuel Gichuru, Eliud Ngala Mwanda, Muhinga Chokwe and other party stalwarts like Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano,Samuel Onyango Ayodo, and Mbiyu Koinange.

The KADU team was led by Ronald Gideon Ngala, Daniel T. Moi, Masinde Muliro, Taaitta Arap Toweett, Marie John Seroney,Peter Habenga Okondo, William Murgor and John Keen.

The moderate white settlers were led by Michael Blundell, Sir Charles Markham, Mrs Agnes Shaw, Mrs Dorothy Hughes, Bruce Mackenzie,Sir Alfred Vincent ,Culwick and Crosskill, R.S Alexander and Humprey Slade.DEREK Eriaskin and others.

There were also extremist’s racists’ white supremacists like major BP Roberts, Major F Day, Aircomodore Howard Williams and others. Ex-officio representatives included the Governor, the deputy Governor,Sir Patrick M Renson, the Chief Secretary, W.F.Coutts and Minister for legal Affairs Griffith Jones ,Q.C. and others.

The Indian community were represented by the likes of Avind Jammidar, Ibrahim Nathoo, D.B Kholi, J.S Patel, F. De Souza, C.B.Madan, K.P Shah

Due to the clamor for political independence, KANU AN KADU delegates to the talks were coerced and blackmailed by the representatives of the Her Majesty government at the Whitehall and Colonial Office led by the then Secretary of State for the British Colonies Duncan Sandys to succumbed easily to the white settlers demands for compensation for those who wished to leave the county at the independence.

The British government at the same time readly made available millions of sterling British pounds, which was to be given to the new Kenya government headed by he late Jomo Kenyatta. The money was meant to be utilized in compensation payout to the departing white settlers and partly to be used in the purchasing of the farms owned by European settlers and other for properties and partly for the settling of the millions of the landless African people of Kenya.

Immediately when the independence came and the white settlers had realized that the new African government had the money for the compensation of their land an property, there was mass exodus of whites despite of the repeated assurances given by Jomo Kenyatta and member of the post-independence cabinet that their property would be given maximum security protection under the Bill of Right entrenched in the Lancaster House constitution, the majority of the whites settlers numbering about 200,000 in population opted to go out of Kenya for green pasture elsewhere.

The new independent government half-heartedly used the money in settling few African population in Subukia, Rongai, Londiani, Molk, Olkalou, Nyahururu, Laikipia, and other places.

The settlement scheme the re-distribution of the lands were , however, biased and only dished out selectively to favor one particular community [the Kikuyu] at the expense of other needy Kenyans.

The Kikuyus were given farm lands in areas previously considered as the indigenous Kalenjin regions in total disregards of the local indignant communities.

Members of the Kalenjin community dissented to this, but the senior Kalenjin politician of the time who were none other than Daniel Arap Moi and Dr.Taaitta Arap Towett, were happily serving in he post independence cabinet an never raised any objection to the settling of Kikuyu people in area previously considered as the Kalenjin land.

Two Kalenjin politicians, however, were vehemently opposed to the spread of Kikuyu settlement in what they considered as the Kalenjin land.They were Marie John Seroney then the MP for Tinderet and Morogo Saina then the M for Eldoret North. This was the source of hostility between Seroney and the KANU government, which led to both Seroney and Saina being jailed and landed in detention camps following the no in famous Nandi Hills Declaration.

It was the same money given by the British government for the settlement o landless African people of Kenya that Kenyatta is being alleged to have used in acquiring vast plantation s land in Taita Taveta, Mwatate, Ziwani, Laikipia, Ruiru and Salgaa near Nakuru.

Jomo Kenyatta died on August 22nd and hi hen Vice President for 12 years Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi stepped into his shoes at the mantle of power. It was during Moi’s presidency hen the government half-heartedly opened up the Mau Forest and other areas for Kalenjin settlement, most of hem illegal squatters.

The first tribal land clashes between the Kalenjin, Kikuyu, Kisii, Luos, Luhyias were believes to have been launched with the full knowledge of members of the security apparatus during the Moi’s Presidency.

It was also the Moi KANU regime which encouraged tribal land clashes which were meant t cleanse the region of what were commonly called madoadoa colours out of the region

The dreaded Kalenjin warriors were secretly trained an armed with crude weapons in the Embobut Forest, Ndoinet, Marigat and Mau Forest and then ferried on government vehicles an other tracks donated by wealthy Kalenjin businessmen and farmers when they launched three prongs full scale attack on the Kisii in Sotik, Luos in Nyando Valley, Nyakach an luhyias in Lugari and along he Rift Valley-Western Provinces boundaries causing the first internally displaced persons in 1996/97 and the last clashes and the worse of all was in 2007/2008.

The original intention was to keep a bay those who were clamoring for the multi parties system of politics then opposed to the KANU doctrine of the monolithic one party dictatorship.

On the latest opposition to Raila Odinga roe in the Mau Forest saga, the Prime Minister had no personal interests in the forest, but was just executing and implementing the collective decision of the cabinet. Some of the now outspoken MPs like William Ruto were members of the cabinet and at in the cabinet meetings when decision and government plans on the rehabilitation of Mau Forest were being deliberated upon, but they did not raise any objection.

Mr Odinga should be exonerated out f these malicious accusations and falsehood a he has done nothing wrong to the Kalenjin community because the source of injustices done to this particular community as the land redistribution is concerned lies elsewhere and not strictly with Raila Odinga.

Ends

22Sep/120

CELEBRATING BIRTH OF MARTHA KARUA AND MALI INDEPENDENCE

From: Ouko joachim omolo
Voices of Justice for Peace
Regional News

BY FR JOACHIM OMOLO OUKO, AJ
NAIROBI-KENYA
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 2012

Today is Saturday September 22, 2012, the day Honorable Martha Karua was born. It is also the day Mali achieved its independence from France. Born Martha Wangari Karua on September 22, 1957 in Kirinyaga District, Central Province of Kenya, Karua is Kenyan politician, Member of Parliament for Gichugu Constituency.

Nicknamed Iron Lady of Kenyan politics, Karua studied Law at the University of Nairobi from 1977 to 1980 and Kenya School of Law for the statutory post graduate law course from 1980- 1981. She began her career as District magistrate to a Senior Resident Magistrate-Makadara law courts from 1984-1985 and Kibera Law courts from 1985-1987 respectively.

She started a law firm Martha Karua & Co. Advocates in 1987 which she ran till 2002. In the early 1990s she was a member of a political movement that saw the reintroduction of multi-party politics in Kenya from the defiant authoritarian rule of a party KANU led by Kenya’s former dictator president Daniel arap Moi.

She later joined Kenneth Matiba’s FORD ASILI where she first vied for the Gichugu Parliamentary seat but lost to George Kareithi a former Head of Public Service. She regained the seat in 1992 in Democratic Party (DP) ticket through the support of Mwai Kibaki who was the head of the party by then.

Karua surprised Kenyans by resigning from her influential Justice, National cohesion and constitutional Affairs docket in a government she fought hard to see in leadership. She gave the reason for her resignation as the constant frustrations she received from her colleagues in government in an effort to entrench reforms.

She announced her presidential bid during a dinner hosted at the National Museums of Kenya, Louis Leakey Auditorium on the 27 of April 2011, vowing to push for reforms if elected president even though it still remains to be seen if she will rise up to her competitors and critics in government.

Karua who is also the Chairperson of NARC-Kenya says she will continue to use her campaign platforms to promote peaceful coexistence and nationhood amongst all Kenyans, insisting that action must be taken against all inciters and/or sponsors of violence whatever their station in life.

Some of her critics however, challenge her presidential bid, saying that until she explains to Kenyans why she stood up for rigged elections to keep her mentor in power, why she assisted Kibaki to be sworn in at night like a thief, and if she can acknowledge that her actions in 2007-2008 endangered Kenyans life's and brought about the clashes where many innocent Kenyans lost their life's she won’t make it to presidency.

Her critics say Martha should start by asking forgiveness from Kenyans first and foremost, while at the same time telling Kenyans the truth of what transpired during and after the 2007 elections, adding that quitting her ministerial position was not enough to change Kenyans Views about her.

Martha Karua was Kenya's Minister for Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs. She was appointed to this post in April 2008 following the naming of a Grand Coalition Government in Kenya. She was elected on a Narc Kenya ticket in the 2007 General Elections to represent Gichugu Constituency.

The coalition is led by President Emilio Mwai Kibaki (PNU), Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga (ODM) and Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka (ODM-K). These were the three top and antagonistic contenders for the presidency in the 2007 general elections.

Martha Karua first became a minister after the Narc came into power in 2003 when she was named the Minister for Water and Irrigation. She held this position until December 2005 when President Kibaki dissolved his entire cabinet following his defeat in the jinxed 2005 constitutional referendum when his 'Yes' banana side was defeated by the 'No' orange side spearheaded by Raila Odinga, the then minister for public works who had been brewing a rebellion within the NARC Government.

Karua appointed businessman Hussein Mohamed as the secretariat’s Chief Executive Officer for her campaign. Mr Mohamed was recently trounced in Federation of Kenya Football elections by Sam Nyamweya.

Speaking during the launch in Nairobion, the Narc-Kenya leader said she is running for president to defend the Constitution, which guarantees all Kenyans a life of dignity and equality, pleading to end impunity and fight corruption.

In 1998, Karua declined the position of Shadow Minister for Culture and Social Services which conflicted with her position of National Secretary for Constitutional Affairs (an elected office) that made her the official spokesperson on legal matters of the party. She opted to resign her position as the National Secretary.

In 2001, when the Constitutional Review Bill was laid before the House, the entire Opposition with the exception of Karua walked out of Parliament. The Bill had been rejected by the Opposition as well as Civil Society but Karua was of the view that as elected representatives, instead of walking out, it would be more prudent to remain in Parliament and put the objections on record.

In an interview with BBC's HARDtalk in January 2008, Karua said, regarding the violent crisis that had developed over the election results, that while the government had anticipated that the ODM) of Raila Odinga might be "planning mayhem if they lost", it was surprised by "the magnitude" of it, calling the violence "ethnic cleansing".

Asked to clarify, Karua said that she was stating "categorically" that the ODM planned ethnic cleansing. Odinga subsequently called Karua's accusation "outrageous".

She was endorsed as the national chairperson of the NARC-Kenya political party on November 15, 2008. There was virtually no competitive election during the party’s national delegates’ convention at the Bomas of Kenya in Nairobi as all the officials including Ms Karua were being endorsed.

After her endorsement she immediately declared she would be gunning for the highest political seat in the Kenya's 2012 elections.

At one time in her Kirinyaga District, Karua walked out on President Moi who was then addressing a crowd in the district stadium. She has been a leading crusader for the widening of democratic space and gender issues in Kenya.

She has been involved in championing women’s rights through public interest litigation, lobbying and advocacy for laws that enhance and protect women’s rights through her work with various women’s organizations, particularly the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA-Kenya) and the League of Kenya Women Voters.

In February 2009 during her time as Minister of Justice, she once had a heated argument with the Minister of Agriculture William Ruto at a cabinet meeting as the President sat quietly, watching the sparring ministers, according to the source at the meeting. The President did not say or do anything.

He just sat there quietly watching as the ministers took on each other. It was chaotic, hot and eruptive. The two ministers had been sparring in public over a period of three weeks, with Ms Karua demanding Mr Ruto’s resignation over a maize scandal. This gained her momentum and was referred to as "the only man" in the PNU Cabinet.

Although today also marks the day Mali achieved independence from France in 1960, this country in the West African state has been afflicted by several rebellions, insurrections, and coups. The Malian army's overthrow of President Amadou Toumani Toure threatens to end two decades of democratic rule in the country.

The following is the timeline courtesy Aljazeera

1960: The Mali Federation (which included Senegal) gains independence from France. Mobido Keita, a socialist, becomes the country’s first president. Senegal left the Federation later that year.

1962-64: Nomadic Tuareg peoples in the north of Mali, dissatisfied with their position in the new state and wanting a state of their own, revolt in the First Tuareg Rebellion. The Malian government's army is much better-equipped than the rebels, and after defeating them, force Tuareg areas under military administration. This stokes resentment in these regions, and causes many Tuareg to flee to neighbouring countries.

1968: A coup led by a young army lieutenant named Moussa Traore overthrows Mobido Keita's regime. Traore forbids opposition political parties, and presides over the development of a police state.

1968-74: Mali suffers from a major drought, which devastates many Tuareg areas in the north.

1990-95: The Second Tuareg Rebellion begins in June 1990, as separatists in the north demand their own Tuareg state. Malian president Alpha Konare grants greater autonomy to the Tuareg-heavy Kidal region, causing the conflict to die down somewhat, but hostilities continue for several years more.

1991: Dissatisfaction with poor economic conditions and the Traore regime's corruption help spur a pro-democracy protest movement. Following a government crackdown, in which dozens are killed or injured by government forces, a military coup removes Traore from office in the so-called "March Revolution". The coup leader, lieutenant colonel Amadou Toumani Toure, leads Mali before stepping down when elections are held in 1992.

1992: The first democratic elections since before the Traore regime are held in Mali. Alpha Konare is elected president, and then re-elected in 1997.

2002: Amadou Toumani Toure, who led the 1991 coup overthrowing Traore, is elected president after winning 64 per cent of the vote.

2006: In June, Mali reaches a peace agreement with Tuareg rebels seeking greater autonomy for their northern desert
region.

2007: Toure wins 71 per cent of votes to guarantee a second five-year term as president. A Tuareg rebellion breaks out in Niger and Mali, concentrated in Niger's northern Agadez region and Mali's northeastern Kidal Region.

2008: Several Malian government troops and Tuareg fighters are killed when a rebel column attacks an army post near the Mauritanian border, despite a ceasefire between the two sides.

2009: Hundreds of rebels lay down their weapons in northern Mali in a sign that military pressure and Algerian mediation may be helping end the rebellion led by Tuareg nomads.

2011: After the end of the uprising in Libya, large numbers of Tuareg, who had fought for Muammar Gaddafi in the Libyan civil war, return to their home country, many heavily armed. The Tuareg rebellion is reignited in northern Mali, with the aim of establishing an independent Tuareg state called Azawad.

January 2012: Tuareg rebels exchange gunfire with Malian soldiers in a northern town.

February 2012: Mali are due hold its presidential election on time in April despite the rebellion in the north, Toure says.

March 2012: Mutinous Malian soldiers close the borders hours after declaring they seized power from the president in protest at the government's failure to quell the rebellion in the north.

March 22: The newly formed National Committee for the Return of Democracy and the Restoration of the State (CNRDR) declares it has seized power. Malian soldiers say they have deposed Toure and suspended the constitution.

March 23: The African Union suspends Mali's membership following the coup. Regional bloc ECOWAS follows suit a few days later and threatens to use sanctions dislodge the army leaders.

March 28: Toure, in his first public comments since he was ousted, tells French radio he is free and unharmed.

March 30 - April 1: Tuareg rebels enter key towns in the north of Mali after soldiers abandon positions. They seize regional capitals Kidal, Gao and then Timbuktu in a three-day offensive. The rebellion effectively controls the whole of the northern half of Mali.

April 2: ECOWAS imposes sanctions including a complete shutdown of borders to force the junta to step down from power.

April 6: Tuareg fighters who have captured the north of the country declare an independent state called Azawad, with the city of Gao as its capital.

ECOWAS and Mali's military coup leaders agree to a deal under which the junta will hand over power to parliament speaker Diouncounda Traore, who will be sworn in as interim president with a mission to organise elections.

April 8: Mali's President Amadou Toumani Toure hands in his official letter of resignation from one of the hiding places in the capital where he had been since the coup. This paves the way for the ECOWAS brokered deal to take effect.

April 12: Diouncounda Traore is sworn in as interim president. He says he will not hesitate to wage war against the rebels who have seized the northern parts of Mali, if they do not agree to peace talks. ECOWAS lifts sanctions against Mali and agrees to give amnesty to those involved in the coup.

HAPPY BIRTHDAY

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
People for Peace in Africa
Tel +254-7350-14559/+254-722-623-578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.com

Peaceful world is the greatest heritage
That this generation can give to the generations
To come- All of us have a role.

29Jul/120

Kenya’s presidential aspirant who pick up Franis Atwoli of COTYU{K} could be assured of election victory next year

News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo

The time is ripe for Kenyan politicians who are nursing presidential ambition to cast their political nets widely open while shopping around for suitable running mates to consider the possibility of including the COTU {K} Secretary-General in their teams.

Atwoli has the largest constituency in the labor movement; therefore his inclusion into the presidential race team as the running-mate could have a far-reaching and fruitful result to any party or presidential hopeful who chooses him as a running-mate.

Historically it should be remembered that the labor movement in Kenya had played a pivotal role in the struggle for independence and went as far as helping the Kenyan African National Union{KANU} into a sweeping victory in 1963 general elections that ushered in the political independence.

It could be remembered that its inception at the Kirigiti stadium in Kiambu town in June 1960, KANU immediately identified itself with the Kenyan workers. It was gradually built on the strength of the labor movement.

At the birth of KANU, the late Tom Mboya had won its coveted top office of the Secretary-General of newly established first black African colony-wide mass political movement ever since the colonial authorities banned the Kenya African Union [KAU} under the Sate of Emergency declared by the colonial governor in Kenya, Sir Evelyn Baring on October 20,1952.

The formation of KANU an that of its rival Kenya African Democratic Union {KADU} came as a hard bargain during the first round able constitutional conference in Kenya which was held a he famous Lancaster House in London between February and March 1960.

It happened that Mboya who had trounced Arthur Aggrey Ochwada with only one single vote for the position f the Secretary-General was at the time the most influential General Secretary of the defunct Kenya Federation of Labor {KFL}, which was the hen the umbrella of the labor movement I Kenya.

All the unions affiliated to KFL joined the fray. All the general secretaries of the unions affiliated to KFL mobilized the workers who in turn joined KANU en mass. Prior to the birth of KANU, the KFL had become the most effective voice of he workers in Kenya and also that of the African population frequently issuing statements on behalf of African population and is aspiration as well as the demand for political independence and the end of both the state of emergency and racial discrimination on jobs.

In its early existence as a mass political movement in Kenya , KANU survived mostly on resources and manpower provided by the KFL, which later propelled I-it into power in 1963.
It was also joined by splinters of African political parties which were given very limited chances to operate within the district level. This was so in the absence of any mass and colony-wide African political parties. Ii fact it as through the KFL unfaltering support that KANU successfully managed to over its rivals like the pro-white settlers KADU and other a the tie of the 1963 general election, which ushered in political independence.

And even today the labor movement could [provide the competing parties with a swing votes. This is the main reason why I have the opinion that any presidential aspirant whose party can settle on Atwoli as its running-mate could harvest maximum votes within the industries and from the plantation workers.

The outspoken unionist has built a large following not only among the workers, but the Kenya public at large. He is a robust- man who always prefer taking the bull by its horn and a fearless speaker when it come to the question of defending he Kenyan workers.

Atwoli always peaks his minds irrespective of how other takes hi views. He has built a strong constituency beyond parochial lines, tribal ethnic boundaries; therefore he could be an asset to the party that picks him up as a running mate to its presidential aspirant. Such a party would definitely harvest maximum votes from the workers and other Kenyans who have come to trust Atwoli as an untainted leader.

History is so kind and it tells us that the later Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana won and be Secretary general of the Trade Union Congress o Ghana {TUC}, while in Kenya the late Jomo Kenyatta’s accession to power was made possible owing to the organizational skills and mobilization ability of the politically genius Tom Mboya. It was Mboya’s dynamism and used his political magnanimity and skills in propelling KANU into victory n 1963.

Atwoli apart from c being the boss of COTU {K} is also the Secretary-general of the membership –rich Union of the Kenya Plantation and Agricultural Workers. Also in his armpit is the Kenya Union of Sugar Plantation Workers.

Atwoli is known as a man who strongly abhorred the politics of sycophancy and as such would make a wonderful vice president of the Republic of Kenya. Ever since stepping into the helm of workers leadership, Atwoli has put the Kenyan workers into the world map. He is sitting o several key and important world-wide workers boards, important workers boards in the African continent.

Ends

15Apr/120

Keeping AFRICOM out of the neighbourhood

From: Yona Maro

After the winds of change in the 1960s, Africa found itself fast-gaining independence from colonialists, one country after another, until South Africa became the last country to claim uhuru.

Since then, there appeared to have been a surrender of the colonial ideology by the colonial masters but sooner rather than later, the colonial masters regrouped and came up with a more subtle manner of re-colonising Africa through regime change disguised as "humanitarian military interventions, democracy, good governance and accountability".

The sad story is that all these high-sounding words were crafted and started being implemented largely from an American, British and French point of view and, generally from a Eurocentric point of view.

Democracy, good governance and accountability were never sought and implemented from an African perspective, not from an Africa eye and each African leader who has defied this has been a victim of regime change.

The pseudo-democrats, created and hoisted into power by the Americans, the British the Canadian and the French, have all turned out to be sell-outs with no interest of Africa and the Africans, but giving all the resources to the master of regime change.

This has been the dilemma of Africa and an affront to African humanism.

The United States of America in particular has set up military commands for the absolute control of Africa's resources and is willing to deploy is soldiers to any portion of Africa, firstly disguised as helpers bringing peace and stability but behind the scenes, America will be milking that country's resources or effecting regime change.

All Africans in the know got worried late last year when America deployed 100 soldiers to Uganda, to hunt for the Lord's Resistance Army and save President Yoweri Museveni.

The question by all and sundry is saving Museveni from what?

The other question is how is Museveni going to pay back the American?

What with Museveni's involvement in the DRC?

What has Museveni done to deserve special protection from the Americans, which Sudan's Al-Bashir does not deserve?

What special protection does Museveni deserve which Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe does not deserve from the MDC onslaught?

The point is, while we should not support the rebels in Uganda, it is equally interesting to question the motive of the Americans yet there is the African Union that should be expressly dealing with such problems.

Is it not correct for the African Union to come up with a military contingent to deal with such problems, since SADC already has a Standby Brigade?

The LRA is not silly and reports from its camp are that they have done a tactical withdrawal until they understand the American mission.

They have not disbanded but they have gone underground.

For a country as big as America to have a military intervention in yonder Uganda, there must be something special and Africans should smell a rat.

Why America?

The UN, itself a latterday mouthpiece of American foreign policy claims that it has noted a reduction on LRA presence, effectively giving credit to the American operation in the same manner it did in Libya until the violent overthrowing of Muammar Gaddafi.

What is needed in Uganda is an African solution not an American solution.

This fact is attributed to a gradual decrease in Joseph Kony's troops.

According to the Ugandan government, their numbers do not exceed 350-400 fighters.

But truth is that Kony now has more sympathisers in the Arab world than he had before as the anti-American sentiment is high in that section of society.

Considering this, one can clearly see how flimsy the US official excuse for sending 100 troops to the Great Lakes District is that there is need for stability in that region and that Kony has butchered ordinary people.

At the same time, this move is completely in line with the US plan to penetrate African and consolidate its military, political, and economic grip on the continent.

The move has given US AFRICOM one step into the African soil and it is fact not fiction that Museveni no longer has the power to withdraw the American soldiers and neither will he have the power to determine when the mission will end.

It is equally true that Museveni no longer has the power to defend his country's independence and that he will now dance the American tune to the fullest.

The first stage of the plan was implemented in Libya, with the AFRICOM being brought into play there to deal with Gaddafi, disguised as America's contingent to help Nato. Now the Africom troops are deployed in the Great Lakes District and what is next for Africa?

The decision made by the government of Uganda, DRC, Central African Republic, and South Sudan to allow the AFRICOM troops to their respective territories undermines the other AU member-countries' effort to establish their own peacekeeping forces.

African leaders must put on the agenda of the January 2012 AU summit, the issue of deploying a regiment of the SADC Standby Forces in the Great Lakes as soon as possible, not AFRICOM.

This step would enable African countries to maintain control over the situation on the continent, keep any foreign players from meddling in African affairs and put an end to the new wave or colonisation.

The move is an affront to all effort for Africa to control and defend its independence in a manner it sees fit not in manner other countries and continents see fit. - DayAfrica.com

*Professor Muchai Wa Muthatha teaches History at Makerere University

--
Karibu Jukwaa la www.mwanabidii.com
Pata nafasi mpya za Kazi www.kazibongo.blogspot.com

6Mar/121

KENYA: THE POOR AFRICANS

From: odhiambo okecth

Cornelius,

I want to take the flip side and address the issues you are raising and complaining about in a nutshell.

At Independence, all across Africa, we had a few issues that drove the need for Independence. First, we wanted to rule ourselves and help achieve certain key issues we thought were dear to us.

In Kenya, we zeroed on 3 cardinal issues; Poverty, disease and illiteracy. We had some other issues we thought were dear to us.

But immediately we attained Independence, some of our leaders changed the goal posts. Many states in Africa went dictatorial; where the big man became the Mister Know it all. Democracy was defecated upon and what we had in reality were sham elections. And then they invented tribalism as a buffer for their leadership, and we promptly swallowed that.

In those sham elections, the people were used to rubber stamp the pre-determined electoral choices of the ruling elite. This led to the fight and agitation for the Second Liberation wave across all Africa.

Again, in Kenya, the people decided that we had seen enough of this electoral malaise and with Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, George Moseti Anyona, Masinde Muliro, Kenneth Matiba, Raila Odinga and others in the front line, the journey to the Second Liberation had started.

The people won in the fight for the Second Liberation, but lost in electing people, men and women of repute to electoral offices. Instead of electing leaders, we elected fleecers; men and women whose main preoccupation once in office was to fleece the common man.

Food prices went up. Housing units went up. Fuel went up. School Fees went up. Taxation went up. MPs salaries went up and the common man's salary was gravely eaten into. Then, we were given another chance to elect new leaders and promptly, we elected and returned to office the same known thieves who had messed us up.

The end result is that we are in the mess we are in, courtesy of ourselves. We are constantly given a chance to correct the mess, but we vote tribe. We vote for money. And we vote for ineptness. Then we blame the leaders we have voted for.

Have you ever heard of garbage in garbage out?

That is our malady and untill we will make up our mind to stop voting for tribe, money and ineptness, we will keep blaming the garbage we keep piling in.

My take is simple; change will not come from somewhere else. We are the change we have been waiting for. Let us join hands and help Clean Kenya.

Oto

--
Karibu Jukwaa la www.mwanabidii.com
Pata nafasi mpya za Kazi www.kazibongo.blogspot.com

--- On Sun, 3/4/12, Cornelius Ambale wrote:

Dear Presidents/Prime Ministers, of Africa

On behalf of the poor people of Africa, I send you this protest letter.

We are angry. Yes, we the people are very angry. We have endured your ill conceived, harsh and austere economic and social policies for quite too long. We have watched silently to see you and your cronies enjoy while we the masses continue to suffer. We have no jobs, no income, no savings and no place to lay our heads while you and your selected few live in mansions at the expense of the very poor you are refusing to take care of. You have consistently ignored all our cry for help even though you know our plights very well.

Are you not appalled by the scale of poverty and the living condition of the people? Are you not appalled to see children selling on the street instead of being in the classroom? Are you not appalled to see children scavenging for food while you and you cronies frequent five star hotels? Don't you care about the dignity of the people you claim to be serving?

For years, you have asked us to sacrifice and even today we are still sacrificing. How many more years should we continue to sacrifice and tighten our belts while you and your cronies enjoy from our sweat? We cannot continue any longer. No we cannot.

We are tired of all of you who call yourself leaders of the people. We are tired of dictatorship, media censorship, torture, imprisonment without trial, war and political instability. We are tired of being refugees. We are tired of seeing our children die of preventable diseases. We are tired of sharing water from the same source with animals; water infested with bacteria and viruses. We are tired of lack of access to education, health, energy, food, medicine, shelter and clothing. We are tired of having to work with cutlasses and hoes in this 21st century. We are tired of having to rely on nature to plant our crops. We are tired of having to plant without fertilizers. We are tired of having to use 18th century seeds that yield next to nothing. We are tired of having to endure poverty, starvation, diseases, humiliation, torture, oppression, in your hands.

Above all, we are tired of your excesses. We are tired of your corrupt practices and the looting of the treasuries. Your foreign bank accounts are swollen with hundreds of millions of dollars, pounds and Euros while hundreds of millions of people live on one dollar a day.

We are tired of you using our money to procure arms for your own protection while children go to school barefooted and on empty stomach; while hospitals are without essential medicines; while factories are folding up for lack of electricity; and while harvested crops remain in the bush for lack of good roads. We are tired of all your inactions, the wait- see - and - do - nothing approaches to problem solving.

There are many of you that we have not chosen or asked to lead us yet are carrying themselves as our leaders. Such people we demand should retire and allow elections to take place. We demand an end to torture in Egypt and starvation in Ethiopia and Zimbabwe. We demand an end to the dictatorial rule in Libya, Egypt, Cameroon, Gabon, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Uganda and the Gambia. We demand an end to the instabilities in DR. Congo, Sudan, Somalia, Northern Uganda, Chad and Madagascar. We demand an end to the genocide in Darfur and the killing of innocent children, women and civilians.

We demand an end to the official corruption and graft in Nigeria, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Angola, DR. Congo, Chad, South Africa, Kenya and Guinea. We demand an end to the eroding of democratic values in Ethiopia, Nigeria, Egypt, Mauritania, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon and Gabon. We demand an end to the injection of tribalism in our politics. We demand an end to the use of the continent as a hub for cocaine shipment to Europe.

21Oct/111

Kenya: MASHUJAA DAY THAT SAW SOME KENYANS HONORED FOR MURDER

from ouko joachim omolo
Colleagues Home & Abroad Regional News

BY FR JOACHIM OMOLO OUKO, AJ
NAIROBI-KENYA
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2011

Today Kenyans are honouring the Mashujaa (heroes/heroines ) because they resisted colonization. They wanted Kenya to be free of intimidations, racism, negative ethnicity, nepotism, corruption, and political assassinations, land grabbing, torture, human rights abuses and many more.

Mekatilili wa Menza, a Kenyan woman leader, is remembered for her courage in leading the Giriama people in a rebellion against the British Colonial Administration and policies in 1913 - 1914. They had sacred dwelling places called Kayas, located in forested areas, one of which the British Colonial Administration destroyed by dynamiting it in 1914.

Because of her resistant to colonial policies Mekatilili was captured by the British and exiled to Mumias in Western Province of Kenya, far away from her coastal native area. Even after five years in prison she was released she continued to oppose the imposition of Colonial policies and ordnances. She died in 1914, and was buried in Bungala, in Magarini District.

Dedan Kimathi Waciuri (31 October 1920 – 18 February 1957) is honoured because he fought against the British colonial government in Kenya in the 1950s. He was convicted and executed in 1957 for murder and terrorism. The British colonial government convicted him because he was the main lead of Mau Mau movement.

Other heroes include M'Kiribua M'Muchiri alias Musa Mwariama born in 1928 at Muthara in Tigania division of Meru District. Waruhiu Itote was one of the key leaders of the Mau Mau rebellion alongside Dedan Kimathi and General Stanley Mathenge and Musa Mwariama.

Ramogi Achieng Oneko (1920–2007), one of the six freedom fighters arrested by the British colonial government in Kapernguria in 1952. Other members of the group, known as "Kapenguria Six" were Jomo Kenytatta, Paul Ngei, Bildad Kaggia, Kungu Karumba and Fred Kubai. They were arrested for allegedly being linked with the Mau Mau rebellion movement. They were released nine years later, in 1961, two years before Kenya gained independence.

On the other hand, while Jomo Kenyatta is honoured for his role in Mau Mau uprising, his regime is remembered for the death of Josiah Mwangi Kariuki (March 21, 1929–March 2, 1975). Mwangi was a great opponent to Kenyatta and always fought for the poor Kenyans-unfair distribution of land by Kenyatta to his close friends.

JM as he was popularly known is remembered by Kenyans as a hero as he came to represent the force against the evils that have harmed the country to this day. He is remembered for his great quote: "Kenya has become a nation of 10 millionaires and 10 million beggars.” "Every Kenyan man, woman and child is entitled to a decent and just living.

JM was brutally murdered on March 2, 1975, three weeks short of his 46th birthday, robbing Kenya of one of the most dedicated champions of the rights of the poor and a vociferous critic of inequality.

Kenyatta is also remembered for the death of Tom Mboya and Pio Gama Pinto. Pinto had discovered that Kenyatta had allocated himself a total of 50 farms in Central province and Rift valley and this did not please him. Some of the farms had poor Kikuyu squatters who were to be evicted.

The land owned by the Kenyatta family includes Taita Taveta farm (74, 000 acres), Kahawa Sukari farm (29, 000 acres), Gatundu farm, Thika farm, Brookside farm, Muthaita farm, Green Lee Estate, Njagu farm in Juja, Kasarani farm (9, 000 acres), Nakuru farm in Rongai near Moi’s home, a quarry in Dandora, Naivasha Ranch and several farms in Nairobi.

Close associates of Kenyatta such as Mbiyu Koinange, Kihika Kimani, Isaiah Mathenge, Eliud Mahihu, Jackson Angaine, Paul Ngei, Daniel Arap Moi, Njoroge Mungai, Charles Njonjo, Mwai Kibaki, Njenga Karume among other power brokers of the time, were encouraged to acquire, and did acquire, as much land.

Pinto’s problem began when he decided to move a vote of no confidence in Kenyatta. Kenyatta confronted him within the precincts of parliament and challenged him over the no confidence vote. Tom Mboya had earlier warned Pinto that his life was in danger and he could take refuge outside Kenya, and advise Pinto ignored.

When Pinto refused to back down Kenyatta called him a bastard to which Pinto immediately responded by telling Kenyatta in front of witnesses and other cabinet ministers that he (Kenyatta) was also a bastard.

Mboya was a brilliant young Suba man who also became a key rival of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and allowed himself to be played against Jaramogi by the Mt Kenya elite. It was because of him that Kenya Peoples Union came into existence...after he came up with the regional vice presidency scheme.

Born Thomas Joseph Odhiambo Mboya on 15th August 1930, he was to die by an assassin’s bullet at the tender age of 39 on 5th July 1969. It is widely believed that his high profile and illustrious career as a brilliant and charismatic leader, led to his assassination.

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga found himself into a big problem when it came to emerge that he had arranged for Pinto to hide in Mombasa and if necessary sneak out of the country from there. Kenyatta had to appoint Joseph Murumbi his Vice President later that year when he heard about this and said it was not possible for Kenyatta to kill Pinto.

Pinto was killed in cold blood. It has never been revealed before but it was the realization that Pinto’s assassination had been carried out by Kenyatta insiders that led to the resignation of Joseph Murumbi as Vice President later on. Others who died mysteriously during Kenya include Ronald Ngala and CMG Argwings Kodhek.

Although Argwings-Kodhek's death was attributed to a road accident, Kodhek who became a powerful minister in the Kenyatta cabinet was believed by a close confidant of Kenyatta that his death was actually the result of a gunshot fired from a police-issued rifle. Many close to the family actually believe that this was President Kenyatta's first political assassination.

Closely held family records indicate that former cabinet minister Paul Ngei actually identified the police vehicle that carried the assassins to the ambush point on Hurlingham Road (now Argwings-Kodhek Road). The vehicle in question was part of Vice-President Moi's Vice-Presidential Escort detail.

The testimony of former cabinet minister Andrew Omanga, then C.M.G.'s Permanent Secretary indicate that when Omanga met him lying in the road shortly after the 'accident' C.M.G. stated that he had a 'shock' and that he heard a 'gun shot'. Formerly powerful Attorney-General Charles Njonjo confirmed as C.M.G. lay dying the next morning that the 'wounds are consistent with gun shot wounds'.

It is commonly known that Kenyatta, frustrated with Oginga Odinga, had already notified Argwings-Kodhek that he was going to be appointed Vice-President—a position C.M.G. had turned down and suggested that it be given to Moi, instead of Mboya—to become the first African to join the colonial Legislative Council.

The Kenyatta administration clearly did the most damage in dividing the country along tribal lines and destroying all the national unity that had been achieved in the run up to independence.

On the other hand, while Daniel arap Moi is honoured as one of the heroes, like Kenyatta he is also remembered for numeral deaths during his tenure including the controversial one of Dr Robert Ouko and Anglican Bishop, Alexander Kipsang arap Muge.

Ouko was murdered after a controversial trip to the United States where it is rumoured that he had easier access to the then US President George Bush Senior than did President Moi. That was a threat to National security.

Horace Ongili who was said to have been a rising politician in Kenya also died mysteriously during Moi. By the time he was brutally murdered and his body discarded in a maize plantation, it was rumoured that he was set to be named vice president. At that time, the seat was occupied by Mwai Kibaki who is the current president.

The next victim was Masinde Muliro (1922 - August 14, 1992), one of the renowned freedom fighter who campaigned for the restoration of multi-party democracy in Kenya. He was a ruthless negotiator and a proponent of peaceful but focused politics.

Prior to his death it has been speculated that had he not died, he may have beaten for the presidency in 1992. He was appointed minister of commerce just before Kenya gained independence in 1963. He worked in various positions in later governments, but was frequently on the wrong side of President Kenyatta.

Other heroes in my own opinion to be honoured include students of Nairobi and Kenyatta universities who were the most visible participants in the 1982 coup attempt celebrations, significantly, the chairman of the Students' Organisation of the University of Nairobi (Sonu), Titus Adungosi who went on radio to express solidarity with the rebels. Moi jailed him for ten years. He died at Naivasha GK Prison in 1989.

Some of the students picked up by coup investigators and later released include Cabinet ministers Musalia Mudavadi, Chepalungi MP Isaac Ruto, former Rangwe MP Shem Ochuodho and David Murathe.

Others are lawyer Philip Murgor, East African Standard Group Managing Editor Wachira Waruru, Human Rights activist Odour Ong'wen and then director of the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation, Mr Kibisu Kabetesi.

As a second-year BA student, Isaac Ruto was neck-deep in campus politics when the air force revolted on August 1, 1982. He was the vice-chairman of the students' organisation, Sonu. He learned of the coup at 4am when students’ chairman Tito Adungosi waked him up.

Oginga Ogego, Kanu activist and aide to Raila Odinga who was involved in the Kanu-NDP merger talks was then a third year political science student, was jailed for 10 years on charges of sedition. In fact Ogego had initially been jailed for six years but was added four more when he told appeal Judge Matthew Muli that his only regret was that the coup attempt had failed.

Musalia Mudavadi was a second-year student studying Land Economics when the University of Nairobi was sucked into the coup. Police picked up Musalia two days later. He spent a night at Turbo Police Station before being transferred to Embakasi GSU Training School. He was released after three days.

David Murathe, MP for Gatanga then was a third-year student and a member of the Sonu council, Murathe was reluctant to go into the streets when news of the coup reached the campus. Three days after the coup attempt, Murathe was arrested at Gatanga chief's camp. He was held at the Embakasi GSU Training School and released a few days after recording a statement.

Shem Ochuodho was was locked up at Embakasi GSU Training School and charged with participating in an illegal demonstration. The case was later withdrawn, but not before Ochuodho had spent six months in police custody.

Philip Murgo, Nairobi lawyer, was a third-year law student when he was arrested after the coup attempt and stayed in police custody for six months. That time Wachira Waruru, Group Managing Editor, The East African Standard was a third-year literature student at Kenyatta University when he attracted the interest of the coup investigators. He was released after a day of questioning.

Six weeks later, police went for him at the offices of the now defunct Nairobi Times newspaper, where he worked as a reporter. He also ended up at Embakasi GSU training school and was freed in February 1983.

Stephen Omondi Oludhe, politician and best known as the founder of National Development Party of Kenya (NDP), which was turned over to Mr Raila Odinga and later merged with Kanu was a third-year student at the University of Nairobi when he became the target of detectives investigating the coup.

He was whisked away by the Special Branch in Kisumu as he went to report to his location chief. He was briefly held at Kisumu Police Station before being transferred to Embakasi GSU Training School, where he was held for six months.

Oduor Ong’wen was a second-year science student at Chiromo campus. Ong'wen was arrested four days later at his rural home in Siaya district. He was briefly locked up at Kisumu Police Station, where he found Shem Ochuodho and Stephen Oludhe. The three were later transferred to Embakasi GSU Training School where they remained for six months.

Private Hezekiah Ochuka who led the coup and later killed by Moi after been convicted on murder charges- Moses Wetangula, the current Foreign Minister in Kibaki government should also be honoured for having been Ochuka’s defence lawyer.

Ochuka believed Moi would have been put in custody together with his cronies, who had misused public property, and then taken to court after an inquiry.

Letter to the Editor

SHAMEFUL BEHAVIOUR TO NGILU

I couldn't believe my eyes for whatever I saw on 8th of Oct at Uhuru Park during the funeral service of Prof. Maathai. At one hand I was disappointed and in fact it was shameful and on the other hand I was impressed. This is the story: Ngilu who behaved in a very shameful manner towards Vice President Kalonzo by intentionally refusing to greet him.

I know they have their own political differences but that was shameful and imprudent to do that especially at a funeral and moreover of Maathai. I wish the late Maathai would know what Ngilu did. This was a great dishonour to the late Prof. Maathai and lack OF public ethics. To make matters worse, some other dignitaries from outside and within African were present and in case they saw this then it was a big shame to her and to the republic of Kenya. I respect her as any other Kenya but she should style up.

On the other hand I was impressed. Even at home, whenever differences arise in the family and especially between the parents, there are moments they have to put them aside more so in the presence of a visitor(s). At The Hague during the hearing of Uhuru Kenyatta's case, he accused Raila for being entirely responsible for the post -- election violence of 2007/8. But surprisingly, even after such allegation I saw them embracing each other during that funeral service.

Well, they may not be real friends because of their differences in ideologies in politics which is very healthy, but it was a good show and praiseworthy. I therefore thank Raila and Uhuru Kenyatta for demonstrating their maturity and I hereby call upon Kenyans and especially politicians to learn from these two great men.

By Chrispine Onyango

Via Email- Nairobi

People for Peace in Africa (PPA)
P O Box 14877
Nairobi
00800, Westlands
Kenya
Tel +254-7350-14559/+254-722-623-578
E-mail- ppa@africaonline.co.ke
omolo.ouko@gmail.com
Website: www.peopleforpeaceafrica.org

21Oct/110

Kenyans Celebrate Mashujaa Day

from Dr. Barack Abonyo For Kisumu Governor 2012

20th Oct. 2011

http://www.barackforgovernor.com/

Mashujaa Day

Today, Kenyans celebrate the first Mashujaa Day to honor the heros andheroins who made significant contriutions to our nations liberation struggle. Now is the time to move Kenyha forward with great velocity, free from oppression

~ Dr. Barak Abonyo for Ksumu Governor 2912

www.barackforgovernor.com
The People's Candidate
Dr. Barack Abonyo

15Jul/110

TRIBUTE TO THE SILENT VOICES OF SOUTH SUDAN HEROES

From: ouko joachim omolo

Colleagues Home & Abroad Regional News

BY JOSEPH ADERO NGALA
NAIROBI-KENYA
FRIDAY, JULY 15, 2011

As the world welcomed the birth of South Sudan, we should not forget people and heroes who played a critical role in bringing peace and stability between the north and south. In particular we want to pay tribute to some of the silent voices such as Father Carroll Houle MM, Renato Kizito, Comboni missionary, Michael Schultheise, Jesuit priest, emeritus Bishop Taban Paride, and late father Bill Knipe MM.

Others are Father Tom Tesconia MM, who spent a night in my house tying to negotiate with one war Lord from South Sudan, Rev Sam Kobia, former secretary General of World Council of Churches who was my co-chairman during the negations when the two faction split. We also pay tribute to Father Tom Mantica, MM.

As Father Carroll Houle once said “Peace is a process- it is something you cannot see its results immediately. It requires resources, commitment and cooperation between churches, religious communities and the government”.

Among Sudanese church personnel who contributed much to the liberation by shedding their blood include Father Lino Sebit from Torit Catholic Diocese. Lino was ordained priest on 20th April 1997,and just a little more than a year after being ordained to the priesthood, he was arrested in Khartoum along with Father Hillary Boma and 23 others, and falsely accused of having participated in series of bombing in the capital a month earlier.

He was held with Father Boma for a year, beaten and tortured before being released. The case was reported as clear violation of human rights by the UN, the US department both priests were taken to Germany for recuperation.

Father Hillary has never been able to return to Sudan. Lino returned 2000 to take on the role ass vocation director and Vice rector of Kocoa minor seminary, Prior to his appointment as Vice Rector he served at Narus in the parish of St Joseph the worker.

Although he was physically and psychologically health, he had been permanently affected by the experience of torture and imprisonment. He died on September 29, 2008, apparently from complications related to malaria from suffering he had experienced ten years earlier.

This makes his death a form of martyrdom, since his captivity and torture were motivated by the Khartoum government’s antipathy to the church and desire to silence her objections to its oppressive policies and activities.

Earlier in 1960 Father Santurino Lohure a diocesan priest of Torit diocese shed his blood for the liberation of the people of south Sudan. After his death Father Lepoldo Anyua took his place but was later killed and all their remains have been returned back to the diocese for formal burial. Father Saturino Lohure who was to be made bishop but he preferred to support the Sudanese rebels to assist them spiritually and give them courage and guidance, he later became a member of parliament of Khartoum before dictatorship and later escape in exile.

The journey to south Sudan war was long and treacherous one, one that saw millions of Sudanese loose their lives and properties. Organizations that worked tirelessly towards peace in South Sudan include People for Peace in Africa, a voluntary organization that does not have full time staff all staff but has good will.

Since Father Joachim Omolo Ouko, a member of the Apostles of Jesus joined People for Peace in Africa in June 2000-within that short period he has done a lot towards peace in South Sudan. His heart is more in South Sudan than his country Kenya. Many people have been confusing him as a Sudanese. He has reported about Sudan since then and participated in peace negotiations and healing, both in Kenya and inside Sudan.

The joy however, is that after decades of brutal and marginalization, the people of South Sudan have finally gained their independence. The historic event during the formal declaration of independence in Juba was culmination of bigger struggle saw-by some estimates-up to two million people consigned to early graves as thousands of others fled to exiles in neighboring countries including Uganda, Kenya Tanzania, Zaire, Ethiopia.

After People for peace in Africa started the process as other organization got involved, headed by Father Carroll Houle, native of Minnesota who felt that there was an need to star t organizing workshop for Sudanese Women and the youths, he felt at that time that the only way to have dialogue he influenced a number of religious congregations to start assisting both the wearing factions of Sudanese people liberation movements.

While Father Houle is one of the silence voices in our mist, we should not forget those people who contribute like Father Edward Dougherty MM, the current Maryknoll Superior general, Father Tom McDonald who inspired many Sudanese by giving trauma and healing workshop in Torit diocese on Palm Sunday together with Father Joachim Omolo Ouko AJ a courageous Kenyan priest who has ventured into many dangerous spots of Africa.

Father Ouko who gets his courage from Jesus Christ who suffered in liberating God’s people is convinced that such challenges are for the glory of God. Like Father Ouko, Father Ken Thesing MM, who worked with refugees in South Sudan after signing of the comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) courageously, prepared many for resettlement.

Also not to be forgotten is Ambassador Bethwel Kiplagat, a friend of People for Peace in Africa who actually approached us to start the faction negation a man many people hailed as a really ambassador for peace if there is anything to go with he is the man that could claim a lot mileage on Sudan. He brought the issue on Sudan to be known beyond the boundaries.

With prayers things became rather very easy tension was reducing as fate would have it, was here in Kenya that at last the war-wearing Sudanese people agreed to sign the CPA that finally brought about a semblance of peace to that war-ravage country, the political divorce that saw the birth of the 54th Africa country.

Despite Euphoria, security and the ‘Curse of oil’ will continue to hang over the worlds 193rd state like the Sword of Democle as it learns to take the first baby steps of nationhood.

A Kenya writer puts it that-a plethora of unfinished business will almost certainly continue to plague the new state. The difficulties birth of the new state following the inevitable split between the Arabanised and Islamist north and the largely Christian and animist south, was mixture of sadness and joy that the south was finally free from oppression and trauma of splitting Africans erstwhile largest nation. The midwives will certainly have to be wakeful to ensure they don’t throw away the baby with the bath water before giving it back to the mother.

In many meetings and interview with Dr John Garang in the bush and before he died l don’t believe he would like to see Sudan divided however he kept that as his personal weapon until he died. But the split come in because the south always had demanded for the separation even when l co chaired the factions split with Rev Sam Kobi already here were some sign in our negotiation that most of the factions were queued for separation.

During our negotiation with factions the history of the SPLA was brought on the table by both faction both main SPLA and the Nassir faction for us to understand the dynamics one of the them was to learn how the SPLA was formed- in 1972 when there was ceasefire after the President Gaffar Muhammed Numeriry agreed to grant conditional autonomy to the south.

Many of the current Minsters including President Salva Kiir was there when the agreement was repeatedly flouted, and war at Dr John Garang’s side when they told their people that time had come to go back to the bush to make one last heave for freedom.

The Commander of the south forces was passed from Major Kerubino Kuanyin Bol to Dr John Garang with the word uttered on May 13, 1983 that is well known to all member of the SPLA. ‘’Garang the son of my mother have you come?’” Major Kerubino posed.

“Take over the command from here Chagain my work is finished give me something to drink and let’s celebrate the start of the revolution. Kerubino was one of the war veterans whose fighting record stretches back to the 1950s were not fortunate enough to live to witness the achievement of the dream.

With my experiences of reporting Africa what Salva Kiir should now do is not to antagonize the north even as he builds bridges with other neighbors. He should be careful not to go the way of Eritrea after it split with Ethiopia, nor follow the example of East Timor.

South should use its independence to nurture mutual ties based on respect with the north as soon as possible. For starters, Kiir should not chase away northerners who wish to remain in the south and vise verse.

He should also borrow a leaf from Rwanda’s book and seriously consider joining the East African Community to create an even bigger trading bloc for the benefit of the entire region. No doubt the Sudanese have learnt their lesson and seen the futility of war. And, therefore, pending disputes like that of Nuba Mountains whose inhabitants fought a bush war alongside SPLA for secession but who are now remaining in the north, must be solved amicably.

South Kordofan, Darfur and Blue Nile conflict hotspots and oil rich enclave of Abyei must not be used by enemies of Sudan to re-ignite animosity and fresh fighting. North and south should exploit diversity for the common good.

Peace in Sudan will definitely benefit the entire region immensely. And to give the devil his due, US should consider lifting sanctions against Khartoum whose leader agreed to let go the south albeit unwillingly.

People for Peace in Africa (PPA)
P O Box 14877
Nairobi
00800, Westlands
Kenya
Tel 254-20-4441372
Website: www.peopleforpeaceafrica.org

15Jul/111

CEPO Press Release on South Sudan Independence

from Yona Maro

Community Empowerment for Progress Organization CEPO hails the independence of South Sudan, congratulates the Government, civil society and the international community for their contributions, as well as the martyrs and wounded heroes who died in the struggle. Challenges now lie ahead. They are:

Political Development: It is high time for the South Sudan political parties to sit together around a table for consodilating their differences through any possible means such as South-South political parties dailogue for the sake of gaining political unity of purpose. Additionally, drawing constructive and genuine fighting over “marginalization, oppression, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and instutional racism and discrimination”.

Remembering the independence of South Sudan from the rest of sudan is due to dictorship in its various forms, lweak constitutional goverance and lack of inclusive approach in leadership and development. CEPO is urging every poltical party in the Republic of South Sudan to prioritise upholding democracy and good goverance as a paramount goal to be achieved.

The hard questions before the Republic of South Sudan political parties are, how well are they prepared politically for upholding political popularity in governance and leadership? And secondly, how much committed are they as political parties to the principle of respect and fulfillment of democratic transformation, human rights and rule of law with full political will?

Our failure to learn from the mistakes of the previous governments of Sudan, will place the government in the new state of south Sudan eminently for repeating Khartoum mistakes.

Economic Development : How much are we ready to follow clear policy-guided-work for achieving better and balance development. It is logical that we in the new born state should be careful enough to learn from experiences of post-conflict and independent states in economical development in order for us to avoid the human mistakes committed during economical development in those countries. Our key possible challenges are fighting corruption in its various forms in all institutions both governmental and non-governmental and lack of or weak relevant financial resource mobilization strategies with poor institutional accountability. Following the current situation prior to our newly born state which is characterized by fragile statues. It is important for our government of the Republic of South Sudan to immediately start running the government on the principle of clear policy-guided work. The transition of the south Sudan development plans into action is the first milestone for confirming commitment for policy-guided-work.

Further, answering the question “what are the policies of the government per each service sector institutions for attracting support both financial and human resource for transition of those plans into actual tangible services?” Is a key aspect of economical development. The fighting against all forms of corruption, HIV/AIDS and promotion of gender mainstreaming should be intensified and also turn as citizens’ individual civic duties and responsibilities with genuine assistance from the state and the international community.

Security sector reform: The genuine transformation of the security sector institutions from being unprofessional to professional under the principle of security sector institution accountable to the public needs immediate attention right from the day one after the independence. Any instability in the security sector management is an immediate factor that may take us back to square one where we are coming from to the independence. Therefore, the transparency and accountability among the security sector institutions is necessary. For improvement of justice and accountability, there is a need to have citizens-security sector consultative interactions that are heading to achievement of peace, stability and protection of civilians lives and properties

Hence, it is of benefit for the new government of South Sudan to build the security sector on the concept of protecting the civilians lives and properties including creating suitable environment for popular or inclusive national building regards to all aspects of development

The communal/local clashes or any violence are well managed when the security sector is clearly structured and organize on the bases of transparency and accountability. Accountability and transparency principle of the security sector is easily realized, when the security institutions are not intervening into issues and challenges in irresponsble and unlawful manner. For instance, if the security sector institutions relation with the media and civil society is not based on culture or attitudes of dialogue and information sharing, it will hard for ensuring popular or inclusive national building.

Civil society: Finding ourselves in fragil eviroment, it makes us not to be able to escape being frageli. It will be of no meaning if we are not able to play our role for making our government accountability to the people and failed to make the voice of the people far from the government not being heard by the various governmental and non-governmental agencies.

Being a civil society in the fragil state, it will be better for us to focuse at the following thematic areas;

1. Promotion of rule of law for ensuring justice and accountability.

2. Focusing on developmental projects.

3. Democrtic goverance with inclusive political participation.

4. Enhancing capacity building among the rural community memebers for promoting self-relaince.

CEPO stands ready to assist the Government of Republic of South Sudan and the people of South Sudan to face these challenges head on in collaboration with other civil society organisations.

--
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http://worldngojobs.blogspot.com/ Nafasi za Kazi Kimataifa

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3May/112

Kenya: who is this killing Kenyans?

From: Paul Nyandoto

Humans,

In Kenya challenges to leadership are not new, nor are they unique even today as we move towards the 2012 elections. Kenyan leaders spent no time at all to deal or study anything about leadership, they are just undeveloped upstairs so much that we hardly move forward as a nation.

In Kenya politicians or people in very sensitives posts have been murdered since 1963 but no real revelations have come out as to who constantly commit those crimes. The new police boss is coming from the group I do hear according to Mr.Githea to be more qualified than others, so has he come out with solving those murders or he is just swallowing tusker instead of doing his job?.

We got independence in 1963 from the British and since that day; Government dogs constantly keep on eliminating very intelligent Kenyans who can help us make our country move forward. We cry when our fellow Kenyans are taken to the Hague, we pray for them in the park when they come back, the government even budget for their welfare, but at the same time we constantly repeat the mistake why those people are being taken to the Hague. Is this what is called imbecile or just a black African man/ woman underdeveloped brain compared to the white race or Asian?. Is this stupidity or impunity an African disease or what?. Should doctors include Kenyan impunity or stupidity in the classification of typical tropical diseases or what?.

This present elimination of Kalenjins is not going well to Kenyan society no matter what tribe you do come from. I still do not see why a government is now silent on these murders. I hope human rights organization will include these murders to be investigated by the international community since our government has proved to be incapable of solving or doing anything good for our country. It is a government over loaded by ministers, corruption , murders and above all thieves of all degrees.

In 1963 a young British said these words when Kenya got independence`He doubted if an African black man or woman would be able to rule Kenya to prosperity`. Guys here we are almost 50 years since independence just see even today how Kenyans are killed and nothing is done to their killers, start with Mboya, Ouko, Kariuki, now these innocent kalenjins etc.

Can we Kenyans import leaders if our land can not produce anybody capable or ruling Kenya?. Why are we kidding ourselves all the time that we can while we are just proving the opposite?. BIG HARD MOUTH DO NOT HELP, we need action.

Paul Nyandoto

27Apr/111

Kenya: Kalonzo must weigh his public pronouncements and utterances in public rallies

THE KAMBA POLITICS EVER SINCE PRE-INDEPENDENCE DAYS IS THAT OF BETRAYAL, OPPORTUNISM AND CONFUSION.

Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

The modern political history in this country is painting the Kamba community negatively as a people whose politics has always been shrouded in numerous allegations of betrayal dishonest and opportunism.

Had the Vice President Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka stood firm and steadfast in ODM and worked side by side, the party could have won the 2007 general elections with an overwhelming majority of seats in the National Assembly and in all the elective bodies such as municipalities and counties.

It was Kalonzo Musyoka’s that saw him ditching ODM that led to confusion and suspicion leading to the hotly disputed presidential polls result. Although the election was much thawed, but with Kalonzoi Musyoka working side by side with Raila Odinga things could have been different.

This kind of ego-centric and self-serving interest has denied, is what has denied this proud community the chance to produce a politician with the national outlook who could capture the hearts of Kenyan electorate across the country.

To examine the Kamba community recent past political history dating back to 1960s,especially at the time of the country’s attained hr political independence in 1963,the Kambas were politically divided into small patches, one that is behind Paul Joseph Ngei, the other one supporting the founding father of the nation Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, another group particularly those from Machakos region were firm in the pockets of the late Tom Mboya while those in Kitui were firm in the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga camp of radicals or loosely the so called leftists pursuing scientific socialism based on borrowed foreign political ideologies..

The attitudes of the Kamba politicians of the old days, were just similar in comparison to the self-centered policies currently being pursued by the Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka.

In 1960, Paul Joseph Ngei {Kin-Kuu} wearing a black hut with inscription PG meaning prison graduate too the Kenyan nation with storm, He immediately earned the nick name Bwana Mashamba owing to his hard-line stance by demanding that all the white settlers in this country should immediately vacate their farms , pack and go even before independence.

Ngei had just been released from the colonial jail and detention camps in the remote Northern Kenya, therefore his claims to be a prison graduate was somehow justified. He became classified by the colonial administration as extremely radical politician, and was grouped and categorized with Jaramogi Oginga Odinga by the colonial intelligence unit of the Kenya police.

At the time KANU was led by another ex-detainee, but a teacher by profession but a moderate politician James Samuel Gichuru a Kikuyu from Kiambu, while Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was the party’s vice president and Tom Mboya also a Luo, but urbanized Nairobian was the party Secretary General and William Mbolu Malu a Kamba from Machakos was the KANU national Treasurer.

Kenyatta was release one year later in 1961.Ngei and Kenyatta together with Bildad Kaggia, Richard Achieng’Oneko, Kungu Karumba and Fred Kubai were the Famous Kapenguria Six accused of managing Mau Mau and were all sentenced to seven year hard labor. After the completion of their jail term which started in 1953, each was banished to a detention camp also in the northern region of Kenya as part of corporal punishment.

There were two major competing political parties, namely Kenya African Union {KANU} and the Kenya African Democratic Union {KADU}, which claims to have amalgamated minority communities. Kadu also had its affiliates like Mombasa African Democratic Union, Maasai United front and Kalenjin Political Alliance, while KANU had its smaller party affiliated to it such as Nairobi People Convention Party {NPCP}, Central Nyanza District Association {ADA},Nairobi African District Congress and South Nyanza District Political Association {SINDAPA}

The Mt Kenya region residents were not allowed under the emergency to form a party. The region groups the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru referred to as {KEM}.Political activities in this Mau Mau infested region was not allowed until late in 1960 when a countrywide African political party in the name of KANU was formed and registered.

Upon his release from detention camp, Ngei immediately identified himself with KANU and toured many parts of Kenya addressing mammoth of crowds, at time even shedding tear about the African land which had been forcefully grabbed by whites.

The late Kenyatta also came out of detention camp in Maralal, Samburu district and immediately identified himself with KANU, but emphasized the need for the two parties to form a united front so that they could expedite the achievement of Uhuru.

This was at the time when Kenya leaders were preparing themselves to travel to the second and final Lancaster house Round Table Constitution Conference in London, UK. Kenyatta had secured a seat in the colonial Legislative Council when the late Kariuki Njiri who a year earlier had won the Fort Hall {Murang’s} seat in the mini-general election of1961 voluntarily resigned paving the way for Kenyatta entry into the H8use. Ngei did not get a chance or anyone to vacate his or her set for him to enter Parliament and was very apprehensive about this.

Non-Legco members were not eligible to attend the London Constitutional Conference even as in observer status, but Ngei insisted that he must attend as pat of KANU delegation to the talks.

A wing of KANU led by Gichuru and Mboya was not comfortable with Ngei, though he forced his way to London. Upon his return, Ngei developed hostility incessantly attacking KANU leaders, Kenyatta included. And in the same year Kenyatta called for a delegate conference. The meeting was held at Kaloleni Hall, Nairobi and attended by close to 2400 representatives from district branches throughout Kenya.

On the first day, Ngei who by that time had teamed u Jaramogi Oginga Odinga launched scathing attack on Gichuru Mboya axis dismissing them as imperialist’s agents, and demanded that those who had not graduated from prison should be kicked out of KANU leadership so that those who had suffered imprisonment in the cause of liberation war should replace them.

ON kamba support of Ngei by the name Victor Kasimbih from Kitui insulted Kenyatta and dismissed him as too old to lead. Kasimbihi who seemed to be partly mentally deranged was thrown out of the halls window by muscled KANU youths with Kenyatta reaching his bakora {walking stick} and saying “Mwacheni akione cha mtema kuni.Thge matter, however, calmed down with Kenyatta defending Mboya to the hilt and no top KANU official lost his or her job demoted or dismissed.

This did not please Ngei who had declared himself he was going toi be the KANU SECRETARY-General. Therefore Ngei walked out of KANU and Kenyatta readily approved. He formed his own African People Party {APP} which was soon to become the third largest political party in the country.

Ngei claimed there was a “ Sungura Mjanja” loosely translated as the rascal hare!!. Mboya hit back the hardest by referring Ngei’s APP as Akamba Pickpockets Party . Kenyatta disowned Ngei wondering why he was jailed in Kapenguria whereas his role was theft of motor vehicles spare parts in Grogan Road in Nairobi {now Kirinyaga}. The exchange of insults by boh side went for the duration of the 1963 general election. App won only nine seats, two senate for kitui and Machakos and seven members in the National Assembly.

APP failed to attract the following from other communities outside Ukambani with exception of the late Elijah Omolo Agar a radical politician who had also come out of detention camp and temporarily disagree with Mboya and Oodinga. Agar served as the APP National Organizing Secretary, but on sensing that APP had no feature ditched it and return to KANU shortly before the 1963 general election and won became the first Karachuonyo MP, a seat which he won as an independent KANU candidate.

Kenyatta deliberately appointed Ngei’s arch-rival in Kamba political derby Eliud Ngala Mwenda to the post independence cabinet as the Minister for Labour, and Ngei after sensing that he was in the cold trooped back to KANU together with his seven MPs and two Senators and were welcomed by Kenyatta who immediately appointed him the chairman of the defunct Western Kenya Marketing Board based in Kisum

The hitherto vibrant Western Kenya Produce and marketing Board was immediately hit with the claims of massive financial scandals and theft of maize, which sent its general manager, J.P.Oyende, to prison and Ngei narrowly escaped Punishment by whisker in what many observers saw as due to Kenyatta’s personal intervention to save the skin of his fellow former prison colleagues at Lodwar..

Ngei was later welcomed back to the cabinet and serve as Ministries for Co-operative Development and Housing.

I have just summarized all these to justify my claims at the opening of this article that Kamba politics is always shrouded in betrayal opportunism and confusion. Ngei’s story is not far from what Kalono Musyoka has been conducting himself in Kenya politics.

Reading fro the borderline point of view the conduct of the Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka, how he jumped the ship at the eleventh hours when the ODM, was heading for a landslide election victory, how he readily joined Kibaki during the dispute of the tallying of presidential votes in 2007, and how he has been involved in diplomatic shuttle in futile attempt to have the Ocampo Six cases at the ICC deferred by the UN for one year, one would rightly say the Kambas are still far away from producing a national leader with nationalistic command to the hearts of all Kenyans people.

What wikileaks had written about Kalonzo are not far from being the truth and nothing. Our Vice President seemed not to like the politics of consistency. Of late he has become the architect of sycophantic outbursts each time he opened his mouth. He therefore need to weigh his remarks in public rallies and newspaper statements

Ends

25Apr/113

Kenya: Uhuru Kenyatta has nothing to offer to the Luos and he sould leave the peaceful community alone

Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City.

Politics in Kenya has of late taken a new dimension near provocation and insult to other members of the society by those who have massed a lot of financial muscle through the ill-gotten wealth.

The last week’s luncheon at the posh Serena Hotel in Nairobi by a group of close to 100 so-called Luo professionals and businessmen speaks volumes, particularly the remarks attributed to the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance in reference to the scourge of abject poverty in Luo-Nyanza.

Uhuru knew pretty well the source and how of tribulation and woes as well as economic and political marginalization of the Luo community had come about. And that his late father Jomo Kenyatta was the architect of all the problems that had reduced this proud community to a bunch of beggars. And as such he has nothing tangible to offer to this particular community to regain its lost glory and he should shut up.

He is just shedding crocodile tears when he says that the myriad of economic and political problems facing the people of Nyanza region has come about as result of bad political leadership.

And he shamelessly did this when he addressed a forum of street vendor's masquerading as Luo leadr in Nairobi instead of coming to Nyanza and engaged the genuine comunity in a dialogue aimed at rescuing the community from further sinking and wallowing in abject poverty.

Apart from Hon Raphael Tuju, the former Foreign Affairs Minister, who is now a civil servant in the coalition government serving as the advicer to the president on media and cohesion matters, the rest of the so-called professionals caucus and businessmen in attendance at the luncheon were a bunch of political rejects and renegades. It was full of political hirelings and belly-begging lots with no support and backing back home in Luo-Nyanza.

This was a pure case of gross miscalculation and an underestimation of the intelligentsia of the Luos by the son of Jomo Kenyatta. And the outcome of such mischievous political engagement that should only be consigned to the political dustbins and treated with contempt it deserves.

In any case Mr Kenyatta, like anyone else, is free and most welcome in his desire to reach the Nyanza people for the purpose of canvassing and soliciting for support in his presidential ambition. He has a right to tour the region and talks to the electorate in the open air. But he seemed to have launched his campaign to win the Luos backing through the wrong footing by using political demagogues, some of them who could not even win a seat in a local primary school committee in their own villages.

Mr Kenyatta should realize that it pays to work with the community’s elected and recognized leader. He should not insult the Luo community by offering luncheon to a group of brief-case politicians and street dwellers of Nairobi. His mentor, the retired President Daniel Arap Moi, had squandered millions of shillings through using wrong strategies buying the support of Luo political rejects and miserably failed inn his concerted effort to reach the community by using unwanted political surrogates. And Kenyatta who worked closely with Moi ought to have known that this is an iron willed community, which is not an easy prey or political sellout.

The Luos, however, are peaceful and democratic minded people. They cherish the spirit love and co-existence of all Kenyans. It is a community which is not thriving vengeance and blood thirsty, but a democratic community that believes in justice for all.

Kenyatta’s new found political partner and presidential running-mate was the other day in Kisumu, though he arrived rather late in the evening, he was given an arousing welcome by a huge enthusiastic crowd which gathered at Kondele ground and also outside Moi’s Stadium in the heart of Kisumu City. Ruto can testify to this, though he has always persistently lost no chance without releasing his vitriol’s and polemics against the Luo political kingpin Raila Amolo Odinga.

The Luos did welcome Ruto in reciprocation of the tumultuous welcome that is always accorded to Raila by Ruto’s own Kalenjin people whenever “Agwambo” is tour of the Rift Valley. And this is the kind of new Kenya that we want.

I was glad that prior to Ruto;s much vaunted plan to visit the Lakeside City, Raila had made stopovers at the various spots in the City and told his fanatic and overzealous supporter to welcome and this was openly demonstrated that they were peaceful to all the prospective presidential candidates whenever they are on a tour of the region. This was pure act of political maturity and magnanimity, and the Kisumu youths followed his instructions to the letter and happily received Ruto and Eugine Wamalwa, though they were only in town briefly.

Kenyatta who holds a key ministerial docket, that of Finance in the coalition government, should have told his Luo friends what plans are a foot for the revival of the stalled government projects, the plans for the resuscitation of the all the closed won, but economically important manufacturing industries in Kisumu City and its environs.

The important large and medium sized industries in Kisumu, such as the multimillion Kicomi, Kenya Breweries, Kibos Industries and many others, closed down under the Moi regime. This spilled many youths to the streets as they become redundant and jobless, and since became the major source of insecurity in the whole of Nyanza region instead of veiled attack on Nyanza political leadership.

The Luo woes and tribulation started all the way back in 1962, immediately soon after the end of the second and the last Lancaster House Round Table constitutional conference in London that paved the way for the formation of the responsible government after the overwhelming KANU victory over KADU, in the pre-independence general election the following year in June 1963.

A cabal of Kiambu confidants and Kenyatta’s advisers moved in with snake’s speed and worked overnight burning their midnight oil to ensure that the hitherto neat close Luo-Kikuyu political alliance and working relations did not materialized anymore. It was purely for economic purpose, because a year later something unique emerged which was known as “Koinange Blueporint”.

The damning secret plan was not hatched by the late Mbiyu Koinange, then a key minister in the Kenyatta cabinet, but it was the covert work of the late Bruce Mackenzie and White Hall.They wanted to retain the British economic dominance of Kenya and came out with the “Koiange Blueprint, which was meant to ensure that all the major important means of production in this country remained in tight control of the Kikuyu elites in collaboration with British investors under the close watch of the White Hall. This is how the plan to frustrate and sideline the late Jaramnogi Oginga Odinga an his fellow Luo arch-rival the late Tom Mboya had come about.

The late Kenyatta held secret night meetings at his Gatundu home with Kukuyu elite during which plans were hatched how to make easy loans through banks controlled by Kikuyu to avail finances for Kikuyu businessmen and traders for funding their purchase of shares in most major productions. Means and this is how the Kukuyu accessed shareholding in big multinational companies such as BAT, Brooke Bond, and many others reducing the highly Luos and members of other Kenyan communities to mere workers while the Kukuyu partly with foreigners owned the industries including commercial banks.

Nearly all the Kikuyu merchants were accorded bank and ICDC loans. They included the charcoal sellers and kiosk traders who got unsecured loans which enabled them to purchase shares in big companies and acquire wealth for just this simple reason. Meaning the beginning of the economic strangulation and marginalization of the Luos and other non-Kikuyus.

Did all these secret schemes come about due to bad political leadership in Nyanza? Kenyatta sould have learned the political history of this country before he opened up his big mouth and threw the blames to innocent people. The same policy was later pursued to the letter by his father’s successor Daniel Moi. All these are in the history note books of Kenyan scholars and it won’t take long before this kind of information are blown off for the public consumption. Let Uhuru campaign in a clean note and tell the public what he intend to do for Kenyans and stop touching the old wounds.

Personally I have no grudge against the Kenyatta family as a whole and Uhuru in person, but my passionate advice to the Gatundu South MP is that h should not open the can of warm. He should be made to be aware that he is under scrutiny and close watchful eyes.

Uhuru should first of all, before he opens up against Luo leadership, think seriously about the reparation and compensation to the families of close to 40 Luos who was massacred by the trigger happy boys from Gatundu in Kisumu City in October 1969 and other hidden crimes against the community

We can all contribute immensely towards the preservation of unity of purpose and move our country forward if we all could be pursuing the constructive political engagement and not destructive politics of hatred and deceit.

Ends

22Apr/110

Sadistic Reminder of PEV By Janet Feldman

from Judy Miriga

Folks,

This is a serious matter involving International public taxpayer money and Janet MUST be investigated by FBI and Interpol Police.

The truth must be known, as these matters are of public information and interest affecting public life and taxpayers.

I wonder, could this be where the Minister Esther Mutugi could have borrowed the idea that HIV/AIDs should be put into a concentration camp or do they have something in common with HIV/AIDs fund case scenario?.......

There are possibilities that HIV/AIDs fund has been gravely misused or misappropriated, and more or so, it was used for unsuspecting activities or short-changed. We therefore demand facts of the matter, check and balances, accountability and transparency.

I am therefore asking the Head of HIV/AIDs Mission, Presidents and Directors to through some light here, for the world to know ...... all about the hidden mission behind the purpose and aims of HIV/AIDs Fund to Kenya and Africa and whether the Funds are meeting its obligations, or are as accounted for, go to the people and mission intended for or not.......and who are the masterminders behind under-cover deals ?........

Thank you all,

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA

http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com

- - - - - - - - - - -

From: mohamed warsama

Janet Feldman's decision to ignore pleas by various Kenyans at home and abroad to release the results of the KAC Election - now suppressed for the fifth day running - is a contemptous disregard for the wananchi of this country and the traumatic feelings they are still recovering in the aftermath of PEV. This arrogant white woman has no respect for the intervention of the New Generation Leaders like Otieno Sungu whose courteous appeal to her to let him verify the election results she trashed dismissively.

As far as Janet is concerned, the opinions of Kenyans on their own organisation count for nothing; only her arrogant views matter. And she damn well does what she wants with KAC, and the hell with what Kenyans say about it.

She is a sadist bent on reminding us the botched December, 2007 elections. She doesnt care a damn about the stress we underwent over stolen and rigged elections. KAC is hers and hers alone to decide what to do with. Who are we to demand a say in the affairs of the KAC when that is hers alone to decide ?

We have been a free Kenyan Nation since 1963. We are not about to surrender our sovereignty to the White Martinet Lady of Rhode Island. You must show some respect when Otieno Sungu and others like him when they ask you the results.

As for your so-called AIDS programmes by KAIPPG in western Kenya, rest assured I will thoroughly investigate the veracity of your claims. Already, I am suspicious.

You claim on a turn-over of USD 110,000 KAIPPG is running an AIDS programme for 1,000,000 in 24 Western Kenya with a staff of only two - you in Rhode Island and James Onyango in Mumias ? How can Onyango single-handedly administer a programme for 1,000,000 ? How can a programme for 1,000,000 be run on a budget of USD 110,000 only ?

Mohamed Warsama

From: JM
sbj; WHY JANET FELDMAN CANNOT ANNOUNCE THE OFFICIAL KCA ELECTION RESULTS!/Otieno

Janet,

I would hate to respond to you in a different forum than KCA but I'm forced to do so because you are misleading the members of this forum from understanding the current quagmire in KCA.

As the outgoing president of KCA whose Executive team was dissolved through a "coup de tat" by a special interest group of 12 members using clandestine means, I am forced to respond and shed some light.

As soon as the "gang of 12" hijacked KCA from my executive using unorthodox and lame excuses, you took upon yourself to moderate some members including myself who differed with the "Gang of 12" members. If truth be told, KCA has been limited to a participation of 12 active members who engineered my dismissal because as the president, I refused to allow KCA to partner with a financial group that includes these 12 individuals.

My argument was that KCA is a non-profit registered organization and should NOT be involved in any financial venture schemes. I was overuled by the "gang of 12" who took upon themselves to dissolve my executive and conduct sham elections that were undemocratic.

The motive behind the "gang of 12" is financial gains from the newly formed Kenya Diapsora Investment Funds. Majority of KCA members who were displeased by the actions of the "gang of 12" are no longer active participants on the KCA forum and that's why its only less than 2 dozen members participated in this elections. This group is not a representative sample of KCA or the diaspora, and as such, these elections should NOT be honored or recognised since they were not conducted in a democratic manner.

The "gang of 12" who appointed themselves interim executive members nominated each other as candidates for the executive seats while moderating the forum from "outside" interferance.
Janet, any house built on dubious foundation can never last.

And BTW, I am not interested in current or future KCA executive position.

John Maina

From: Henry Gichaba

Dear Kenyans,

Janet Feldman fears that if she announces that Abdul Yakub won the KCA elections, she will not be able to use Kenya's name and KCA to raise funds.

As I informed you earlier, the un-announced winner of the KCA elections is Abdulsalam Yakub of New York. I also explained the reasons why Ms. Janet Feldman can't announce the KCA results. It's because she has far-reaching financial interests in Kenya. Through the rubber-stamp of KCA and the use of Kenya's name, she is able to enrich her resume and get more money which she claims to use in helping Kenyans suffering from HIV/AIDS and other ailments.

When I pointed out this unfortunate development, Janet Feldman said she would "take other measures." I must that Kenya's name has been used wrongly by an American called Janet Feldman to collect funds whose use isn't clearly explained as required by Federal Law. Both Feldman and Brodsky have registered non-profit organizations 501 3 (c) in the USA purporting to raise funds for work in Kenya but only feasible on paper.

One, according to US Federal Law, one must be account for the use of untaxed funds raised through legally registered non-profit organizations. Look at Janet's Feldman's fundraising for use in Kenya in 2008-2009.

http://www.kaippg.org/involved.html "Please contact Janet Feldman at kaippg@earthlink.net or James Onyango at kaippg@africaonline.co.ke if you would like to volunteer your time, or expertise, or to donate funds or other items. Many Top of the list is that we need program and core-funding to enable us meet our budgetary requirements. Our budget for 2008-2009 is US $200,000."

I've taken the pain to find out the existence of the projects on Janet's site but I've not been successful. First, in the Motor Vehicle Department, no vehicles are registered in the name of Janet's KAIPPG.

Right on the ground in Kenya, I've interviewed people and there's hardly any support for AIDS/HIP victims assisted by Janet Feldman's organization. Janet, please give us the breakdown of people who benefitted from your 2008-2009 budget.

Janet has previously threatened me with "other measures will be taken" kind of stuff. Now I want Janet to come out clean on how she uses the money she raises helping needy people in Kenya.

I hope you have filed your taxes for that period and that the items you entered in every column are true to the best of your knowledge. Second, I suspect failed accountability in actual use of these funds according to US federal requirements. Based on the reports from the ground, Janet Feldman has not funded AIDS-related projects in Kenya in the magnitude of her 2008-2009 budget.

Now read for yourselves: http://www.kaippg.org/involved.html

Richard Brodsky is foxier than his countrywoman from Boston. It's hard to nail Richard in terms of specifics. This New Yorker's sin is that he uses KCA (see KCA membership and voting rights) to advertize his interests. However, his books with the feds seem to be well kept (at least on paper). However, we will also follow through to ascertain the exact nature of activities where he uses public funds. When the courts and the feds subpoena his use of funds which he collects - like use of credit cards billed to his organization - this man, I've been advised is a fox.

On the other hand, James Onyango shouldn't allow his name to be used by Janet without actual work going on in Kenya. On the same note, KCA shouldn't be used as a tool to collect funds whose use is not verifiable on the ground.

Source: http://www.richardmbrodsky.org/aboutfoundation.html

"The mission of the Foundation is to provide food, shelter and shoes for orphans living in Kenya, raise money for research for the cure or vaccine for AIDS, to help those already afflicted with AIDS, and to help those with brain cancer." This man, at least, travels to Kenya to buy some dinner in Kisumu.

I am asking Janet Feldman: 1) leave KCA to Kenyans 2) stop using Kenya's name to raise funds 3) stop threatening me and Chifu that "other measures will be taken" whener we ask legitimate questions. I am going to demand that the Federal Government explain to me why Janet Feldman should use Kenya's name to raise funds whose destination is not well-accounted for.

Janet, do not forget that laws here in the USA do work. You may remain in the KCA, but I want to let you know I've a right to petition the Federal Government to account for why Kenya's name is used to raise funds which you don't fully account for.

Henry Gichaba, somewhere in the forests of North Carolina.

12Apr/111

Kenya: Kenyatta / Ruto political marriage of convenience is bound to fail even long before the next general elections

Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

INTER-tribal political deals, peace and reconciliations built for political motives for the purpose of helping those individuals nursing presidential ambition, and for undercutting their perceived political enemies, will not last, but are bound to fail.

It is an alliance based on malicious intention to undercut Raila Odinga, the Prime Minister, the man who is truly the darling of every Kenyans with exception of those who have succeeded in enriching themselves from ill-gotten wealth after vandalizing the country's resources with impunity in the past.

The modern political history of Kenya explains it explicitly clear that any inter-tribal political alliance formed between the Kikuyu politicians and leaders from other communities will always collapse before achieving its objectives and goals. Therefore the much highlighted political alliance between the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta and the MP for Eldoret North William Samoei Arap Ruto is just a temporary political marriage of convenience.

People should be bothered by such amorphous alliances, because it is just born out of panicking about the impending trials by the ICC at The Hague.

Dishonesty and non-commitment to any inter-tribal political alliances between the leaders from the Mount Kenya region and politicians from non-Kikuyu community could be well chronicled back from the days of the State of Emergency following its declaration by the then colonial governor Sir Evelyn Baring on the night of October 20th,1952.

The Kikuyu leaders hatched heinous schemes of killing individual personalities, particularly non-Kikuyus they then perceived to be the collaborator of the colonialists. This was the time when the likes of the late Tom Mbotela, the late Ambrose Ofafa were shot and killed by Mau Mau agents in Nairobi.

In 1958 the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was then the Colonial Legislative Member for Central Nyanza and chairman of the African Elected Members Organization {AEMO}. He was believed to have been nursing presidential ambition himself. But had realized that his way up to the ladder, was being blocked by the presence of the much enlightened and urbanized Tom Mboya and Ronald Gideon Ngala. He shocked everyone by declaring that Jomo Kenyatta was the leader of this country.

Jaramogi did so in the same fashion as the Environmental Minister, John Michuki, who recently went public declaring that Uhuru Kenyatta, according to his opinion, would be the leader of the Kikuyu people {Not Kenya}.

Jaramoigi in a later statement referred Kenyatta as the second God of all Kenyan people, a statement that embarrassed and irked religious leaders in this country.

Those who knew Jaramogi well could still testify that Oginga Odinga was not genuine in his pronouncements, but all were due to guarded jealousy that Tom Mboya was increasingly becoming more popular and recognized both locally and internationally as the most suitable and preferable leader of Kenya at the material time. Jaramog’s objective was to undercut Mboya’s rising political star at the time.

The political difference at the time between Jaramogi and Mboya was based on the following factors. Mboya was more urbanized and had the upper hand in communication skills, whereas Jaramogi represented Central Nyanza, a rural constituency whose constituents were mainly Luos, and was not exposed to national and international political intricacies.

Mboya had won the Nairobi area seat reserved for an African on Kikuyu majority votes, a fete which he repeated in 1961 when Jaramogi ganged behind Dr. Munyua Wayaki and made the frantic effort to unseat him.

Following his outburst about the then still incarcerated Kenyatta, Jaramogi become an instant hero, and the darling of the Kikuyu people. to the chagrins of some Kikuyu up-coming leaders like the late Dr. Julius Gikonyo Kiano and others who had distanced themselves to his pronouncements.

Jaramogi's outbursts temporarily endeared him to a close nit friendship with Kenyatta immediately when the latter came out of detention camp in the northern Kenya in 1961and this temporary friendship of convenience lasted between 1961 and 1964. The two leaders became so close that they even went into joint ventures in several businesses enterprises, both in Nairobi and Mombasa, before independence in 1963.

Kenyatta had taken over the mantle of KANU leadership as its President, a position which was previously been held by the late James Samuel Gichuru. Jaramogi remained the Vice President of KANU since the party’s inception at Kiambu in June 1960 and Kenyatta appointed him the Minister for home Affairs for only one year.

But it was not long before the matter took a dramatic change in December 1964 when Kenya attained her republican status and the Queen of England ceased to be the head of state replaced by President Jomo Kenyatta. Jaramogi was shocking and surprisingly relegated to the empty cell of Vice President and Minister without Portfolio.

Mboya, who had served in a powerful ministerial slot of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, was equally relegated to the hitherto unheard of Ministry of Planning and Development where he had to start from scratch. A cabal of close Kiambu advisers, from what was known as “Gatundu Parliament” acting on the advice of the former Director o the Security Intelligence, James Kanyotu, from Ndia, had launched a well orchestrated and elaborate plan to sideline both Odinga and Mboya. Their close friends among the Kikuyus who were in the cabinet were summarily summoned to Gatundu, home of Kenyatta, and reprimanded with a stern warning to keep away from the two who became virtually isolated, though they were still serving in the cabinet secret meetings, were switched from State House to Gatundu where important government decision were made.

Rumors and insinuations of all kinds rent the air, about the threat of the Kenyatta government being toppled, by either Jaramogi using the Communist forces from abroad or Mboya using American and British forces. And suspicion became the order the day forcing Jaramogi’s premature resignation after Kenyatta had used Mboya, a fellow Luo, to kick out of both government and KANU party, his hitherto friend Jaramogi and his supporters following the infamous Limuru Conference.

Immediately after this the political scenario in Kenya had changed drastically with the cabal of Kenyatta’s advisers now trained their guns and focus on Mboya’s elimination, which they did on July 5,1969.

At this point in time Daniel Ara Moi had become the closest political associate of Kenyatta. The alliance thrived and was aimed primarily and strategically to have no dissenting views from the Kalenjin leaders about Kenyatta scheme to settle thousands of his Kukuyu tribesmen to the former White Highland farms previously owned by the white settlers who had left the country for fear of chaos at the independence.

The only Kalenjin leader who voiced concern about unfolding event was the late Tinderet MP, Marie John Seroney, who reportedly and bravely launched what was known as Hand Hills Declaration, was immediately consigned to the detention camp. His supporter, the Eldoret North MP Saina, was arraigned in court and earned long term prison sentence on framed up and flimsy criminal charges.

But when it come to the turn of Moi to succeed Kenyatta, the same cabal of Kiambu politicians led by Kihika Kimani, Njoroge Mungai, james Gichuru,Julius Gikonyo Kiano, Mbiyu Koinange with the help of the colorless Kamba politician, Paul Joseph Ngei, ganged up and came up with chorus call for constitutional change which was meant to bar Moi from succeeding the ageing Kenyatta.

It was the then powerful Attorney General Charles Mugane Njonjo who saved Moi’s neck. Njonjo came out with a stern warning that the group action bordered on treason offence of plotting against the President, and the issue was abruptly abandoned. Its proponents beat the hasty retreat. This timely action by Njonjo paved the way for Daniel Moi’s accession to power following the death of Kenyatta on August 22,1978.

But Njonjo’s closeness to Moi did not last long. The same cabal of Kenyatta’s advisers, after realizing that Njonjo’s rising political star was growing much faster, moved at top speed and secretly advised Moi against Njonjo, under the pretext that the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs was involved in the conspiracy to have his government overthrown with the assistance of foreign mercenaries from South Africa and other Western countries.

The serious allegation led to Moi and Njonjo parting company. These people had not forgiven Njonjo for having stood firm against their heinous and futile plan, to block Moi from succeeding Kenyatta, and made it sure that they crate friction between Njonjo and his boss Moi.

Again the MOU reached between President Kibaki and Raila Odinga in 2002, under the auspices of Narc-Kenya, after Raila had vigorously campaigned for Kibaki to be elected the President despite of his ill-health following a fatal road accident, did not materialize for long forcing Raila out of the government following the first referendum victory over Kibaki in November 2005.

It would therefore be a miracle if the alliance between Ruto and Kenyatta will survive and sustain the heat of advices from the same Kikuyu cabals of advisers, particularly if Kenyatta wins and becames the president. Ruto could easily find himself in Kamiti Maximum Security prison for his alleged parts in mass eviction of Kiukuyu from their acquired farms in Molo, Elburgon, Uasin Gishu, Kuresoi, Londiani, Burn Forest, Likia, Subukia, Rongai and other places in the Central and South, North and South of the Rift Valley.

The history as told in the foregoing has told us that any MOU between the leaders fro Mt. Kenya region with those from other parts of Kenya is unworkable due to self-seated egoists. But if it could materialize and work if Ruto become the President, and not under Uhuru Kenyatta’s presidency. This is a hard fact which any level minded Kenyan must know.

It is indeed very interesting that anyone who wants to gain political fame in our Kenya today must open his ambition by invoking the Name of Raila Odinga, not as a hero, but as a villain. The Prime Minister has become the punching bag for amateurish political novices who at times openly display their political naivety by making irresponsible public pronouncements.

It is question of wait and see, if a party that is formed in the premises of numerous criminal cases, will stand the test of the day, and propel its leaders to the presidency!! In my view this is a big joke and my fellow Kenyans, I am sure, have been following the events very keenly. And I am sure they will make intelligent guesswork and arrive at a decision that would bring to an end all the hullaballoo and politics of deceits.

Ends

leooderaomolo@yahoo.com

11Dec/1013

Kenya: Nyanza people want the new Kisumu Airport be re-named Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Airport

Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

The people of the now defunct Nyanza Province, which has been split into four Counties, have unanimously of the opinion that the newly expanded and modernized airport be re-named as Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Airport.

Members of the Luo community have agreed in principle that this would be the most fitting facility in the memory of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, for his immense contribution to this country, dating back to the early 1940s, especially during the struggle for independence by Kenyan people against the mighty of forces of the colonialists.

The communities are unanimous and want to see an important public facility, like the new Kisumu Airpot, named after the man who had championed the struggle for independence, and later led a protracted war of the second liberation of this country.

A prominent building contractor, Mr Gordon Kaoko, suggested that a tourist class hotel should also be established in Kisumu and named after Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Businessmen, farmers, teachers and civic leader in all the four Counties of Siaya, Kisumu, Homa-Bay and Migori are unanimous that the facility be named after Jaramogi, to color his distinguish service to the mankind.

The airport, which has been modernized with billions of shillings, would soon be taking in bigger aircraft, including international passenger flights, that would make Kisumu to be the true gate-away City to East and Central Africa.

A cross section of people interviewed within Kisumu City and its environs were all unanimous that the new airport be named after the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, who had served this country as its first Vice President of the Republic of Kenya.

It is true that the Luos are the most democratic people, who are always very vocal and outspoken on issues of national importance. But when it come to the question of remembering their past heroes, who had made sterling performance and immense contribution in history, this particular community is well known to be people with short memory of past events. And particularly when it comes to the time of remembering heroes, this community is known to insensitive on this.

It is therefore my passionate appeal and suggestion that our leaders should make a representation to the government, particularly the relevant Ministry, to have the name of Kisumu Airport changed and be re-named after the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. I am indeed, directing my appeal to the cabinet Ministers from Luo-land and our legislators in the 10th Parliament, to brainstorm together and initiate the talks with the relevant Ministry over this burning issue.

Alternatively, the new facility should be named after the pre-colonial Luo hero and Warrior, called Okore Kogonda, who had led the Jo-Kisumu sub- clans of Jokorando and Jokogony to overrun the forces of Nandis and Teriks, who were the first settlers in what is today called Kisumu. The Airport is just a few meters away from the grave of this hero who, was eventually ambushed and killed by the Nandis, after he had claimed the entire land in the area and settled his people at around 1820.

Okore Kogonda, the hero, is also said to have chased the Maragolis from the plains and land around Tieng’re and G.K Kodiaga Prison, to the Maragoli Hills, and chased away the small communities of Jo-Gem community and Jo-Kajulu, who later settled around Gem Rae in Nyakach and what is today called Kajulu along the Nandi Escarpment. He eventually kicked out the Kano groups, forcing them to make peace around Nyamasaria River, though the original boundary between the Jo-Kisumo and Jo-Kano was at Kisat River, which is located next to the Ksumu Golf Course and the Aiport.

It is even said that there are three major institutions of higher learning in Luo-Nyanza, but none is named after any Luo hero. These institutions include the Maseno University, Bondo Univesity College and Mit University College in Rongo district. These institutions should be renamed after some of the modern day Luo heroes for prosperity.

In other Kenyan communities (by saying this, I have the Kikuyus in mind) even the colonial chiefs, who collaborated well with the colonial administration during the Mau Mau War of independence, have had some ultra modern schools in Central Province named after them. An example is the late Senior Chief Njiri wa Karanja.

In the middle of 1953 at the height of the Mau Mau uprising, Chief Njiri wa Karanja boarded a Royal; Air Force plane and flew low over the villages, while armed with loud speakers, urging the Mau Mau fighters to lay down their arms and co-operate with the colonial government. He was one of the most distinguished collaborators with the colonialist. But today Niri High School stand magnificently in Central Province as one of the best schools.

Various institutions are named after Senior Chief Waruhiu, who was murdered in cold blood by the Mau Mau fighters, and also Chief Nderi of Nyeri and many other leaders who contributed towards development in kind. The same could be said of Chief Josiah Njonjo and Bishop Obadiah Kariuki of the Anglican Church who publicly denounced Mau Mau oaths and killing of innocent people.

In Kisii region of Nyanza Province, the late Ex-Chief Musa Nyandusi Ayacko {Manwar}, was the biggest example of collaboration with the colonialist. But today most secondary and high schools in Nyaribari had either dormitories or football field named after Senior Chief Nyandusi in recognition of his contribution to the regions immense development and education.

The same is so with Ex-Senior Chief Cheborge Arap Tengecha, of Location three in Kericho district He was well known for his draconian rule and collaboration with the white settlers and colonial administrators.
Tengecha's name is applied to some of the best educational facilities is not only in Buret location where he ruled with an iron fist but in the entire Kipsigis region.

In the greater Southern Nyanza region, the late Mzee Paul Mboya, who had played the biggest role in shaping up the region’s development when he started from an humble location Chief of Karachuonyo, a pastor with the SDA church, and the first Secretary to the African Local Native Council {ALNC}, which was later transformed into the African District Council {ADC}, and eventually the County Council of South Nyanza, has not even a nursery school in his own native Karachuonyo named after him.

Again in the Southern Nyanza region, the late Ex-Senior Chief Gideon Magak of Kasipul-Kabondo, who served his people between 1927 and 1954, though with an iron fist, is still being remembered for having introduced forced education of both boys and girls. The chief, at times, is known to have paid school fees for students from his location using his own money, and consigned to jails big headed parents who refused to educate their children.

Against resistance from religions and churches, Magak initiated the District Education Board Schools, such as Agoro Sare High School, Oriang; Girsl Secondary School, Ober Secondary School Saye Secondary School, Nyang’iela Secondary School, and many others, which are today serving as some of the best educational facilities in the region. But the residents of the region have refused to have any of its schools named after him. There is not even one primary school in the region named after the man to serve as his legacy. Is this the case of jealousy?

In Siaya, a man of Ex-Senior Chief Amoth Owira's stature should have by now have several schools and other public utilities named after him, in recognition of his immense contribution to the development of the area. But there is nothing on the ground in Siaya called Amoth Owira, leave alone a dispensary or a nursery school. Why not?.

In the neighboring location of Ugenya, the late Chief Miganda Opapo, who made the history. In 1941, a battalion, made of Kenyans fighting in the Second World War, under the auspices of King African Rifles {KAR} in the Indian Ocean Island of Madagascar, mainly Luos, mutinied, laid down their arms, and refused to obey their superiors' orders.

At first, the Late Paul Mboya, was flown to the Island in an attempt to have him calm down the rebellious KAR soldiers. But the soldiers almost assaulted Mboya. It was then decided that Chief Miganda be flown in by the Royal Air force to Magascar. And because the majority of soldiers were from Ugenya, they obeyed their chief and agreed to resume fighting.

The late Sir Michael Blundell, a Kenya leader of the white settlers, who in his later years turned politician and served the colonial government as the Minister for Agriculture, who was then the commander of the Madagascar garrison under the name of Major Blundell, had confided to me before his death that the situation was so pathetic and hopeless. Imagine close to four soldiers laying down their weapons and even refusing to eat for a coupe of days. This, Blundell told me, was due to political agitation by the black African soldiers that they did not actually knew for whose interests they were engaged in fighting the Germans - - the British crown or black Kenyans,

Blundell, who was so influential in Dho-Luo vernacular, told me that Chief Miganda was a genius person.

In Central Nyanza in general, the late Mzee Joel Meshack Omino, who served the ADC Central Nyanza as its Secretary for close to 40 years, was the architect for the building of various schools and other facilities. But apart from a street road in Kisumu Municipality, nothing is on the ground bearing the name of Joel Omino.

Luo-Nyanza is well known as a fertile place for academic giants. Three members of the community who pioneered in university teaching, deserve to have named after them some local schools and other educational facilities.

These academician giants are Prof. David Wasawo, Prof. H Ominde and Prof. Alan Bethwell Ogot. Wasawo and Ominde became the first Kenyans to be engaged in teaching at the Makerere University in the early 1950s. This was at the time when Makerere was serving the East, Central and Southern Africa as the only full fledged University taking in students from far field like Nyasaland, Tanganyika, Rhodesia, and other countries. Ominde has since died, but Wasawo and Ogot who are relatively much younger, are still alive. Applying the Names of these people to some of the school would serve as incentive to the younger generation and inspire them to work hard.

Back to politicians, there are four important political names, that are closely associated with the development of politics in Nyanza between 1940s to early 1960s. These names incldude Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Tom Mboya, Ramogi Achieng’ Oneko, and Walter Fanuel Odede. And to a lessesr extent there is C.M.G.Argwings-Kodhek.

Jaramogi single-handedly built Nyamira Girls Secondary School, which is close to his rural Kang;o Ka-Jaramogi home in Central Sakwa in Bondo district. There is another adjacent School called Maranda High School which has taught so many people. The two schools should be named after him.

Tom Mboya single handedly established Homa-Bay High School in Homa-Bay Town and the neighboring Uganda Girls Secondary school before establishing Tom Mboya Secondary School Rusinga Island and also contributed immensely towards the construction of Mbita High School at the Mbita Point on the mainland.

Women leaders in Luo-Nyanza, who have played the leading role in shaping the country, also deserve a respectful place of history. And this could only be done if such woman have their names given to some important institutions and facilities.

In this context, I have in mind the likes of Mrs Grace Aketch Onyango, the first African Mayor of Kisumu, and the first African to be elected to Kenyan parliament with the majority and popular votes as the MP for KisumuTown in 1969. Mrs Phoebe Muga Asiyo, the former MP for Karachuonyo, Mrs Roselyn Onyuka , the first woman PEO in Nyanza, Mrs Damaris Ayodo, Mrs Grace Ogot, Nrs Esabella Abura and many others who had championed the cause of human rights and development.

Let the Luos learn how to respect their fallen heroes like any other communities in this country. We should make the history an incentive to the younger generation. Both men and women who have played a pivotal role in the development of this country, particularly in Nyanza, should be included in the roll call.

Ends

leooderaomolo@yahoo.com

9Dec/100

Tanzania: Miaka 49 ya Uhuru Tanganyika.

Miaka 11 bila Sanduku la Agano.

Na Douglas Majwala.

Mnamo 9-12-2010 taifa lilifikia kilele cha maadhimisho ya miaka 49 ya uhuru ambao wengi wanautafsiri kuwa ni wa bendera tu kwa maana licha ya nchi hii kuonekana paradiso lakini bado raia wake zaidi ya 75% hawawezi kumudu milo 2 kwa siku hata kwa mboga ya kauzu wasiojaza hata kiganja na kupelekea kuupa umaarufu ule usemi kuwa “usicheze mbali unga robo” huku wengine wakihoji kwa ukali ni lini ndani ya kipindi cha miaka 49 watanzania waliwahi kuambiwa “haya sasa legezeni mkanda mle mnywe msaze maana kesho itajiju”.

Ni aibu ya millennia kwa taifa lililojaliwa wasomi na viongozi waelewa mpaka wengine tunadiriki kuwafungulia milango watokomee ugahibuni kwa njia ya brain drain ingawa wao wanasema hailipi kutumika Tanzania kama inavyolipa ukitumika nje ya mipaka yake, kupoteza dira ya maisha. Taifa limeshindwa kuelewa kiundani kabisa sababu za kitaalamu zinazopelekea lishindwe kutumia rasilimali ya wasomi wengi iliyonao kujiletea maendeleo ukilinganisha na wasomi waliokuwa hawazidi 7 tu hivi wakati nchi inapandisha bendera yake kuashiria kupatikana uhuru pale uwanja wa taifa siku ile ya 09-12-1961 ambao licha ya idadi yao ndogo iliyovunja rekodi Afrika, walitumika na kuweza kuliweka taifa katika mustakabali unaoeleweka ambao ndiyo uliweka misingi ya kuliwezesha kupumua pasina mpira wa oxygen mpaka pale alipoondoka Musa [Baba wa taifa] na sanduku la agano. Je, ingekuwa siku ile ya uhuru ndiyo taifa lingekuwa na idadi ya wasomi iliyo nao leo hii nafikiri hata Marekani wasingetufikia ki-maendeleo.

Kwa hiyo hapa hoja ni mmoja tu kuwa ni jinsi gani kiongozi ana uwezo wa kujipanga na idadi ya rasilimali aliyonayo kujipatia maendeleo kama Mwl. alivyoweza kuipa nchi maendeleo [elimu bure, afya bure, ajira bure, miradi ya maendeleo nk bila kukusanya kodi] akiwa na wasomi 6 tu akiwemo yeye wa 7, akaweza hata kuwapanga vizuri wazungu waliokuwepo kuziba mianya ya wasomi wazalendo waliokosekana. Wazungu waliokuwepo katika utumishi wa umma walipangwa vilivyo kulitumikia taifa, ambapo leo hii tunao katika sura ya magabacholi ambao wanalihujumu tu taifa kutokana na kwamba hakuna Nyerere wa kuwapanga vizuri.

Pamoja na idadi kubwa ya wasomi, siasa safi, uongozi bora, watu na ardhi kubwa yenye rutuba bado taifa limeshindwa kusimamia siyo tu rasilimali asilia iliyonazo bali hata miradi mingi ya maendeleo iliyoanzishiwa na mzungu. Hali hii inafanya nguzo hizo nne za maendeleo zilizoasisiwa na Mwl Nyerere leo zitumike kinyume na maana yake [watu duni, siasa za maji taka, uongozi wa kifisadi na ardhi isiyomilikiwa na raia bali na wawekezaji wasioitumia kwa manufaa ya taifa] ndiyo maana taifa limefika kikomo cha maisha kama tunavyoshuhudia hivi leo.

Warasimu wa kisiasa wameliingiza taifa katika mchezo haramu wa karata tatu pale walipopambana mithili ya simba mwenye njaa kali aliyejeruhiwa na aliyekosa mawindo sasa akijitahidi kulipiza kisasi, pale ambapo waliandaa mazingira ya mauti ya ujamaa wa Mwl kwa njia ya kubadili mfumo toka mmoja kwenda mwingine kwa kigezo cha mabadiliko ya dunia nzima ambapo ujamaa wa Mwl tunaoulilia leo ulianza kushuhudia ujenzi wa kaburi lake na uchongeshaji wa jeneza lake siku baada ya siku huku ubeberu wa mitaji ya kimataifa ukikaa mkao wa kula na kukaa eda katika tanga la ujamaa wa Mwl kusubiri mirathi ya mashirika ya umma yaliyofilisiwa kutangazwa na msimamizi wa mirathi hizo yaani tume za kurekebisha mashirika ya umma. Nasema ujamaa wa Mwl kwa sababu ujamaa wa Fidel Casto na ule wa Mao Tsetung [haijalishi ameishakufa] bado vimebaki kuwa mfupa ulioshinda ubeberu.

Hapa ndipo wenye mamlaka wakaanza kumili hisa katika makampuni wakisajili hisa hizo kwa jina la Paulo kumbe kwa ukweli wanaitwa Sauli tena wanafanana na Sauli mpaka na roho zao huku kanisa nalo likishindwa kukemea kwa vitendo mweleko ambao taifa limechukuwa. Kanisa limekuwa kama limebariki hali hii kwa sababu kanisa halisi ambalo limebeba kusudi la MUNGU ndani yake ni kama kanisa la nyakati za biblia ambapo lilikuwa kimbilio la wenye mahitaji kama akina Batimayo ambao walijipanga kila jumapili langoni mwa hekalu [kanisa] kusubiri neema na wakaja wakapokea mpaka na neema ya uponyaji pia, leo kanisa limekuwa ndiyo mkimbizi kwa watu hata mafisadi badala ya watu ndiyo waone kuwa kanisa ni kimbilio lao [hali imekuwa kinyume].

Tunapoadhimisha miaka 49 ya uhuru ndani ya njaa kali, uchi mkali, magonjwa sugu na milipuko mipya, siasa viza, ufisadi uliotamalaki, chuki, majigambo, uhasama, fitina, husuda, vita vya koo, vita vya wafugaji na wakulima, ukame, giza totoro ndani ya mito isiyokauka, maji kwa vibaba [mgawo] ndani ya mito iliyotapakaa kila mahali, mpasuko wa vyama vya siasa kutokana na siasa za mchafuko wa bahari, undugunaizesheni wa kupindukia nk, kanisa nalo linaadhimisha sambamba miaka 49 ya utumishi wake ndani ya uhuru huo wa taifa [japo kanisa lilianza kabla ya uhuru] ambalo kanisa likishirikiana na dini zingine zimezalisha makuhani wake toka ndani yao [miongoni mwa waumini wao] kwenda kuliongoza taifa.

Viongozi wamebatizwa kanisani na nyumba zingine za ibada za imani nyingine pia, wana vyeo makanisani na nyumba zingine za ibada mbadala na wamekulia ukristo na imani zingine pia kwa maongozi ya kanisa na dini zingine lakini wameshindwa kuubwaga mathalan kwa wakristo “U-Sauli na kutwaa U-Paulo”, kwa maneno mengine ni kuwa taifa linaanzia kanisani/misikitini. Makanisa na misikiti ndiyo hutengeza taifa na uongozi wake pia, lakini utashangaa makasisi wakipiga domo madhabahuni nyakati za sikukuu za kidini wakipamba vichwa vya vyombo vya habari kwa kuisema serikali kwa jazba wakati wanasahu kuwa wao ndiyo wamewaandaa toka makanisani/misikitini mumo humo!!??

Mbona mahala pengi tumeona makasisi wakilikomboa taifa e.g. Zimbabwe ambapo Askofu Pius Ncube alimtafsiria Mugabe maneno “Mene mene tekeli na peresi” na mwisho wa siku tukaona Zim ikibadilika kwa kuikubali serikali ya mseto, bado pia historia haitamsahau Mchg. Canaan Banana ambaye pamoja na ma-comrade wenzake waliiletea Zim uhuru, dunia pia haitamsahau Askofu Mkuu Desmond Tutu wa Afrika Kusini alivyoendesha mapambano ya kudai ukombozi kutoka ubaguzi wa rangi akitumia silaha ya biblia na kola ya uaskofu, pia Askofu Mkuu Okulu na Muge wa Eldoret waliofanyika mwiba mchungu kwa serikali babe ya Rais Mstaafu wa Jamhuri ya Kenya Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi.

Inashindikana nini Tanzania? Ni uongo mkubwa kutenganisha siasa na kanisa/msikiti, hizi taasisi mbili [kanisa/msikiti na serikali] zinaushirika wa toka enzi na enzi, hata Israel bila kanisa hakuna serikali [wanajeshi wake huenda vitani kwa imani ya kiroho zaidi ya silaha kali walizonazo na ndiyo maana wana jeshi linaloogopewa duniani mithili ya sisimizi na siafu wanavyoogopwa na tembo], Upalestina huwezitenganisha dini na serikali, Uingereza malkia ndiyo mkuu wa ngazi ya juu kabisa wa kanisa la Anglikana na pia ndiye mkuu wa ufalme, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Irak, Pakistan nk hali ni hiyo hiyo.

Sanduku la agano alilokabidhiwa Mwl Nyerere wakati wa uhuru liko wapi? Alimpa nani wakati anaenda St.Thomas London ambako alirudi akiwa ndani ya galadi? Miaka 11 bila Mwl na bila sanduku la agano imebadili kabisa sura na mwelekeo wa taifa mpaka watanzania leo wakiona jambo linaenda mrama basi utawasikia wakisema “ kama Mwl angekuwepo hili lisingekuwa hivi badala yake lingekuwa vile”, na sasa watanzania wamekuna vichwa kwa muda mrefu na hatimaye wakapata mafunuo kuwa mustakabali wa taifa umeshindikana kutokana na kutoweka kwa sanduku la agano na sasa wameanza kulitafuta kwa jasho hata la damu maana pasina sanduku hilo lazima maadui kama njaa kali, uchi mkali, magonjwa sugu na milipuko mipya, siasa viza, ufisadi uliotamalaki, chuki, majigambo, uhasama, fitina, husuda, vita vya koo, vita vya wafugaji na wakulima, ukame, giza totoro ndani ya mito isiyokauka, maji kwa vibaba [mgawo] ndani ya mito iliyotapakaa kila mahali, mpasuko wa vyama vya siasa kutokana na siasa za mchafuko wa bahari, undugunization wa kupindukia, demokrasia tete, uchumi dororo, pato hafifu la taifa, gharama za maisha kupaa, viwango vya maisha kushuka mpaka chini ya mstari wa umasikini, mparaganyiko wa utumishi wa umma unaoleta migomo na mitafaruku ya kazi, mikataba ya uwekezaji wa mitaji ya kimataifa iliyoliweka taifa njia panda na kulivua nguo bungeni na kwenye foramu za wanaharakati nk wataishambulia nchi yao!! Tusubiri miujiza ya kubadili jina kama ilivyokuwa kwa Abraham kwenda Ibrahim na Sarai kwenda Sara ndipo maisha yao yakabarikiwa na kupata Zawadi ya Isaka au hata Sauli kwenda Paulo ndipo agano jipya kwenye biblia likajipatia nyaraka nyingi kupitia mkono wa wokovu wa Paulo?

Tanzania inaingia miaka 50 ya uhuru [golden-jubilee] 09-12-2011 bila kupishana sana umri na Korea Kusini, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Malaysia na Thailand lkn nchi hizo zimewezakuja na Marshal Plan isiyo ya miujiza mikubwa sana kama ya Eliya, bali ambayo hata Tanzania pia inaweza ikaifanya lakini wao wameweza kujenga Tiger Economies huku sisi tukishindwa hata kuota ndoto za Mini-Tiger Economy badala yake wenzetu wa United Arab Emirates wameweza kuota ndoto hizo za Mini-Tiger. Mataifa hayo ya mashariki ya mbali yote yalikuwa kambi moja ya South-South na Tanzania, lakini leo Tanzania imejikuta imebaki pale ikijishika tama huku hawa wenzake wamejipatia sifa za kutowafanya waitwe tena nchi za South-South, labda tuwaite nchi za dunia ya pili. Zab. 58.

majwalaoriko@yahoo.co.uk

0782299399.