Category Archives: South Africa

S. Africa: And If Karegeya was Assassinated by Zuma and Kikwete?

From: Juma Mzuri

SA investigations in Nyamwasa/Karegeya attacks become more suspicious

By Shyaka Kanuma

It is now four months and counting since someone strangled Patrick Karegeya to death in a Sandton (Johannesburg) hotel, but neither the South African Police nor its intelligence services appear ready to divulge credible information as to who the killers, or their motives might have been.

South African authorities instead have expelled four Rwandan diplomats and a Burundian (why the Burundian? they do not say) from Pretoria, for which Kigali retaliated by expelling six South African diplomats.

Then there followed a statement on 15 March from the office of Clayson Monyela, head of South African Public Diplomacy. The statement talks, in broad terms, of “certain criminal elements” who “have sought to undermine South Africa’s territorial integrity”. It then talks of the June 2010 assassination attempt on Kayumba Nyamwasa in Johannesburg, and that “criminal proceedings pertaining to this incident are in advanced stages”.

Like everything to do with the South African authorities’ handling of issues to do with attacks on Rwandan dissidents residing in South Africa, Monyela’s statement sheds less light on events it purports to talk about but raises more suspicions whether they (SA authorities) are entirely forthcoming with the truth.

For instance, two of the expelled Rwandan diplomats, Fred Rwabalinda and Aimable Nshagayintwari were new to Pretoria, only two weeks old in their duties, when they were handed their deportation letters. Yet the letters, and Monyela’s statement gave the impression that the “criminal acts” they talked of had been going on for a long time.

So why deport Rwabalinda and Nshagayintwari who had only then just received their accreditation cards from the South African Department of International Relations? Neither the deportation letters or the statement say.

Furthermore the other two diplomats, Didier Rutembesa the Chargé d’Affaires at the Rwandan Embassy in Pretoria and Claude Nikobisanzwe the First Secretary had never received any warning letter, or caution from the South African government in connection with any alleged criminal activity.

Speaking to The Rwanda Focus from Johannesburg, South African journalist Robert Shivambu of radio station Power FM said he and other media colleagues are “quite frankly” puzzled by these expulsions, and the statements that are handed to the media purporting to explain them.

“The statements are out there, but they explain nothing!” said Shivambu.

It is becoming clearer, according to journalists like Shivambu, that the SA government either has no information to disseminate on the Kayumba/Karegeya issues, or it is actively engaged in some cover up. But Shivambu seems to be in a tiny minority of SA journalists willing to question official versions of events given by his country’s officials on things to do with Rwanda.

The RNC and SA security

The Rwanda Focus discovered four years ago is that elements of South African Police in Johannesburg, and some intelligence operatives actively work with members of the so-called Rwandan opposition in exile. When Francis Gakwerere – a perennial victim of false accusations that he is behind assassination attempts on fugitive general Nyamwasa or the killing of Karegeya – was arrested in June 2010 and thrown into the interrogation cells of the John Vorster Police Station in Johannesburg he was taken aback when he saw that among his interrogators was one Frank Ntwali, a brother in law to Kayumba Nyamwasa. Today Ntwali is the “chairman of the RNC (Rwanda National Congress), Africa region”. Gakwerere narrated his ordeals under Johannesburg Police questioning to The Rwanda Focusfor an exclusive interview that we published on 18 July 2010.

“I refused to talk to the Police unless Ntwali left the cell; what was he doing there?!” Gakwerere asked. A day later Police dropped charges against Gakwerere of attempted murder and he returned to Rwanda, having lost a few thousand dollars to thieving police and two days of his life undergoing aggressive questioning and miserably cold conditions in cells.

To repeat Gakwerere’s question, when Frank Ntwali entered a police cell in the company of SA Police to interrogate a Rwandan from Kigali going about his business in a South African city, under what capacity was he acting? It looks, and smells murky.

It gets murkier.

When Johannesburg Police interrogated a young Burundian girl who happened to be in a sex-for-pay triangle with Karegeya and the deceased Burundian singer Christophe Matata, one of her questioners was Frank Ntwali. Matata’s demise in a Johannesburg hospital after ingesting a drug slipped into his drink by the girl (who confessed it to Burundian media) was well chronicled in the country’s media. At this point the question comes up, starkly: has the RNC become part and parcel of South African law enforcement?

Repeated attempts to get an answer from South African Police elicited no answer.

The question takes on more relevance when one takes a closer look at events surrounding the killing of Karegeya in the Michelangelo Hotel on New Year 2014.

This hotel is way up there among the most exclusive, and top end in South Africa. Heads of state stayed there during the recent funeral of Nelson Mandela. It is located in the most affluent neighborhood on the African continent. It goes without saying that security in such a facility is top notch. One cannot imagine for instance that there could be any fault with its closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras.

Yet up to now SA Police and intelligence investigators have not made public any CCTV footage or images, despite initial statements that they would. Four months into this investigation – during which they have put out other (equally false) statements, including the supposed arrest of Rwandan operatives in Mozambique on suspicion of the murder – they have nothing to show for their inquiries.

It is apparent that someone, or several somebodies in the SA security setup is engaged in a cover up, and a throwaway remark by journalist Shivambu offers a nugget of a clue. “Zuma (South African President Jacob Zuma) has issued instructions to the Police not to say anything about it” (the investigation), Shivambu told this journalist.

What is Zuma afraid of that the police or intelligence may divulge? Does CCTV footage of assassins walking into Karegeya’s room at the Michelangelo exist or not? If they do, as they should, why is it the security agencies are sitting on them, despite the clamor by the media for them? And if they existed and somehow implicated Rwanda would the SA intelligence apparatus hold off on making them public? This is hard to believe seeing how eager Zuma’s government seems to be to pin crimes on Rwanda, even in the total absence of evidence.

An incompetently cooked up story

The most recent and most spectacularly childish attempt to frame Rwanda for a cooked up crime is the “assassination attempt” on Kayumba Nyamwasa early last month.

When the alleged assailants “attacked” Nyamwasa’s residence in Johannesburg, he and his entire family conveniently weren’t home. SA intelligence claims the family had been evacuated following a tip-off that a Rwandan hit squad was coming for the fugitive general.

But, according to their version of events South African Police and intelligence acted with a level of incompetence that would make the Congolese gendarme look like the Israeli Mossad in comparison.

They say they knew a Rwandan hit squad was on the way, but did not lay a trap for the “assailants”. In fact, according to these SA intelligence people, the Rwandan “hit-squad” walked to the gate of Nyamwasa’s house, disarmed the two policemen guarding the house, proceeded to ransack it, and walked out of there, unchallenged.

The reality is that this incompetently contrived story gives the game away of the Police and intelligence operatives that planned it: they want, a) to show the public they indeed are doing their work countering perceived Rwandan skullduggery and b) they want to make ever more trouble for Rwanda in the process.

In all this they are being enabled by a media whose incompetence (at least as far as the Nyamwasa/Karegeya story is concerned) seems as staggering as its country’s security people.

Most South African media, which routinely and robustly questions power, has shown only an unfathomable laziness where “the Rwandan story” is concerned, in that they will only swallow and regurgitate stories such as the alleged assassination attempt. No questions to security officials as to how they could fail to trap foreign assassins in their midst even after alleged tip-offs; no challenge as to how it was even possible for foreign operatives to raid in broad daylight a house supposedly protected 24/7, since they know Nyamwasa has been the target of armed attack before; not a single salient question in fact.

One can see the logic in the Zuma government trying to pin crimes on Rwanda, even in circumstances totally devoid of evidence. President Zuma, who as you read this is being investigated for diverting millions of his country’s taxpayers’ rands into revamping one of his private residencies, the one at Nkandla, is a man with a voracious appetite for wealth, especially other people’s wealth.

Him, and Tanzanian head of state Jakaya Kikwete for instance contrived to have their countries’ militaries sent to the Congo under the guise of “peacekeeping”, but in reality to have a piece of the action in the extraction of Congolese mineral wealth. Their real target was the M23 rebel group, which came into being as a self-defense militia of the Tutsis of eastern DRC who for the past several years have been confronted with the prospect of annihilation at the hands of the FDLR Hutu rebels and their Congolese army sidekicks.

After Patrick Karegeya turned traitor and went into self-imposed exile in SA, Zuma saw him as a godsend. Kikwete too was delighted. Karegeya had cultivated both men when he still was head of Rwandan external intelligence. They were close friends. His defecting seemed a boon to Zuma and Kikwete because, they seemed to think, they could use his knowhow of Rwandan security secrets and operations in positioning themselves as protectors to Congolese President Joseph Kabila who has a child’s bogeyman fear of Rwanda, imagining it behind every one of his problems.

Very soon the alliance of RNC (Karegeya, Kayumba) and Zuma/Kikwete was driving a lot of clandestine events, all geared to maximizing their personal wealth while maximizing trouble for Rwanda.

All that is reason for Zuma and his pal Kikwete to be engaged in much rearguard, sniping against Kagame and Rwanda.

International media becomes vehicle of misinformation on Rwanda

But what does the South African media have to gain by broadcasting and propagating the narrative which the corrupt Zuma exactly wants them to? Only they know.

Why is a good number of South African journalists willing to unquestioningly broadcast or publish stories handfed them by the RNC, for example the funny claim which originated from Frank Ntwali that Rwandan “military operative”, “Col.” Francis Gakwerere (he has never been a colonel, and he has been out of military service for several years now) had been arrested in Mozambique, in relation to the Karegeya murder?
Shyaka Kanuma (left) having lunch with Francis Gakwerere in Kigali in January, at a time many media were claiming the latter was under arrest in Mozambique. (courtesy photo)

That was around 16 in January. I got out my phone and dialed Gakwerere’s number. “What is this thing I hear that you’ve been arrested in Mozambique?” I asked him.

His response: “what am I to do? I do not control those media. They will say what they want!” I took him out for lunch and had pictures of us together taken and I tweeted them. That dispelled the rumors.

A foreign press that was too willing to disseminate misinformation which can easily ruin an individual’s life (Gakwerere’s), would find no compunction in jumping onto, and widely broadcasting/repeating the canard that the Rwandan president said he killed Karegeya.

I was in the audience at the Serena Hotel when President Kagame was addressing the prayer breakfast early in January where he purportedly said that. I did not hear Kagame say he killed Karegeya and I did not hear him say he ordered Karegeya killed. All I heard was him expressing satisfaction that such an enemy of Rwanda had met the end he did. All I heard him say was that Rwandans shouldn’t shy away from expressing happiness that such a traitor had died. All I heard was Kagame saying, “You cannot betray Rwanda and expect things will end well for you.” Maybe he was talking about karma. Maybe he was saying someone had put the hex on all Rwanda’s enemies. I was not in Kagame’s mind. But to say he said he killed Karegeya is totally false.

There are many possible scenarios to account for Patrick Karegeya’s death.

Rwanda indeed may have had a hand in his killing. After all he was fighting Rwanda and it wouldn’t be surprising if it fought back.

But the stronger possibility is that South African intelligence working with elements of the RNC eliminated him, and all their suspicious behavior may be a pointer to that. Nyamwasa himself, when one looks at it objectively, would have an interest in having his fellow fugitive wiped out. Looked at from Nyamwasa or even Zuma’s perspective, Karegeya was no longer very useful. The M23 was no longer in existence, hence his intelligence skills dealing with groups perceived to be backed by Rwanda such as they were, were no longer needed. In fact he had become a dangerous liability with his drinking and reckless womanizing and greed for piles of dollars; a man one never trusted was safe with the kind of information he had, at any time of the day, in any place. One other aspect of the Karegeya/Nyamwasa partnership that isn’t public knowledge is that the two had been internally fighting for RNC leadership and things were getting pretty vicious between them.

It may be a long time, if ever, before the truth of Karegeya’s killing is known.

But it is time for the activities of the South African security operatives and the RNC, to come under more intense scrutiny both locally, in South Africa, and internationally.

By Shyaka Kanuma . Twitter @ShyakaKanuma

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From: Abdalah Hamis

The second joint ministerial meeting of the Southern Africa Development Cooperation (SADC) and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) countries was concluded in Luanda July 2, 2014 with concrete steps to finding sustainable peace in the region.

The well attended meeting by all country members represented by foreign and defence ministers deliberated heavily on a single agenda of voluntarily disarmament of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

Hon. Bernard Membe, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, led the Tanzania delegation whereby the Tanzania Defence Minister was represented by the Tanzanian Army Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Samuel Ndomba.

FDLR a politico-military organization whose combatants are exclusively freedom fighters originally from Rwanda settled in DRC, wrote an appeal letter to SADC secretariat expressing their readiness to surrender and hand over their weaponry to African relevant authorities. The letter also requested assistance from the organ to oversee the process of Disarm, Demobilize, Repatriate, Resettle and Re-integrate (DDRRR) in accordance to the directives of other neighbouring countries including Tanzania.

Apart from accepting the said letter, SADC member states welcomed the FDLR willingly surrender and adherence to the DDRRR process. They however strongly suggested other stakeholders such as AU, UN and ICGLR to oversee the process while Rwanda and DRC were urged to take part in the process.

In a joint session, delegates discussed the provisional six-month time frame given to the FDLR to complete the DDRRR process as proposed by the technical experts meeting prior to ministerial meeting. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) supported by majority countries including Tanzania insisted that the allocated timeframe was right while Rwanda claimed the past experiences proved 3 months to be enough.

However the chair and the host of the said meeting, Angola, ruled out for the six months proposal but should be revised by the third month to gauge progress.

It is the expectation of all countries in attendance that the DDRRR process is implemented within the given time frame with full engagement of both DRC and Rwanda.

The ICGLR/SADC member countries also urged international community and neighbouring countries to join hands with DRC and Rwanda in this historical peace – making process.

The third meeting of this nature is expected to take place within the next three months.

Issued by:
Government Communication Unit;
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation

Hon. Bernard K. Membe, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation giving country’s position during the joint SADC/ICGLR Ministerial Meeting held in Luanda, Angola July 2, 2014.

S. Africa: Address by President Zuma @ his Inauguration

From: Charles Banda

Address by His Excellency President Jacob Zuma on the occasion of his Inauguration as fifth President of the Republic of South Africa Union Buildings, Pretoria

Your Majesties Kings and Queens,
Your Excellencies Heads of State and Government,
Former President Thabo Mbeki and your best half
Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe and Mrs Motlanthe
And all former heads of state and government,
Chairpersons of the African Union and the African Union Commission,
Distinguished representatives of respective countries and of international organisations,
The Presiding Officers of Parliament,
The Chief Justice of the Republic,
Ministers, Premiers, Deputy Ministers, MECs, Mayors,
Members of Parliament,
Leaders of political parties,
Religious and traditional leaders,
Representatives of business, sports, media and the entertainment sector,
Ambassadors and High Commissioners,
Veterans of our struggle,
Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,
Fellow South Africans,

I greet you all.

I am greatly honoured to stand before you today, to accept the mandate bestowed upon us by millions of our people, to lead this great nation for the next five years.

I accept this responsibility and privilege with great humility, given the history of our country and where we come from as a nation.

Ours is a nation that has produced generations of selfless freedom fighters, who made untold sacrifices, so that we could live in a country that is free of racial discrimination and oppression.

This is a nation that has worked tirelessly to build a new society from the ashes of apartheid, opting for reconciliation and progress instead of retribution.
This year we mark 20 years of freedom, and 20 years since President Nelson Mandela took the oath of office at this very Amphitheatre.

We began building a new society, based on fundamental human rights, equality, unity in diversity and the promotion of the dignity of all.

The democratic government set out to implement policies and programmes that would change the quality of life of all, especially the poor and workers.

A lot of progress has been made.

Millions of our people now have access to basic social services and an improved quality of life, which they did not enjoy before the dawn of freedom.

Today we wish to acknowledge the contribution of every South African to the process of renewal, reconstruction and development of this country in the past 20 years of freedom. It is through your hard work, that we are able to count so many achievements in only 20 years of freedom.

However, our work is not yet completed.

Last year we conducted a frank formal Review of progress made in the past 20 years of democratic rule.

The Review indicated that South Africa is a much better place to live in now than before 1994, due to the transformative policies of our democratic government.

At the same time, the Review also confirmed that while the lives of millions of people have improved, poverty, inequality and unemployment still persist.

The reversal of the legacy of apartheid colonialism will require more intense efforts from all South Africans.

We have successfully completed the first phase of transformation.

Today marks the beginning of the second phase of our transition from apartheid to a national democratic society.

This second phase will involve the implementation of radical socio-economic transformation policies and programmes over the next five years.

We have already placed before the nation, the National Development Plan, our road map which outlines the type of society we envisage by the year 2030.

Through this programme, we will move South Africa forward to prosperity and success.

At a social level, as outlined in the NDP, our vision is to develop communities where households will have access to housing, water, electricity, sanitation, safe and reliable public transport, health, education, security, recreational facilities, a clean environment and adequate nutrition to count a few.

Economic transformation will take centre-stage during this new term of government as we put the economy on an inclusive growth path.

As the National Development Plan outlines, the structure of the economy will be transformed through industrialisation, broad-based black economic empowerment and through strengthening and expanding the role of the state in the economy.

State owned enterprises and development finance institutions will become engines of development, complementing the State in promoting inclusive economic growth.

We have made some progress in changing the ownership and control of the economy, but much more work must still be done.

In this regard, we will improve the implementation of the employment equity and black economic empowerment laws during this term.

Land restitution and redistribution and other forms of empowerment will also be better executed in the new term of government.

Our economic transformation programme also reaffirms our commitment to promoting local companies, entrepreneurs and cooperatives through local procurement by the state and its agencies.

The National Development Plan also prioritises the national infrastructure development programme.

We will continue to build schools, railways, ports, universities, clinics, colleges, power stations, broadband, roads and more infrastructures around the country. This programme will continue to be the flagship of government.

The end result of all these transformative economic programmes is a growing inclusive economy which creates jobs and provides opportunities for all, especially the youth.

With regards to safety and security, our vision is to ensure that by 2030, people living in South Africa should feel completely safe at home, at school and at work at any given time.


To enable us to achieve these key objectives, the performance of the state will need to improve.

Key targets in this regard will be to eradicate corruption and inefficiency in the public service.

We will promote productivity within the public service and ensure much tighter accountability, with firm consequences where there is a failure to deliver services to our people.


We have a lot of work to do.

We will need the backing of a united and cohesive nation behind us as we move South Africa forward.

In this regard, government will promote nation building programmes to rebuild the soul of our nation.

Many South Africans still bear the emotional scars arising from decades of apartheid divisions and hatred.

Therefore, the national healing and reconciliation process has to continue.

We will work together to promote unity, understanding and tolerance across race and colour lines, as we build a South Africa that truly belongs to all.


Our country will also continue to play its role in the continent and abroad.

Our vision is that of a South Africa that is a key promoter and contributor to sustainable development, democracy, the rule of law, human rights and peace within the continent.

We will continue to champion African growth, development and prosperity through supporting regional integration, intra-Africa trade and the development of infrastructure.

Our participation in various multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, G20 and special forums such as BRICS, will continue, aimed at promoting a fairer and more just world.


Let me again express my deep gratitude as I accept this mandate.

We do not take this confidence bestowed upon us lightly. We are truly humbled and will do all in our power to build a South Africa in which all citizens will have a sense of belonging and hope for a brighter future.

We invite all our people to work with us as we implement the National Development Plan.

I hereby commit the fifth democratically elected administration to serve our people with humility, commitment and dedication.

We will strive to build a caring society and to be an administration that will serve our people with courtesy, ubuntu and efficiency.

The road ahead is long and demanding. The challenges ahead may seem insurmountable, but we are determined to succeed, as we have always succeeded in our efforts to overcome challenges.

We must succeed in honour of Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Dorothy Nyembe, Solomon Mahlangu, Braam Fischer and indeed all our illustrious leaders who laid the foundation for a non-racial, non-sexist, united and prosperous South Africa.

Bantu bakithi eNingizimu Africa,

Siyanibonga kakhulu ngokusihlonipha okungaka.

Siyathembisa ukuthi uhulumeni omusha uzosebenza ngokuzikhandla, elungisa izimpilo zabo bonke abantu ikakhulukazi abampofu kanye nezimpabanga nabasebenzi.

Masibambisaneni, siqhubele iNingizimu Afrika phambili.

Together, let us move South Africa forward.

Re a leboga

I thank you.

South Africa: President Zuma votes in Nkandla

From: Charles Banda

President Jacob Zuma will on Wednesday, 07 May 2014, cast his vote in the fifth national and provincial elections in Nkandla, KwaZulu Natal.

Details of the voting are as follows:
Date: 07 May 2014
Time: 10:00
Venue: Ntolwane Primary School, KwaNxamalala, Nkandla.

Enquiries: Zanele Mngadi on 082 330 1148 or Bongani Majola on 082 339 1993

Issued by The Presidency

20 Years of Freedom: Seven Things To Tell Young Black South Africans

From: Abdalah Hamis

Last week, the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation held an election debate in Cape Town, in the Western Cape, on intergenerational justice. It would have been great if some terms, like intergenerational justice, had been framed more definitively beforehand. I imagine many people take the term to be a call for a moderation of economic demands on, for example, natural and other resources in this generation so that future generations might also enjoy their benefits.

However, the economic reality is that future generations do not spring forth from the aether, with no connection to the current generation. Parents bequeath their socioeconomic positions to their children, despite the many ubiquitous, grand and oversold tales of a universally available social mobility predicated on “hard work” and “equal opportunity”. And if there is to be intergenerational justice in South Africa, one based on the truism that justice delayed is justice denied, then the present-day racial inequalities—a direct result of centuries of imperialist, colonialist and apartheid policies and actions—will have to be dealt with swiftly, definitively and with a singularity of purpose in this generation’s lifetime.

Alas, this wasn’t the debate that unfolded on the night. Most of the represented political parties—the ANC, the national incumbent; the DA, the party in government in the Western Cape; and two new unrepresented parties, EFF and Agang—ignored the topic and delivered campaign speeches.

The institute had also invited students from Phillipi High School and Cape Academy, two differently resourced schools for poorer Black students, mostly. At question and answer time, the students seemed to have a firmer grasp than some of the politicians of the present state of injustice into which they were born. They asked about gangsterism on the Cape Flats; being made attend school in buildings not made of brick and mortar; and what it means to be Black in South Africa today.

They seemed perplexed that these were still issues present in their lives, two decades after the supposed start of freedom’s reign.

I wasn’t the only one in the audience to realise that they lacked the words and historical context with which to speak to the interrelatedness of their socioeconomic positions and their blackness. And it wasn’t the first time I’d come across this.

Without these words and context, being Black in South Africa today must be a baffling, sometimes humiliating experience.

With that in mind, I drew up a non-exhaustive list of seven Black consciousness themed conversations I will have with my three-year-old nephew and two-year-old niece (and any young person who will listen), so they might cope with being Black in modern-day South Africa. These are the bare-minimum educational conversations we should all be having with young Black South Africans:

1. Apartheid, in substance, was an economic system that took legal form through segregationist policies and disenfranchising Black people. The legal form was abolished in 1994, but the economic system remains. Any reference to apartheid’s “legacy” is speaking about the system proper.

2. Apartheid was the final, all-encompassing consolidation of the white-supremacist economic project that began with the initial Dutch settlement in the Cape.

3. The separation of the colonialist era from the apartheid era is artificial, as is the separation of the “post-apartheid” era from both. History cannot be sealed off from the present through watershed moments, no matter how appealing their emotive value. History is not something that can simply be “moved on” from, not without a radical and massive correction of historical injustices; something that did not happen in this country. Even with such a correction, history is always the lens through which to understand the present.

4. You aren’t poor because you are Black. There is nothing about the tone of your skin, the texture of your hair or the languages and cultural practices of your mothers that makes you innately suitable for lives of servitude. You are poor because it was economically expedient for a group of white men whose interests in empire building and wealth accumulation trumped any notion of justice or commitment to democratic values they might have had.

5. You aren’t poor because you are Black. You are poor because the economic reality is that you inherited the socioeconomic position of your parents, which was crafted by this imperialist colonialist economic project steeped in white supremacy.

6. You aren’t poor because you are Black. You are poor because the intransigence of whiteness meant the people’s movement acting to liberate you from this white-supremacist tyranny was, under threat of war, made to delay the justice to which you are entitled and to offer it to your generation piecemeal. This was always going to be a long, if not impossible, task owing to the nature of the global economy into which this country has locked itself. This is why many of your generation were born into an unjust society and will die in an unjust society.

7. The older generation (and the movements and structures they founded) no longer has the appetite to fight for the justice you deserve. You have to fight for it, and you have to convince others around you of these incontrovertible truths.

Kenya – Lake Turkana Wind Power: US $870m Financing Agreements Get Signed as Biggest Clean Power Energy Project in Africa

From: News Release – African Press Organization (APO)

US $870m Financing Agreements Get Signed as Biggest Clean Power Energy Project in Africa

Lake Turkana Wind Power – Africa’s biggest Wind Power Project reaches key milestone

JOHANNESBURG, South-Africa, March 24, 2014/ — The Lake Turkana Wind Power Project ( meant to add an existing 300MW of reliable, low cost wind energy to the national grid of Kenya reached a critical milestone following the signing of the financial agreements in Nairobi, Kenya.


Photo: (Tshepo Mahloele, CEO of Harith General Partners)

The signing of the over US $870m financing agreements represents a major breakthrough to actualizing the biggest clean power energy project in Africa, spanning years of negotiations and fundraising, says Tshepo Mahloele, CEO of Harith General Partners (

The project will be financed with a mixture of equity, mezzanine debt and senior debt.

The Lake Turkana Wind Power project is the first of its kind in East Africa and will be the largest wind project on the continent to date, says Mahloele. The Project will benefit Kenya, and specifically the Turkana area where unemployment is high, with jobs, economic development and, most importantly, electricity which is a vital element in any economy.

LTWP has signed a 20 year Power Purchase Agreement with the government of Kenya through its electricity entity, Kenya Power.

The parties at the signing ceremony were represented by lead developer and independent power producer, Aldwych, which is majority owned by the Pan African Infrastructure Development Fund (PAIDF). LTWP is primarily responsible for the financing, construction and operation of the wind farm and comprise a grouping of investors and lenders with extensive financial and technical capabilities and experience on the African continent. They include FMO, Vestas, Finnfund, IFU and a strong local sponsor KP&P on the equity side. The syndicate of banks is led by the African Development Bank and comprises Standard Bank, Nedbank, EIB, DEG and Proparco.

The project will be located on one of the best sites for a wind farm in the world. Not only are the wind speeds exceptionally high but the wind is only from one direction, is not seasonal, and is low in turbulence. The project site is situated on the southeast border of Lake Turkana between two high ranging mountains in the Turkana Corridor where a low level jet stream originating in the Indian Ocean creates favourable wind conditions.

Mahloele says the LTWP will essentially assist diversify Kenya’s energy mix and reduce the country’s reliance on power production from oil and diesel power generators. The Kenya government will save millions per year on importing fuel. The LTWP tax contribution to Kenya alone will be approximately $27m annually and $548m over the life of the investment.

Mahloele says the combination of international financial and technical expertise has ensured that the project is structured in a bankable and sustainable form in accordance with international standards.

This project also forms part of Harith’s commitment to the United States backed Power Plan announced last year by the US President Barack Obama to bring more than 10 000 MW of electricity to sub Saharan Africa. Through Power Africa, Harith has committed $70m for wind energy in Kenya and $500m across the African power sector through a new fund.

Mahloele says the investment is the result of the forward thinking and planning on the part of the Kenyan leadership who had undertaken comprehensive power sector reforms over the past decade.

In Kenya, electricity is mainly generated from hydro, thermal and geothermal sources. Wind generation accounts for less than six megawatts of the installed capacity. Currently, hydro power comprises over 52 percent of the installed capacity in Kenya and is sourced from various stations managed by the Kenya Electricity Generating Company (KenGen).

It is our assertion that the Lake Turkana Wind Project will greatly reduce Kenya’s over reliance on hydropower which is playing a critical role in ensuring security of electricity supply but is however vulnerable to periodic draught seasons, says Mahloele.

Distributed by APO (African Press Organization) on behalf of Harith General Partners (Pty) Ltd.

For more information contact: Pule Molebeledi Investor Relations and Communications Executive, Harith General Partners +27 11 384 4002 or

About Harith General Partners

Harith General Partners ( is the leading Pan-African fund manager for infrastructure development across the continent. Based in South Africa, Harith manages Africa’s first and only 15-year infrastructure fund, the Pan African Infrastructure Development Fund (PAIDF) and also owns London based asset manager Frontier Markets Fund Manager Limited (FMFML). FMFML has USD1.1bn asset under management and manages two funds: The Emerging Africa Infrastructure Fund (EAIF); and GuarantCo. The PAIDF US $630m fund is invested in a number of major projects in diversified sectors such as energy, transport and information, communication and telecommunications.

Harith General Partners (Pty) Ltd

Statement by Public Protector After Probe into Cost of South African President’s Nkandla Home Upgrade

From: Yona Maro

52-page statement by Public Protector Adv. Thuli Madonsela during a media briefing to release the report on an investigation into allegations of impropriety and unethical conduct relating to the installation and implementation of security measures by the Department of Public Works at and in respect of the private residence of President Jacob Zuma at Nkandla in KwaZulu-Natal.

.pdf – 823.64 KB

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

South Africa’s ‘harsh’ NEW Immigration laws start 1 April 2014

From: Charles Banda

Far reaching changes have been proposed to South Africa’s immigration laws and are due to come into effect on April 1, 2014.

Jess Green, who runs Immigration South Africa, confirmed the new regulations will mostly affect foreign nationals wanting to work, study, run businesses or be with loved ones in South Africa.

Foreign national partners of South African citizens could find themselves having to move when the new five-year cohabitation requirement comes into effect. Formerly the requirement for was having been together for three-months.

“If a couple has only cohabited for three years and the foreign national’s life partner permit runs out, then they will not be able to renew it,” says Green.

“If the foreign national does not qualify for a different visa, that person will need to leave the country. The constitutionality of this requirement is highly doubted.”

South Africans living abroad with foreign national partners will also be forced to wait the five years before they can return home with their partners.

“The message to young, unmarried couples living abroad appears to be, ‘Neither you or your foreign national loved ones are welcome in South Africa. Find another country to live in together for five years, then you can return home.’” says Green.

Arguably the most significant change says Green is that all visas, including visitor’s visas, must in future be applied for in person. Raising the question, “Why is South Africa turning a blind eye to electronic means of communication and the efficiencies of the global courier network?”

Current policy allows applicants to submit via mail or courier service, said to be especially useful in Australia.

“Under the new policy, prospective visitors from Perth will need to travel the breadth of the continent, a distance roughly equivalent to Kinshasa from Cape Town, in order to apply for South African visas,” says Green.

“The overwhelming majority of instances of immigration fraud occur right here in South Africa. Anti-fraud measures could easily have been targeted at home and other high risk territories.

“Regrettably, applicants from territories such as Australia, New Zealand, the United States, Western Europe and Great Britain, where very few instances of immigration fraud occur, have now been placed on the altar for the sins committed elsewhere.”

The proposed changes also raise the question of how the inflow of valuable foreign skills will be affected, since the Exceptional skills visas is set to be scrapped.

Under current policy, celebrated sportsmen and women, designers, artistes, specialist medical practitioners and chartered accountants could enter the country on exceptional skills work permit permits, regardless of whether they had already secured employment or not.

Nicola Lochner, immigration manager at Immigration South Africa confirmed that an a new Critical Skills visa might be an alternative but the list of professions to be included for this category have not been detailed as yet – and some exceptional skill professions might not be considered “critical”.

Immigrant workers who overstay their visas a prescribed number of times will be banned from future entry into the country. This is expected to alleviate the frustration of immigration officials who find that immigrant workers who habitually overstay simply settle their fines and return at a later date.

Stricter requirements set out in respect of children who travel without their biological parents are also being put in place. In future, adults travelling with children will need to produce affidavits from parents proving permission for the children to travel.

The public has until Friday 28, 2014, to comment on the proposed changes to the Immigration Act 13 of 2002, which would also be the first major change to South Africa’s immigration policy since 2004.

South Africa: Mandela’s final wishes from the grave: Education, family unity and SA reconciliation

From: Abdalah Hamis

All of Nelson Mandela’s descendants were present in the room when his last will and testament was read on Monday morning in Johannesburg. In order that the world did not see their faces, the media contingent was kept temporarily locked in the auditorium as the family left the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Considering the subliminal messages Mandela communicated in the will, it is not surprising that they did not want to be seen. Contrary to expectations that they would receive a substantial inheritance, Mandela’s estate is relatively modest. He left no cash amounts to any of his children and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and put in place legal safety nets to prevent his estate from being squandered.

Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke read out excerpts from Nelson Mandela’s will at a media conference, which spelt out the devolution of the founding president’s estate to his family, staff and education institutions. Moseneke, an executor of Mandela’s estate along with Advocate George Bizos and Eastern Cape Judge President Themba Sangoni, has a very formal, judicious manner and distinguished voice.

But if you closed your eyes and listened to the words, you could almost hear Mandela’s inimitable voice, occasionally pausing for dramatic effect and emphasising certain words. When you see his well-known signature at bottom of every page of the will, you can imagine him sitting at his desk, reading the document with that sombre look on his face, lips pursed in an upside down smile, nodding slowly at phrasing he particularly approved of.

When Mandela executed the will on 12 October 2004, it was just a few months after he announced his retirement from public life at the age of 85. Three months earlier, he had flown to Bangkok to speak at the XV International Aids Conference. He was therefore able to declare in the document that he was “in health of body and of sound and disposing mind, memory and understanding, and capable of doing any act that requires thought, judgment and reflection”.

Anyone wanting to contest the will would need to challenge that particular declaration and argue that Mandela was not of sound mind when he drew up the will. But an appraisal of the executive summary released by the executors reveals that Mandela thought hard about what he wanted to leave to whom from his estimated R46 million estate.

There are also insights into his line of thought in terms of how the estate is disbursed. Mandela’s love and respect for Graca Machel, who kept vigil by his bedside as his health deteriorated, is evident in the will. Machel, who is entitled to half of the estate as their marriage was in community of property, is given the option to waive this claim. If she does, the two children she had with former Mozambican President Samora Machel, Josina and Malengane Machel, would each receive R3 million. Mandela also left R100,000 each to the six children from Samora Machel’s previous marriage.

Graca Machel will also receive ownership of four properties in Mozambique, as well as art, motor vehicles she uses, the jewellery in her possession and all money in the accounts registered to her. What this means is that Machel will receive all that she is rightly entitled to if she doesn’t get into a scrap over the estate. Machel, who is currently in mourning at the Houghton home where Mandela died in December, is said to be trying by all means to avoid confrontation with the Mandela children.

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, who was married to Mandela for 38 years, was omitted as a beneficiary. Although Winnie was regularly around Mandela in the latter years of his life, and had a prominent place at family events, he did not leave her anything. This is likely to infuriate Winnie, who resents not being acknowledged for her role in supporting Mandela and keeping his legacy alive during his imprisonment.

And yet, in his final act from the grave, Mandela let Winnie go.

Mandela vested the estate and his three trusts to some of the country’s top legal minds and trusted friends, who now stand as the guardians. Apart from being an executor of the will, Bizos serves on two of the three trusts. ANC stalwart Tokyo Sexwale, Sangoni, Mandela’s lawyer Bally Chuene, Advocate Wim Trengove and former Nedbank CEO Richard Laubscher also serve on the trusts.

The will revealed that Mandela’s daughters Makaziwe, Zenani and Zindzi had already received USD300,000 each from their father while he was alive, and he therefore left no money to them from the estate. He had also given the same amount to his eldest son Makgatho, who died in 2005, as well as to his granddaughters Ndileka and Nandi, the children of Thembekile, who died while Mandela was in prison.

Most of Mandela’s other grandchildren each received R100,000 each. However, Makgatho’s four sons, Mandla, Ndaba, Mbuso and Andile, receive USD300,000 each. Strangely, though, Mandla and Ndaba’s inheritance was left to the Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (NRM) Family Trust to decide whether the two grandsons should receive the capital and interest. No conditions are attached to Mbuso and Andile’s inheritance.

The executive summary states that Mandela wished that his executors should consult with Machel and three of his children Makgatho (deceased), Makaziwe and Zenani Mandela on important decisions and family matters. This consultation should, however, not fetter with the functions and powers of the executors. Strangely, Mandela excluded his only other child, Zindzi, from the consultation. A further odd provision is that the R100,000 each bequeathed to Zindzi’s four children should be paid to Graca Machel to give to them at her discretion.

The only amendments Mandela made to the will relate to his Houghton property. In the original version, he states that during his lifetime, he provided accommodation to all of his children except Makgatho, and therefore wanted his son to occupy the property. After Makgatho’s death, Mandela executed a codicil which then gave Mandla Mandela (Makgatho’s eldest son) the right to occupy the Houghton property. In 2007, Mandla became the chief of the Mvezo Traditional Council and was to live full-time in the Eastern Cape. Mandela made a further codicil in September 2008 allowing his grandsons Ndaba, Mbuso and Andile to live at the house.

In all three versions relating to the Houghton home, Mandela says it was his wish that it serve as place of gathering of his family – the final version says “Mandela and Machel family” – “in order to maintain its unity long after death”.

Regarding Mandela’s Qunu home, the will states that the NRM Family Trust should administer the home for the benefit of the Mandela family and Machel and her two children. “The Qunu property should be used by family in perpetuity in order to preserve the unity of the Mandela family.”

These expressions are a great irony considering the factional battles within the Mandela family while Mandela was seriously ill and the tensions which played out before his funeral, particularly when Makaziwe locked Mandla out of the Qunu house. By putting such clauses repeatedly in the will, Mandela was indicating that he knew his offspring would fight each other and was trying to encourage reconciliation between them. Whether they would now respect his wishes remains to be seen.

Moseneke said the mood of the Mandela family when the will was read was “charged with emotions but it went well.” “There were clarifications sought from time to time,” he said. There were no immediate indications from the family that the will would be contested. They still have access to funds in the trust, which accrues money from the sale of the Mandela artworks and investments. It is not known what the value of this trust is but the family members have to make representations to the trustees if they want to access these funds.

Moseneke says they have to study the will carefully for implications for all trusts. If members of the family do contest the will on whatever grounds, it will be a messy court battle that could drag on for years. It will be the final insult to Mandela’s last wishes.

Mandela left funds to people and institutions close to his heart. His close personal staff, including personal assistant Zelda la Grange, each received R50,000. It was Mandela’s final act of gratitude to those who took care of him through the years and went mostly unacknowledged during his celebrated life and death.

The schools he attended in the Eastern Cape, Fort Hare and Wits universities, as well as Qunu Secondary School and Orlando West High School, all will receive R100,000 each. These are to be used for scholarships and bursaries. Building schools was Mandela’s pet project since he was president, famously roping in the country’s top corporates to build rural schools. By leaving money to educational institutions, he was signalling what those wanting to uphold his legacy should invest in.

The NRM Family Trust received R1.5 million plus royalties. Mandela’s political home, the African National Congress is to receive between 10 and 30% of the royalties at the discretion of the trustees of the NRM Family Trust. But the condition on this provision spoke volumes.

“The royalty payments must be used at the discretion of the African National Congress national executive committee for the purpose of recording and/or dissemination information on African National Congress principles and policies since 1912, particularly on the policies and principles of reconciliation amongst the people of South Africa.”

It was Nelson Mandela saying to his organisation that they should remember the mission and values of their founders and teach these to future generations. He was asking them to look back from where they had strayed. He was also telling them to continue with the reconciliation project he drove so passionately to build a united nation.

The last will and testament was the final word from Nelson Mandela.

In the foyer of the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory is a television screen showing images of his life and tributes after his death, while the moving hymn Amazing Grace sung by a choir echoes from the speaker.

A verse of the hymn is:

Yea, when this flesh and heart shall fail,

And mortal life shall cease,

I shall possess within the veil,

A life of joy and peace.

Mandela did not possess much. His estate is minimal for a man of his stature – to contextualise, the provisional value is one-fifth the cost of the security upgrades to President Jacob Zuma’s Nkandla residence. He had the world at his feet after he was released from prison but he chose not to use his position to amass his own wealth.

The last will and testament is a symbolic disbursement of his assets and funds. Throughout his life, Mandela gave his all. Those who squandered what he gave them will be perpetually in search of more. And those who cherish what he left us are the true beneficiaries of the life and amazing grace of Nelson Mandela.

Read the full story on the Daily Maverick website.

S. Africa: Nelson Mandela’s resiliency was grounded on God’s calling

From: Joseph Nyaringo

Nelson Mandela’s resiliency was grounded on God’s calling How did the late Nelson Mandela, a mortal man; born and bred just like all of us, strode the earth with unprecedented tenacity and peculiar character which has earned him iconic status?

Before and after Mandela, passed on early this month, great words have been spoken about the fallen hero. The powerful, famous and ordinary people have given inspiring observations about Mandela’s character and legacy; often imploring people especially leaders to emulate him.

Even places of worship have talked openly about the life and times of Mandela, his positive ideation, integrity and passion for a just and free South Africa.

As we continue to shower accolades to the departed South African patriot, we need to interrogate how he managed to endure suffering without faltering or wavering on the hands of the British Empire.

Many of us can collapse in the court room if we were sentenced to serve even two years in Kamiti maximum Prison. Mandela did it with zeal and perseverance. The mystery is how he derived the profound energy and passion to stick to a cause firmly and faithfully.

Mountaineer Edmund Hillary once said these, “people do not decide to become extraordinary.” They decide to accomplish extraordinary things.” Mandela did it with tenacity and zeal; without knowing that the World will one day reverence his name with pomp and splendour as seen after his demise early this Month.

Those who thought that Mandela, will come out of jail tormented with rage to pursue revenge on his enemies were shocked when he employed a conciliatory tone. He was ready to mend fences for purposes of reconciliation, racial harmony, forgiveness and building a united post-apartheid South Africa.

We therefore need to question ourselves as to whether it’s easy to emulate the ideals of Nelson Mandela, and apply it in our everyday life because, saying is one thing and doing is another!

It’s ironical that even dictators; leading autocratic regimes have expressed admiration of Mandela, but I wonder if Mandela’s character has inspired them to build avenues of justice, freedom and equality for their citizens.

Mandela cherished freedom and justice. Through is fearlessness, he went ahead to challenge USA President George Bush, for invading Iraq during the second gulf war in 2003. He termed the invasion immoral and an aggression to a sovereign nation.

In fact, he never feared stating his position on controversial geo-political conflicts where many leaders usually remain ambivalent especially on the Israel and Palestinian conflict.

Urging people to emulate certain heroes in society is just mere talk. Mandela talked the talk and walked the walk. His faith kept him going. His jailers had every opportunity to hang him the way they did to our Dedan Kimathi and many other Kenyan freedom fighters but they would not.

From here, we need to look beyond his physical strength but also internalize on how he was able to withstand his tribulations by looking at his divine or spiritual path throughout the struggle.

God bestowed Mandela; with grace, which manifested itself through his passion for liberation and the bravery to endure 27 years behind bars. This is how God works in humans. He uses people to do extra ordinary things in all spheres of human existence. He used Mandela, to showcase his wisdom, based on love, compassion, meekness, humility forgiveness and tolerance.

These universal tenets envisioned by Mandela define the true character of God. While he never talked quite openly about his faith, if Mandela were to be a Christian Minister, a Rabbi, an Imam, a Buddhist or a Hindu Guru, he would have made the best. This is because; all these religions have a similar approach towards humanity.

They all have a consciousness grounded on love of self and love of neighbour; which Mandela, did with excellence; often mingling freely with all and sundry without prejudice or discrimination. He never respected the rich more than the ordinary poor.

In Christianity, God wants us to lead a life of denial, free of vengeance and bitterness. He wants our lives to be tampered in forgiveness, modesty, humility and meekness. As the scripture says in John 15:13: Greater love has no one than this: to lay down one’s life for one’s friends.

As the fallen South African sage rests in peace, we will always revere him for pursuing the path of rekindling hopes for the afflicted through his own afflictions. Even though he is gone, he will always remain a true replica of heroes and heroines who came before him like: Mother Theresa, Matma Gandhi and Martin Luther King.

Like Gandhi, Mandela was never aggressive in pursuing material things like most World leaders. Even if he did, it was for purposes of benevolence. Like Mother Theresa, he was charitable and always remembered the poor. Like King, he was prepared to die for a cause in order to liberate the South Africans from racial discrimination.

Unlike men who preach water and drink wine, Mandela’s actions spoke volumes about what he spoke. We knew him by his fruits and he was a good tree, because he bore good fruits if I borrow from the Gospel of Mathew 7:16-18.

Mandela has exited the stage but those who want to bequeath his legacy should evoke God for divine Wisdom to serve humanity well. Those who are fighting to conquer oppression, injustice, dictatorship, corruption prejudice and other vices in order to rekindle hope for the downtrodden, they need to ask God for guidance.

You may never know; the prayer Nelson Mandela said to his God. This is because, extra ordinary qualities by extra ordinary men in the World mostly takes a spiritual or divine dimension. Their efforts are mostly grounded on God for strength and bravery.

From Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to Martin Luther King, Mother Theresa and Matma Gandhi all personified divine strength in their quest to help humanity. In a more direct bearing, our own heroes like Dr. Reverend Njoya, the late Archbishop Manases Kuria, Bishop Okullu and Bishop Alexander Muge; had bravery grounded on faith in God.

Mandela’s character is further illustrated in Paul’s letter to the Galatians 5:22: But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, and faith. This is a reflection that it’s the power of God that worked in Mandela that made him overcome the torture, suffering, anger, hate, revenge and impatience. Fare thee well Madiba. You were born, suffered, endured and conquered. We will always cherish and relish your ideals.

Joseph Lister Nyaringo
Atlanta, Georgia

A moving tribute to a legendary figure

From: The White House

Nelson Mandela’s struggle against South African apartheid inspired millions. And his great call for justice and equality continues to resonate around the world, as new generations of young people pursue the ideals he embraced.

Earlier today in Johannesburg, President Obama paid tribute to a hero and a leader — and spoke about the path that’s still ahead.

It’s a powerful, moving speech. Watch this tribute to Nelson Mandela:


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Pope Francis is among the top world leaders who have paid tribute to Nelson Mandela on Friday. Indeed Mandela was one of the world’s most ardent fighters for equality. Pope Francis in his telegram sent to South African President Jacob Zuma that said:

“It was with sadness that I learned of the death of former President Nelson Mandela, and I send prayerful condolences to all the Mandela family, to the members of the Government and to all the people of South Africa”.

Pope Francis and Mandela have not only shared a strong belief in the injustice of poverty, they have the will to protection of a fundamental human right. Protection of a fundamental human right is Jesus’ call, even if you are a public sinner you are still a human being and your rights just like any other human beings must be protected.

Like Pope Francis, Mandela strongly believed that overcoming poverty is not a gesture of charity. It is an act of justice. It is the protection of a fundamental human right, the right to dignity and a decent life. While poverty persists, there is no true freedom.

When Mandela welcomed Pope John Paul II to South Africa in 1995, he still expressed similar view of their mutual concern for the poor, commitment to equality, and undying fight for liberation from oppression.

Mandela’s faith in God was very great, a faith probably he acquired from his mother. When Mandela was 7 years old his mother enrolled him at the Clarkebury Missionary School in South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province. His mother was a devout Christian and taught him respect for God and good morals.

Although Mandela was a protestant, his love for humanity led him to think beyond religion. In 1993, he attended Mass celebrated by Archbishop Lawrence Henry and parish Capuchin priest Fr. Wildrid Aherne at St. Mary of the Angels in Cape Town.

He learnt that people cannot co-exist without mutual understanding, reconciliation and healing. Reconciliation he believed requires that we join hands to eradicate the poverty spawned by a system that thrived on the deprivation of the majority.

Reconciliation requires that we end malnutrition, homelessness and ignorance, that we put shoulders to the wheel to end crime and corruption. Reconciliation and forgiveness were to be the cornerstone of Mandela’s five-year term as president, with the focus always on nation-building.

Mandela never did anything before prayer. He was a stickler for praying before meals, after, going to bed, in the morning when he woke up and before doing his duties. He believed that things will never succeed without God’s intervention.

He was so humble to the extent that when people referred to him as a living saint he always insisted that he wasn’t a saint. He just did his duty justly because he believed that is what God wants.

When South Africa’s apartheid government had been brutally repressive for nearly five decades, and the country’s black majority was justifiably full of anger, Mandela never was.

Instead, he negotiated a transition that acknowledged the right of white South Africans to be citizens but no longer lords and masters. Even after 27 years in prison he was never angry.

That explains why when Mandela took office as president in 1994 he governed with the same generosity. Few could have imagined that South Africa could move peacefully to black majority rule.

Without Mandela’s leadership, without his example, stature and wisdom, the story might have been radically different. That is why he became an icon of integral leader. No wonder why the world remembers the great leader who acted without bitterness.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


From: Communications | AWEPA
Press Release:

Cape Town, 6 December 2013 – It is with great sadness that the Association of European Parliamentarians with Africa (AWEPA) heard of the death of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, the anti-apartheid icon and first President of the new South Africa. Yet, we are heartened by the strength of his legacy: the championing of freedom, peace and equality. Mr. Mandela’s struggle for South Africa, and the world, will not be forgotten.

The life and work of Mr. Mandela has continually inspired AWEPA since its establishment in 1984. The organisation’s roots lie in the campaign for the eradication of apartheid, for the equality and freedom of all people. During the height of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, a few West European politicians formed separate wings in their parliaments to campaign for the abolition of apartheid via effective legislation, policies and laws, and to create international pressure to release Mr. Mandela from prison.

This new parliamentary coalition led to the birth of the ‘Association of West-European Parliamentarians for Action against Apartheid’ (AWEPAA), now AWEPA. The organisation was created to unconditionally support the liberation movement of the South Africans. This was noted by Mr. Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC), who appreciated AWEPA’s efforts for parliamentary coalition, the first of its kind in terms of objectives, scale and success.

In 1990, when Mandela visited the European Parliament after his release from prison, he met with AWEPA members and encouraged them to continue their work to help strengthen democracy in Africa. His encouragement came at a time when AWEPA was considering its purpose fulfilled. The meeting with the man who would in two years become the first non-white President of his country, proved to be a catalyst for AWEPA’s future work in other parts of the continent.

A strong relationship developed with him, thanks, among others, to AWEPA’s Eminent Advisory Board members Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Ms. Graça Machel, who is also Mr. Mandela’s wife. The President of AWEPA, Ms. Miet Smet, had an important tête-à-tête on Monday 2 December with Ms. Machel, together with Ms. Jessica Longwe, AWEPA’s Director of Partner Relations. They spoke about the upcoming 30th anniversary of AWEPA, in which Mrs. Machel will play a role.

In 2007, Mr. Mandela welcomed AWEPA representatives when he accepted the first AWEPA Human Dignity Award. We are not sure we will find many, if any, who epitomises this sentiment more than Nelson Mandela. He will remain a symbol for human dignity, for the strength found in democracy and the goodness in equality.

AWEPA’s thoughts and deepest sympathies are with Mr. Mandela’s wife, Chairperson of our Eminent Advisory Board, Graça Machel. We wish to extend our heartfelt condolences to the rest of Mr. Mandela’s family and all those who hold him dear.

AWEPA shall continue to honour him by going forward with determination in its mandate.

The Association of European Parliamentarians with Africa (AWEPA) is an international non-governmental organisation founded by European Parliamentarians to reduce poverty and to protect human rights by supporting the well-functioning of parliaments in Africa and by keeping Africa on the political agenda in Europe. With its roots in the campaign to end apartheid in South Africa, AWEPA now works in Africa from a development perspective to strengthen the core functions of parliaments: oversight, representation and legislation.

AWEPA has some 1800 current and former European parliamentarians as members from the European Parliament, almost all member states of the European Union, Norway and Switzerland. AWEPA has two offices in Europe: Brussels and Amsterdam; and 8 African offices in Arusha, Bujumbura, Cape Town, Juba, Kampala, Kigali, Kinshasa and Maputo.

Marion Girard Cisneros
Communications Officer
Communications department
Association of European Parliamentarians with Africa (AWEPA)

AWEPA International (European Parliamentarians with Africa)
Prins Hendrikkade 48-G, 1012 AC Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Tel: +31.20.524.5678, Fax: +31.20.622.01.30
Email:, Web:
Facebook: Twitter: @AWEPA

On the passing of Nelson Mandela

From: The White House

This evening, President Obama delivered a statement on the passing of former South African President and anti-apartheid leader Nelson Mandela.

Visit here to watch President Obama’s statement.
Stay Connected

The White House • 1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW • Washington, DC 20500 • 202-456-1111

South Africa: Acquisition by Harith General Partners Limited of Frontier Markets Fund Managers Limited

From: News Release – African Press Organization (APO)

Harith is an established and dedicated fund manager with a predominantly African focus and a wealth of experience in infrastructural investment

JOHANNESBURG, South-Africa, November 19, 2013/ — Harith ( has concluded the acquisition of the entire shareholding of the Company from the shareholders of FMFML (namely Standard Bank Group Limited (“SBG”), Nederlandse Financierings-Maatschappij voor Ontwikkelingslanden N.V. (“FMO”) and EMP (Africa), L.L.C. (“EMP Africa”) for an undisclosed sum. The Transaction was subject to the consent of the two debt funds which FMFML exclusively manages, the Emerging Africa Infrastructure Fund Limited (“EAIF”) and GuarantCo Limited (“GuarantCo”) (together, “the Funds”).


Photo: (Tshepo Mahloele, CEO of Harith General Partners)

The Funds provide an array of innovative debt products to select emerging markets with an Africa focus and have a strong track record of financing infrastructure projects across a range of sectors. FMFML has successfully managed the Funds since its establishment in January 2002, with the current combined fund capacity of the Funds exceeding US1.2bn and a focus on increasing its capacity.

EAIF provides long term debt or mezzanine finance to support the construction and development of private infrastructure to over 50 projects across sub-Saharan Africa. GuarantCo provides guarantees for local currency financing for infrastructure projects and operates in and around the developing world. Major investors of the Funds include major European governments and commercial and developmental finance banks.

Harith is an established and dedicated fund manager with a predominantly African focus and a wealth of experience in infrastructural investment. FMFML will seek to leverage off Harith’s strategic relationships, expertise and complementary product offerings to support the objectives and vision of the Company and the Funds. Harith’s acquisition of FMFML may better position FMFML to develop to its full potential in a focused fund management operation with an African focus and will provide a further platform for Harith’s growth ambitions.

The management team of FMFML will remain in place and the Company will continue to operate as a stand-alone business under the Frontier Markets Fund Managers name, supported by Harith and its infrastructure.

The acquisition forms part of Harith’s growth strategy of being a multi-fund manager and will greatly enhance its geographic footprint in the market, says Harith CEO Tshepo Mahloele. The synergistic nature of this deal, offering debt and equity products, will provide Harith’s clients with a “one-stop service” in their quest to secure much needed finance for good infrastructure projects in the continent.

Mahloele says the transaction also represents a strategic fit and leap in terms of broadening the human capital and the diverse set of skills and experience in the platform. “We envisage that the platform will continue to enjoy the support of the existing donor community as represented by a number of European governments and will become a vehicle of choice for international capital and African capital looking for exposure in the continent.”

Distributed by APO (African Press Organization) on behalf of Harith General Partners (Pty) Ltd.

Media contact:
Pule Molebeledi
Investor Relations and Communications Executive
+27 11 384 4002

About Harith General Partners

Harith General Partners ( is the leading Pan-African fund manager for infrastructure development across the continent. Based in South Africa, Harith manages Africa’s first and only 15-year infrastructure fund, the Pan African Infrastructure Development Fund (PAIDF). The US $630m fund is invested in a number of major projects in diversified sectors such as energy, transport and information, communication and telecommunications. The PAIDF is supported by African capital raised from state pension funds, development finance institutions, top investment banks and financial institutions. Harith has offices in Ghana, Tunisia and London. The Harith team is made up of experienced and skilled investment professionals who are knowledgeable about investing in the continent.

Harith General Partners (Pty) Ltd

Aspiring Leaders Gather in South Africa next week

From: News Release – African Press Organization (APO)

The Maersk Group participates in 2013 ‘One Young World’ summit that is held in Johannesburg, South Africa, next week

JOHANNESBURG, South-Africa, September 25, 2013/ — Fourteen young Maersk ( employees will participate at the 4th annual ‘One Young World’ summit that is held in Johannesburg, South Africa, next week (

Logo Maersk:

Photo: (Deniz Kirdar, Diversity and Inclusion Manager (Photo Peter Elmholt)

The annual event held by the charity, One Young World, mixes political leaders like Kofi Annan and Sir Bob Geldof with aspiring members of the next generation of global leadership.

Once-in-a-lifetime opportunity

One of the African Maersk participants is Sow Thierno Madjou, age 29, from the West African republic, Guinea:

“I see this as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to meet and network with young future leaders from all over the world. I especially look forward to discussing socio-political and economic aspects with participants from different countries – and hope to later use this inspiration to bring about positive change in my own country,” says Madjou who currently holds the role as Finance Controller with Maersk Line.

Likewise, Junaid Kathrada, age 29, is seeing the conference as a great learning opportunity where he will be exposed to inspirational leaders from across the globe:

“I hope to be able to draw on the experiences and insights of fellow delegates, ambassadors and guests as well as form networks that will enable me and the other participants to make a visible difference in our own societies,” says Kathrada who works with customer service in Durban for Safmarine.

Attracting talents from the broadest pool possible

The event is a valuable opportunity for Maersk to develop and inspire would-be leaders, especially in growth market countries where competition for the business, and for the talented people needed to drive it, is strong. In Africa alone, the Group employs more than 10,000 people – and would want to attract even more:

“The Maersk Group has been doing business in Africa for more than a century, and has operations in almost every country across the continent. We aim to reflect the communities in which we operate and attract talent from the broadest pool possible. We would like to build our diversity further,” says Diversity and Inclusion Manager, Deniz Kirdar True, from the Maersk Group.

Maersk encourages aspiring leaders to be curious

The Maersk Group likewise sees value in exposing the talent to One Young World as a way to further broaden their horizon:

“We encourage our aspiring leaders to be curious about how things are done in other companies, industries and markets. As a Group, we can benefit by seeking out other perspectives and being open to challenging traditional approaches – and I believe that Young One World offers such an opportunity,” True says.

One delegate Patricia Pretell from Lima, Peru, is a speaker in the One Young World plenary Global Business (scheduled for October 5th at 8:30). Pretell works out of Latin America with Damco, the logistics arm of the Maersk Group. The additional thirteen Maersk participants represent several different Maersk businesses and countries, including India, Brazil, South Africa, Guinea, Morocco, Philippines, China, Pakistan, Jordan and Nigeria.

The conference that will take part 2-5 October 2013 will focus on a number of issues, including education, youth unemployment, Human Rights, Global Business, Leadership & Government, and Sustainable Development. For more information on the conference, visit

Distributed by the African Press Organization on behalf of the Maersk Group.

For more information, please contact Press Coordinator Lebo Madiba,, mobile: +27823925339 or Senior Communications Partner in the Maersk Group: Christine Drud von Haffner,,: +4533631945.

About the Maersk Group
The Maersk Group ( is a worldwide conglomerate that operates in the shipping and oil and gas industries. We are present in 130 countries, and employ roughly 121,000 people. Four of our companies – Maersk Line, APM Terminals, Maersk Oil and Maersk Drilling – are the main focus of our investments in strategic growth.

Maersk Group

World’s Largest Gathering of Malaria Experts to Convene in Durban, South Africa

From: Dickens Wasonga
Date: Wed, Sep 18, 2013 at 2:37 AM
To: jaluo karjaluo

By Dickens Wasonga.

Leading research scientists all over the World are set to present the latest groundbreaking research on preventing, controlling and eliminating malaria , a killer disease and how they have been working to combat the emerging resistance to drugs, insecticides, among others.

This even as the malaria community celebrates 10 years of progress in driving down the unacceptable number of what happened 50 years ago when donor fatigue and a lack of new tools resulted in a resurgence of malaria incidences that took roughly a million lives a year in 2000.

The malaria community is responding by racing to hold on to the gains of the last ten years, while at the same time continuing to develop the tools that could help to eliminate and eventually eradicate malaria.

The Sixth Multilateral Initiative on Malaria (MIM) Pan-African Conference, the world’s largest gathering of malaria expert,will be held in Durban, South Africa, from 6-11 October 2013.

Leading scientists from across Africa and around the world who are pushing this groundbreaking research forward, will gather to present their latest findings in the areas of malaria diagnostics, control (including insecticides and mosquito behavior), treatment (drugs),and prevention (including long-lasting insecticide-treated nets, indoor residual spraying and vaccines).

At the conference, subtitled “Moving Towards Malaria Elimination: Investing in Research and Control,” they will be joined by thousands of other experts, national malaria control programme managers, policymakers, health care workers and community members who will highlight new developments and remaining challenges in the fight to defeat malaria once and for all.

Despite unprecedented advances, malaria continues to infect approximately 219 million people around the world each year.

In 2010, it took the lives of an estimated 660,000 people, the vast majority young children in Africa.

History has shown that decrease in support for fighting malaria in areas where significant progress has been made lead to a resurgence of the disease, potentially undoing years of effort and investment and putting millions of lives at risk.


Analitical Mind, Very interesting……..!!!!!!

From: Judy Miriga

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Tuesday, July 2, 2013
Why is she Mrs Graca Machel and not Mrs Graca Mandela?

Graca Machel.

It is one of life’s little curiosities that the wife of arguably the world’s most famous man should not go by his name. Actually that she is called the name of her first husband.

Graca, a woman of grace, and a woman of substance, has been married to Nelson Mandela since 1998, and has the unique feat of having been First Lady of two countries – South Africa, between 1998 and 1999, when Mandela declined to stand for a second term of office, and Mozambique from 1975 to 1986 when her first husband, Samora Machel, died upon his presidential plane crashing in suspicious circumstances.

In all the 15 years she has been married to Mzee Mandela, she has been studiously referred to as Graca Machel. Why? (As if that is not enough, in those same years Winnie, whom Madiba divorced in 1996, kept the Mandela name, only inserting in between the Winnie and the Mandela her maiden name Madikizela).

Women’s names have always presented a quandary when the lady gets married. Very many happily take up their husband’s names on the wedding day, though a complication comes with issues like certificates (a couple of classmates in my post-graduate class kept juggling between their present names and those on their earlier academic transcripts).

Others struggle with as mundane a challenge as whether, upon marriage, to change their email addresses to reflect their married name. Maybe it is not so mundane.

Of course a few, certainly in Uganda, skirt the issue entirely by keeping their maiden names. My mentor William Pike’s wife, the equally wonderful Cathy Watson, springs to mind, as do my old schoolmates Dr Sylvia Tamale and her husband Prof Joe Oloka Onyango, law teachers both at Makerere University.

These two couples are entirely at peace with the status quo-ante which is the status quo. And so they should be.

But some have it in reverse. The last I heard of one of my lecturers at journalism school in Britain, an Englishman called Paul, was that he had immigrated to the US, married an American woman and taken up her surname.

It is a similar story of a former Japanese diplomat in Kampala, who had facilitated a trip for me to tour his country back in 1999. Diplomatic sources here told me that when he returned to his homeland, he got married and took up his wife’s name.

Pragmatic reasons

Most women readily take up their husband’s name, dropping their maiden and/or father’s name, because it is the accepted thing in most societies. Others take up hubby’s name for pragmatic reasons.

Take the next President of the United States (I prophesy). When she married Bill Clinton in 1975, she stuck to being called Hillary Rodham for about seven years till her man started campaigning for big office among conservative people. She then became Hillary Clinton, while a few times referring to herself as “Mrs Bill Clinton.”

The Russians have simplified it a bit. When a man and a woman get married, the suffix ‘a’ is added to the man’s surname and given to the woman.

Thus if Maria gets married to Mr Gorbachev, she becomes Gorbacheva; when Irina marries Mr Yeltsin, she will be known as Yeltsina. In Uganda Opolot’s wife would be Opolota and Amin’s would be Amina.

In Uganda, the Banyarwanda community, in contrast to the Russians, just add the prefix ‘Muka’. And so Mrs Nkusi will be Mukankusi, and Mrs Ndori will be known as Mukandori.

In the Kiganda culture, ‘muka’ also means ‘wife of’, though Baganda will keep it as a generic title, a general noun, unlike Banyarwanda who append it to the name. (The Kinyarwanda prefix has steadily evolved to be integral to the names themselves, thus it is now common for a single girl to be known as Miss Mukarwego, yet she is not married to Mr Rwego. She could have inherited the name from an ancestor of many generations ago).

What do you do when you move from being married to the world’s most powerful man to wedding one of the world’s richest men? Well, you keep both names. After she was widowed following President John F Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, Jacqueline (nee Lee Bouvier) kept the presidential name in marrying the Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis, and she became Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis.

Others will simply hyphenate maiden name with hubby’s name: Philippines’ last President, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, kept her father’s name Macapagal (also a former President) but hyphenated it with her husband’s, Mr Arroyo.

We also have our own Janet Kataaha Museveni, though not hyphenated, but still keeping father’s name while using hubby’s as well.

None of which explains why Graca is still called Machel when she has been married to Mandela for all this time.

Remembering a massacre at a South African mine

From: Judy Miriga

————FYI ————

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

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Remembering a massacre at a South African mine
1 hr 20 mins ago 1:21 Reuters Videos
South Africa remembers tje Marikana massacre

Year After South African Mine Shooting, Residents See No Change
Published on Aug 16, 2013
In South Africa, August 16, 2012, will be remembered as the date of one of the country’s most violent police confrontations since the apartheid era. Police shot dead 34 striking mineworkers at the Lonmin platinum mine in Marikana. The miners were striking to demand a significant pay raise and improved conditions. Officials say that since then, progress has been made: a commission is investigating the incident and the miners have been granted some raises. But, as VOA’s Anita Powell learned when she visited the tense community a year later, residents believe things have changed for the worse, not better.
Thousands attend a memorial service at the Marikana mine in South Africa where 34 striking workers were killed a year ago by police. Deborah Lutterbeck reports.

Family massacred in South Africa
Published on Jun 29, 2013
the sun,the guardian,frankfurter,the independent,usa today,dawn,the times,le monde,bbc,la daily news,cnn,fox news,die welt,the independent,new york times

Vavi slams Cosatu’s Executive Committee
Friday 16 August 2013 15:02
Zwelinzima Vavi Media Briefing

Streamed live on Aug 16, 2013
Zwelinzima Vavi briefs the media on his suspension

Zwelinzima Vavi has slammed the decision by Cosatu to suspend him.(SABC)
Zwelinzima Vavi
Irvin Jim
South Africans
South African leader suspended for illicit love affair
South Africa News.Net Thursday 15th August, 2013
Suspended Cosatu General Secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi has ordered his lawyers to write to the Central Executive Committee of Cosatu, requesting a postponement or suspension of a disciplinary meeting meant to probe his sexual liaisons with a married colleague.
He was addressing a news conference in Johannesburg.
Vavi has slammed a decision by the labour federation to suspend him, saying those in favour of his suspension were strongly prejudiced.
An internal disciplinary, meant to probe his affair with the 26-year old woman and the way she was appointed, is meant to get
underway within days.
“I believe that the next people to be politically persecuted is not only Numsa’s Irvin Jim and those other leaders of the unions that are defending my rights but all those South Africans that are listed in the so called intelligence report.”
The ruling Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) Thursday said its general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi has been suspended for having an illicit love affair. “Vavi has been released from all his official duties as the general secretary (of COSATU) during the period of investigation until such time that the outcome of the disciplinary hearing is known,” reported Xinhua quoting party’s deputy general secretary Bheki Ntshalintshali as saying. As the largest of the country’s three main trade union federations with 1.8 million workers, the COSATU is part of the tripartite alliance with the African National Congress and the South African Communist Party in ruling the country. Last month a junior COSATU employee accused Vavi of rape, but he said that he had a consensual affair with her. The central executive committee (CEC) of the COSATU Wednesday met in Johannesburg to discuss the possible disciplinary action against him. “After lengthy discussion, the CEC meeting agreed to conduct a full investigation into the allegations,” COSATU president Sidumo Dlamini said Thursday. – See more at: