Category Archives: Refugees


From: Joachim Omolo Ouko
News Dispatch with Omolo Joachim

Concerns have been raised on whether Burundi could be helped never to go to dark ages marked with violence, killings, intimidations, tortures among other human rights abuses. The answer to these concerns is simple, African leaders cannot assist because they behave the same.

Uganda President Yoweri Museveni who was sent by East African communities to broker peace and reconciliation himself changed the constitution to enable him run for third term. Rwanda is the same. Kenya is no difference, so does Tanzania.

At least 50,000 refugees are living on the shore of Lake Tangyanika in rough conditions after fleeing the political crisis in Burundi. More than 105,000 Burundians have fled the country, with 70,000 crossing into Tanzania alone, since the political crisis began in Burundi. Around 26,300 Burundians have entered Rwanda, most of whom are now living in the Mahama refugee camp.

According to activists, at least 20 people have been killed in clashes with police. The government has repeatedly disputed allegations of heavy-handed tactics. But the ongoing crisis has prompted an exodus across the border.

Polling has just ended after a night of gunfire and explosions that claimed two lives in the capital Bujumbura. President Nkurunziza iwho has forced his way to run for a third term despite a limit of two terms in the constitution is going to be declared the president, so what?

Even if the US State Department has joined critics saying the disputed presidential election lacks credibility and will discredit the government, do they care? Most African leaders are not there for the people but for their own benefits, that is why they don’t care whether people are dying or suffering.

The US said it would review all aspects of its partnership with the east African country including imposing visa restrictions on those it said were responsible for promoting instability. But do they care even if the president’s office describes the latest protests as terrorist acts intended to disrupt the election.

In Burundi we are dealing with rebel leader-turned president, who claims to be born-again Christian, former sports teacher whose father was killed in ethnic violence in 1972. The African Union (AU) did not send observers – the first time it has taken such a stance against a member state, not because they are against Nkurunziza’s decision to run for the third time but because of the blame from foreign communities.

The European Union has expressed a similar view, and has cut some aid to Burundi to show its anger with Mr Nkurunziza. Most African nations still rely on European, US, World Bank, IMF and other foreign aids, so they cannot contradict them.

The other thing in Burundi is to do with tribe. Tensions between Burundi’s ethnic Hutu majority – comprising some 85 percent of the 10.5 million population- and the country’s Tutsi minority have flared up regularly since independence from Belgium in 1962.

Mr Nkurunziza led a Hutu rebel group fighting the Tutsi-dominated army until a peace deal led to him becoming president in 2005. The Constitutional Court has backed his argument that his first term in office did not count towards the two-term limit, as he was elected by MPs.

Burundi is not alone. In Nigeria it has been called the election that still “haunts” Nigeria to this day. Popular businessman Moshood Abiola officially garnered 58.3 percent of the vote, against his closest contender Bashir Tofa with 41.7 percent, in what was called Nigeria’s most democratic election since independence:

For the first time, a southerner was able to gain broad popular support from all corners of the country. But soon after the results were announced, the military regime in power, led by Ibrahim Babangida, simply annulled the results – end of story.

Nigerians were appalled, taking to the streets in protest. Babangida had to resign, and in the uncertainty following, General Sani Abacha took power – leading to the most brutal and repressive chapter in Nigeria’s history.

Similar story is in Uganda. Long-serving president Yoweri Museveni was up against opposition leader Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). But in the run up to the election, Besigye was arrested and charged with treason both in civilian and military courts, allegedly for his “anti-government” activities while in exile in the preceding years. He was also charged with rape, of the daughter of a friend.

Besigye protesters believed (and court proceedings later suggested) the charges were fabricated to stop Besigye from challenging Museveni. When it appeared that Besigye and his twenty-two co-defendants in the treason case might be released on bail by the civilian court, the government prosecutor, in an apparent attempt to prevent Besigye’s candidacy, then brought terrorism charges against him.

On the day of their bail hearing, a group of heavily armed goons were lurking around the court, ready to detain the group as soon as they were released on bail. The judge presiding did grant them bail, but the defendants declared to remain in Luzira Prison, instead of risking detention– incredibly, prison was a better deal than going free.

In the end, the legal charges, counter-charges, appeals, and dramatic court decisions made it impossible for anything like a level playing field to be possible, and Besigye ended up spending almost as many days in court as on the campaign trail. Museveni ended up winning with 59 percent of the vote.

In Kenya President Mwai Kibaki was facing tough competition from opposition leader Raila Odinga, with initial results showing that the opposition party had taken the majority of seats in the National Assembly.

While parliamentary results were forthcoming, it wasn’t the case for the presidential results. Three days after the election, President Kibaki suddenly and inexplicably received a massive boost in the tally, with the numbers ostensibly coming from his “strongholds” – but which observers say was marred by ballot stuffing and outright fraud.

The Electoral Commission of Kenya announced Kibaki as the winner, leading to his hurried swearing in at dusk at State House in Nairobi. The country swiftly descended into deadly political violence that killed over 1,000 and displaced 600,000, and eventually Odinga joined Kibaki in a coalition government as Prime Minister to end the violence.

In Zimbabwe the story is even scary. President Robert Mugabe was facing his toughest challenge yet, as the country’s economic situation was dire – inflation was averaging 165,000% and the economy had shrunk 40 percent since 2000.

Voting day itself was generally peaceful, but as initial reports of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) taking the lead began coming in, confusion set in, and a recount was ordered in 23 constituencies. More than a month went by before an official result was announced by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, indicating Tsvangirai won with 47.9 percent of the vote, and Mugabe came second at 43.2 percent, necessitating a run-off.

The period between the first and second votes was marked by systematic violence, intimidation and brutalisation of voters perceived to be MDC supporters, and just days to the run-off, Tsvangirai announced he was withdrawing from the run-off, describing it as a “violent sham” and saying that his supporters risked being killed if they voted for him.

Although Tsvangirai’s name remained on the ballot, Mugabe (obviously) won the second round as the only candidate. Tsvangirai later joined the government as Prime Minister in a Government of National Unity.

In DRC the story is similar. The 2011 election was the second since the official end of the Second Congo War in 2003, but it was marred by widespread fraud in the electoral roll and in vote tallying. One survey showed hundreds of thousands of ghost voters in the form of duplicate names in the register.

Some duplicates could be attributable to technical glitches, but tampering was a more likely explanation due to the scale. In several of the Congolese provinces, the double entries were equivalent to more than 12 percent of voters; the margin of error for duplicates on similar databases used in Western and some Asian elections is less than 1 percent.

And in the tallying, some constituencies in Katanga province “reported impossibly high rates of 99 to 100 percent voter turnout with all, or nearly all, votes going to incumbent President Joseph Kabila”, while in Kinshasa, where opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi enjoyed strong support, results from nearly 2,000 polling station stations were simply “lost” – roughly a fifth of the city’s total. In the end, Kabila officially won the poll with 49 percent of votes cast, against Tshisekedi’s 32 percent.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
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One of 300 kidnapped Nigerian schoolgirls shares story of her dramatic escape

From: ‘frank patrick materu’

Escaped from Boko Haram
On Friday, September 26, 2014 11:41 AM, “ANS@ wrote:
ASSIST News Service (ANS) – PO Box 609, Lake Forest, CA 92609-0609 USA
Visit our web site at: — E-mail:

Thursday, September 25, 2014

One of 300 kidnapped Nigerian schoolgirls shares story of her dramatic escape

By Mark Ellis

Senior Correspondent, ASSIST News Service

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA (ANS) — She was only 18, a high school senior, when she was awakened from her school dormitory at 11:34 p.m. by the sounds of gunfire. The terror group Boko Haram had overrun Chibok and was headed for her school.

“I called my father and he said we should not go anywhere,” says Saa, a pseudonym used for her protection. “He said we should gather ourselves together and pray so God will help us.” Saa is a Christian and her father is the pastor of Nigeria Church of the Brethren.

Her riveting testimony was given at a September 19th forum hosted by the Hudson Institute and supported by the Jubilee Campaign for religious freedom.

When Boko Haram entered the school on the evening of April 14th, the teachers and staff had already fled. When the gun-toting extremists entered her dorm room, Saa didn’t realize at first it was Boko Haram – but that soon became clear.

“They said if we shouted or tried to run away they would kill us. We didn’t know what to do. We were scared. A girl showed them where we kept our food, because it was a boarding school. They packed the food on large trucks and all the property. They gathered us near the gates and started bombing the school,” she recounts.

The girls were herded under a large tree and then loaded into trucks. “They said if we didn’t want to go they will kill us,” Saa says.

Three girls would not fit on the trucks and the jihadists questioned them about their faith. An intense verbal altercation erupted between the jihadists over whether to free or kill the three. One of them felt strongly any non-Muslim should die.


Share See all ASSIST News articles at

Mark Ellis is a senior correspondent for ASSIST News Service and the founder of He is available to speak to groups about the plight of the church in restricted countries, to share stories and testimonies from the mission field, and to preach the gospel.


Reports Leo Odera Omolo

RESIDENTS of several villages within Nyatike constituency are still in big shock following a series of incidents in which lightning struck four places and killed two pupils within two days and within a radius of eight kilometers apart.

The residents say they have never experienced similar incidents before and called upon the government to send geological experts to go and examine the ground if there are some hidden minerals on the ground that attract the thunder ball in the area.

The areas involved are those close to the closed down former Macalder and Masara gold mines. The mines which had been closed way back in 1962 had a lot o deposits gold, nickels and cooper. They were closed way back in 1962 before Kenya attained its political independence from Great Britain in 1963 and the former owners and managers packed and went away.

Small scale mining of the precious stones are still going on by small time local miners, though of late some prospectors and mining companies from Europe and South African have invaded the area and formed several mining companies.

The first incident took place early last week at Namba Kodero, Kanyarwanda sub-clan where two pupils aged 9 and 13 were struck dead. The incident came soon on the heels of the victim’s father’s funeral.

The second incident took place at Kongili village in Masara village not far from the defunct Masara gold mine. A woman and her small child were hurt as she was drawing the rains waters during the heavy downpour.

Another serious lightning incident was reported at OSIRI gold mine, which is very close to the defunct, Macalder Goldmine and the other one was near airport at a place called God Kwach. Two men who were taking shelter in a house were hurt. The survived but sustained serious bodily burns which required medical treatment.

THE AREA mp Edick Omondi Anyanga has joined the residents in requesting the government to send geological experts to go and examine the grounds in the area.

One scared resident told this writer Migori that the residents were now living in fear at all the rains which come to them. He said many have deserted their homes and moved to other villages faraway from these areas close to the abandoned gold shafts. They are just figuring it out as to whether it’s a pattern.

Many parts of West Kenya are prone to lightning attack during the short rains which begin early in August and end in December. So far the thunder ball has killed more than 12 people in various places including Nandi, Bungoma, Busia and Ksii,and Bomet regions since the beginning of last month.



From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Today is August 6, 2014 the Feast of the transfiguration of Christ. It is an annual celebration observed by Catholic, Anglican, and some Protestant ministries in Western Christianity. It commemorates what many consider to be the highest point of Jesus’ earthly life, when he was “transfigured” by a brilliant white light at the top of a mountain and proclaimed to be the well-loved Son of God from a heavenly voice.

Immediately after the Lord was recognized by his apostles as the Christ (Messiah), the Son of the Living God, he told them that he must go up to Jerusalem and suffer many things and be killed and on the third day be raised.

When Jesus went on to speak of his suffering, rejection, and death, his disciples did not understand him at first. Jesus went on to tell them that there would be a “cross” for them to bear as well, if they would follow him.

This is despite the fact that man’s perspective is that one must save his life in order to live, but Jesus taught that his followers must give up their lives for him, in order to live. Life, he said, comes out of death. On the other hand, those who would seek to save their own lives will ultimately lose them.

Transfiguration was therefore, part of his heavenly glory over sin and death. Christ underwent a dramatic change in appearance in order that the disciples could also behold him in his glory. Symbolically, the appearance of Moses and Elijah represented the Law and the Prophets:

“And his face shone like the sun, and his garments became white as snow and behold, there appeared to them Moses and Elijah, talking with him. And Peter said to Jesus, “Lord, it is well that we are here; if you wish I will make three booths here, one for you and one for Moses and one for Elijah.”

He was still speaking when lo, a bright cloud overshadowed them, and a voice from the cloud said, “This is my Beloved Son, with whom I am well pleased; listen to him.” When the disciples heard this, they fell on their faces with awe.

But Jesus came and touched them, saying, “Rise, and have no fear.” And when they lifted up their eyes, they saw no one but Jesus only. And as they were coming down the mountain, Jesus commanded them, “Tell no one the vision, until the Son of Man is raised from the dead” (Mt 17:1-92, see also Mk 9:1-9; Lk 9:28-36; 2 Peter 1:16-18).

God’s voice from heaven – “Listen to Him!” – showed that the Law and the Prophets must give way to Jesus. The one who is the new and living way is replacing the old – he is the fulfillment of the Law and the countless prophecies in the Old Testament.

John wrote in his gospel, “We have seen his glory, the glory of the one and only” (John 1:14). Peter also wrote of it, “We did not follow cleverly invented stories when we told you about the power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, but we were eyewitnesses of his majesty.

In Greece and Romania the harvest season traditionally began on the Transfiguration. Grapes, in particular, were not eaten before August 6. In some parishes, the first grapes would be brought to church for a blessing and distributed to parishioners.

The blessing of grapes, as well as other fruits and vegetables on this day is the most beautiful and adequate sign of the final transfiguration of all things in Christ. It signifies the ultimate flowering and fruitfulness of all creation in the paradise of God’s unending Kingdom of Life where all will he transformed by the glory of the Lord.

This makes Transfiguration one of the greatest feats in Western Worlds. It reminds me of my days in the USA about 18 years ago while a student at Fordham University, celebrating mass on Transfiguration day at St Matthews Church in Brooklyn Diocese, Eastern Parkway. The feast was great, blessing fruits of different types.

In Kenya and many regions in the developing Worlds the fast is not given great importance, even though in recent centuries the event has come to be seen as an allegory by some Christians, with Elijah and Moses representing the Law and the Prophets, respectively, symbolizing the fulfillment of Jesus’ words in Mathew 5:17:

“Do not think that I have come to abolish the Law or the Prophets; I have not come to abolish them but to fulfill them.” Yet still, for Christians around the world, the Transfiguration remains an important observance. It is a chance to reflect upon the glorious divinity of Christ made manifest in the material world.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
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From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
MONDAY, JUNE 23, 2040

Amos from Westlands, Nairobi writes: “Dear Fr. Joachim, tension is building around the country. Our leaders are not doing us justice. I would urge the President to take leadership to a new level and avoid statements like the ones he gave after the attack in Mpeketoni. In some parts of Kiambu, Naivasha, Molo, Nakuru a certain community was being told to vacate.

Now that Alshabab has continued to claim responsibility in the attack and have said they are posting a video of the attack, will our leaders rescind their negative ethnic statements and unite the country? This country will burn if we are not careful and badly. Let us spread message of unity and peace. Our Media is also very reckless showing raw materials and ethnic incitements. Poor Us!!!!!!!

Standard- has reported that the US and the UK insist the recent killings in Mpeketoni were a terror attack and not politically instigated, contradicting President Uhuru Kenyatta’s earlier statement. At the same time, the US announced it is relocating some of its staff in Nairobi to other countries following perpetual security threats. What is your take?’

Thank you Amos. I think the report by the US and UK is the correct one because even Al-Shabab has said it carried out the attack in order to take revenge on Kenya for the presence of its troops in Somalia, where they are battling the militants, as well as for the killing of radical clerics linked to al-Shabab in the port city of Mombasa.

It could also be that local Somalis and Oromos who claim the area as their ancestral home are trying to drive out Kikuyus, who they see as interlopers in Mpketoni. Reacting to the president Uhuru’s father for having illegally giving the area to his ethnic Kikuyus in the 1960s.

It is not only US and UK, even the opposition politicians have dismissed the president’s statement as a “joke”. President Kenyatta up to now has not named the local political group he was accusing.

This brings us to speculations that President Kenyatta would want to downplay the al-Shabab angle in order to try and protect Kenya’s embattled tourist industry and also to enable him to send security services of his choice in Lamu County.

Robert writes via iPad: “Fr Beste I read your article why President Uhuru will not implement Truth Justice and Reconciliation recommendations. Is it one of the reasons why he is not willing to have national dialogue?”

Robert, yes you are also right. Truth Justice and Reconciliation and National Dialogue demanded by CORD are similar. In 2008 I managed to capture what IDPs themselves demanded from President Mwai Kibaki concerning the need for dialogue, reconciliation and healing in Kenya-click here to read the article- Government undersiege as they forcefully resettle IDPs.

When the Government of Kenya began resettling more than 10,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in 2008, thousands of them who had been camping at the Nakuru Agricultural Society of Kenya (ASK) show ground, pleaded with Kibaki that his Government should have reconciled them with the neighbouring communities first instead of rushing to resettle them.

They said it was necessary for dialogue, reconciliation which would open the way for healing. Mzee Ibrahim Githatwa, 76, was among the IDPs who vowed never to go back to Keringet in Kuresoi where he had lived since the 1942 but was forcefully told to leave the premises.

Mzee Githatwa and a father of 13 children had also suffered a great deal under President Moi’s regime. During Moi he lost seven houses in the 1992 ethnic violence. Even after he could manage, together with some of his children to build five houses, they again got burnt down his house during the post-election violence.

The 13 farms where some IDPs were told to reallocate, including Sirikwa, Kiambogo, Githirika, Muthenji, Nyota, Kangawa and Lagwenda, Sasumua, Willa, Muchorwe, Karirikania, Kadonye and Nyaruai have history of violence every five years when they have general elections.

These are some of the areas that have been the scene of periodic violence since 1992. The land dispute around these areas, especially in Molo and Kuresoi is between the Kalenjin, Kikuyu and Kisii.

According to the annexes to the Ndung’u land dispute report released in 2004 the families of former presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi feature prominently in the list of prominent high ranking politicians and people who matter in Kenya government as those who have grabbed public land that was recommended for repossession.

If the government were to take action it would mean that names of all those who have been irregularly allocated public land in urban areas, settlement schemes, forests and reserves, with Moi alone owning 937 hectare farm in Narok hived off Trans Mara Forest be repossessed, then this would at least solve some of the land problems in the country.

The problem would even be more resolved if the government were to go by the Ndungu recommendation that allocation of various parcels to Mama Ngina Kenyatta be revoked. It includes 38 hectares hived off the Kikuyu Escarpment Forest in Kiambu District in 1965, including another 36 hectares in Thika District from the same Kikuyu Escarpment forest allocated to her in 1980 for farming, which Ndungu also recommended to be reclaimed, as well as another 24 hectare parcel allocated in 1993.

Among the cabinet ministers, judges and top soldiers listed to be among beneficiaries of settlement schemes carved out of Agricultural Development Corporation farms include then minister of State William ole Ntimama, assistant minister Kipkalya Kones, Court of Appeal Judge Emmanuel O’Kubasu and deputy chief of general staff, Lt Gen Nick Leshan.

Mr Ntimama was allocated 34 acres of Moi Ndabi Farm where Mr Leshan got 233 acres. Mr Kones got 145 acres in the Agricultural Development Corporation Sirikwa scheme where the average allocations were five acres, according to the report. Mr Justice O’Kubasu got 40 acres. Other according to the report include retired Judge Mbito who was allocated 50 acres.

The report recommended that former Lands and Settlement minister Jackson Angaine’s 900 hectares of land hived off from Mount Kenya forest in 1975 and 1977. If taken seriously, Ndung’u report would mean that many individual Kenyans who illegally acquired land would lose them.

Against background that constitutional review to address fundamental issues of land tenure and land use. The development and implementation of land policies, national land use policy and enactment of attendant legislations.

Land laws was to be harmonised into one statute to reduce multiple allocations of title deeds. Land ownership document replacement for owners affected by post-election violence, development of a national land use master plan, taking into account environmental considerations.

Land reform transformation unit in the ministry of lands to facilitate the implementation of the land reform programme as outlined in the national land use policy. Strengthen local-level mechanisms for sustainable land rights administration and management.

Finalise the land dispute tribunal act. Land reform process was to be factored in the constitutional review process within 12 months.

On Truth Justice and Reconciliation, the Commission recommended that between 1963 and 1978 when President Jomo Kenyatta presided over a government that was responsible for numerous gross violations of human rights, justice and reconciliation would focus on Shifta War, killings, torture, collective punishment and denial of basic needs (food, water and health care).

Political assassinations of Pio Gama Pinto, Tom Mboya and J.M. Kariuki; arbitrary detention of political opponents and activists; and illegal and irregular acquisition of land by the highest government officials and their political allies.

Under Moi it would involve massacres; unlawful detentions, and systematic and widespread torture and ill-treatment of political and human rights activists. Assassinations, including of Dr. Robert Ouko; Illegal and irregular allocations of land; and economic crimes and grand corruption.

Under Kibaki the report recommended that it would focus on unlawful detentions, torture and ill-treatment; assassinations and extra judicial killings; and economic crimes and grand corruption, including Anglo Leasing scandals.

The Commission found that historical grievances over land constitute the single most important driver of conflicts and ethnic tension in Kenya. Close to 50 percent of statements and memorandum received by the Commission related to or touched on claims over land.

The Commission also found that minority groups and indigenous people suffered state sanctioned systematic discrimination during the mandate period (1963- 2008). In particular, minority groups have suffered discrimination in relation to political participation and access to national identity cards. Other violations that minority groups and indigenous people have suffered include: collective punishment; and violation of land rights and the right to development.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Africa: U.S. Policy and Response to Recent Refugee Crises in Africa

From: U.S. Department of State
Simon Henshaw
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration
Ethiopian Community Development Council
Washington, DC
May 1, 2014

Good morning and thank you for that kind introduction. It is an honor to be here. The best part of my job is the chance to meet people like you who dedicate their lives to helping refugees get a fresh start. Congress may have passed the Refugee Act of 1980, but it is your efforts, and those of local communities, that have helped implement the resettlement program – by opening hearts and homes to refugees from around the world. I understand that some of you may have once been refugees yourselves, facing the same obstacles and challenges your clients do today.

Millions of refugees depend on the expertise and dedication of organizations like ECDC. We at the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration depend on you as well. As you know, our resettlement program is the largest in the world and has welcomed more than 3 million refugees to the United States since 1975.

Last year was a remarkable one for refugee resettlement; in 2013, the President set the ceiling for arrivals at 70,000. When the year was over, our final total included 69,927 refugees from 65 countries. I don’t have to tell you, but that represents 69,927 lives on the path to a new beginning in the United States.

Increasing resettlement of African refugees is a major priority for the Obama Administration. Last fiscal year we resettled nearly 16,000 Africans to the U.S., and this year we are looking to resettle at least 15,000. PRM is working hard with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to raise the number of referrals and to improve our own processes so we can admit the refugees they refer more efficiently. We are expanding resettlement infrastructure such as medical clinics and interview facilities throughout the continent and interviewing refugees in countries including Mauritania and Namibia where we haven’t worked in previous years. We have also begun offering resettlement to populations such as Eritrean Afaris in Ethiopia and Somalis in Eritrea, who lacked these opportunities before.

When the Government of Chad recently resumed the resettlement of Sudanese, the Department of Homeland Security immediately returned and just completed its first series of refugee interviews in Eastern Chad in four years. We hope that refugees from Darfur will begin departing from Chad and arriving in the United States later this year. PRM is also determined to see the Congolese resettlement strategy come to fruition. We and our partners are expanding our program to resettle Congolese refugees from Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania, Burundi and Southern Africa. And whereas most other resettlement countries have closed their doors to resettling additional Somalis, our commitment to admitting Somali refugees remains strong. In fact, we admitted more Somalis last year than in any year since 2006.

Of course PRM works not just to resettle those who flee, but also to respond to crises, save lives, ease suffering and support voluntary return and local integration when possible.

In a crisis, our first priority is ensuring a rapid and coordinated humanitarian response. The United States is the world’s single largest donor to humanitarian causes. In fiscal year 2013, PRM provided almost $2.4 billion to protect, shelter, and care for people forced to flee their homes. The organizations we support handle the acute and protracted phases of an emergency, provide life-saving assistance and help lay the groundwork for recovery and reconciliation when the conflict is over.

We also engage in humanitarian diplomacy, exerting the influence of the world’s most powerful nation on behalf of the world’s most vulnerable people. We advocate with governments to keep their borders open to those fleeing conflict in neighboring countries. We urge other nations – behind closed doors and in public – to join us and contribute their resources to humanitarian appeals. This humanitarian diplomacy is every bit as crucial to our mission as the dollars we donate and it’s a unique part of my bureau’s mission.

As the principal humanitarian advisor within the State Department, PRM strives to make sure our foreign policy stresses respect for humanitarian principles and protection for vulnerable populations. And we work with other governments, the United Nations, U.S. government agencies, and our refugee officers at U.S. embassies to protect and assist refugees, internally displaced persons, stateless people and migrants on the ground. Our outreach is sometimes quiet, but it can have a huge impact. It can ensure that refugees are not forcibly returned, that undocumented migrants are protected from abuse and exploitation, and unaccompanied children are reunited with their parents.

Another priority for PRM is protecting women and children caught in crisis. Conflict leaves them more vulnerable to sexual and domestic violence, human trafficking, forced and early marriage, and other forms of gender-based violence. Too often, gender-based violence is recognized as a problem too late, after major humanitarian response efforts are underway. To close this gap, in 2013, the United States launched a new multimillion dollar initiative called ‘Safe from the Start’. Its aim is to equip the humanitarian system to prevent and respond to gender-based violence around the world in the earliest days of an emergency, which is often when such needs are most critical.

We are working to apply these priorities in the major emergencies to which we are responding today. Syria, of course, is the biggest one so I will say a word about that before turning to situations in Africa.

Syria is one of three “level three” emergencies the global community faces today. That is the UN’s highest level of humanitarian emergency. And the situation there is getting worse. The United States is the largest single donor to humanitarian relief efforts there and PRM helps to protect and feed more than 2.7 million Syrian refugees throughout the region. And we will continue to press all parties to the conflict, particularly the regime, to expand humanitarian access to reach more than 9.3 million inside Syria in desperate need of food, shelter, and health care.

The other two ongoing “level three” emergencies are the ones unfolding in South Sudan and the Central African Republic (CAR). And since we are focusing here on U.S. policy responses to crises in Africa, I will discuss these emergencies in some detail.

In CAR we are in a race against time to save lives. One million Central Africans have been displaced. Nearly two thirds are displaced within CAR while one-third have fled to neighboring countries and are now living as refugees. They have gone to Chad, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the Republic of Congo.

We are deeply troubled by the escalating violence and lawlessness, the attacks by ex-Seleka rebels and anti-Balaka militias, and the fact that communities are being targeted because of their religion. The danger is so grave that UNHCR has taken the extraordinary step of evacuating certain Muslim populations under siege, relocating some to other parts of the country and some to neighboring Chad, essentially helping them become refugees. Gunmen have attacked not only innocent civilians but also international peacekeepers and humanitarian workers. Victims include three workers for the aid organization Doctors Without Borders who were killed in Nanga Boguila this past weekend. Among those who have fled the violence in the CAR are over 100,000 nationals of the neighboring countries – or even countries as far away as Mali – who had been living and working in the CAR for many years, even generations. We commend the African Union and French forces in CAR for leading the effort to quell the violence and save lives, and we welcome the UN Security Council’s April 10 decision to deploy a UN peacekeeping operation. The United States has committed up to $100 million to support the African Union and French forces, in addition to the humanitarian aid we provide for civilians.

In late March and early April, Assistant Secretary Anne Richard visited southern Chad and Bangui where she witnessed first-hand the misery spawned by the violence. She met with both those affected and those striving to help them. She saw how host countries, UN agencies, and NGOs are providing shelter, food, and protection and what enormous challenges they face.

Following this visit, our Ambassador to the UN Samantha Power announced $22 million in additional U.S. Government funding for humanitarian assistance to help people affected by the CAR crisis, bringing the total to more than $91 million in FY 2013 and FY 2014. We anticipate adding to this in the near future to support the latest funding appeals from humanitarian agencies.

In addition, the United States is providing $7.5 million for conflict mitigation, peace messaging, and human rights programs in CAR. We have also sponsored high-level inter-religious dialogues to help establish a basis for national reconciliation in CAR. And we are urging all parties to end the violence, establish judicial mechanisms to punish human rights abusers, and work toward an inclusive political process leading to democratic elections in February 2015.

The situation in South Sudan is equally alarming. Approximately one-tenth of South Sudan’s population has been displaced by the violence that began on December 15. Close to 1 million people have been displaced internally. And nearly a quarter of them have fled to insecure and underserved areas where food and assistance could be cut off. More than 293,000 new refugees have been forced to flee to neighboring countries, including Uganda, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Sudan. As the conflict drags on, the condition of these refugees is worsening, and more and more of them arrive suffering malnutrition. Like civilians in CAR, South Sudanese are being targeted based on their ethnicity and with shocking brutality. Just last week, for instance, anti-government forces massacred several hundred civilians in the northern city of Bentiu.

We are also disturbed by the hurdles aid groups are facing as they seek to reach people in need. Humanitarian workers—both international and South Sudanese—are working at great personal risk to save lives. They have been physically attacked and targeted for harassment. Their relief supplies have been looted or delayed in customs, and their vehicles stolen, blocked, or hijacked. In Bor, as you may know, gunmen forced their way into a United Nations Mission to South Sudan (UNMISS) compound and opened fire on civilians who had taken shelter inside. Around the country there are currently 87,000 IDPS, including nearly 80,000 civilians seeking protection at eight UNMISS bases.

The Executive Order (E.O.) signed by President Obama sends a clear message to the Government of South Sudan and Riek Machar’s forces: those who threaten the peace, security, or stability of South Sudan, obstruct the peace talks and processes, undermine democratic institutions, or commit human rights abuses will be at risk of U.S. sanctions.

The only solution to this crisis is for the parties to the conflict to adhere to the cessation of hostilities agreement they signed on January 23, and cease the violence immediately. President Obama’s Envoy, Ambassador Donald Booth, is in Ethiopia now working to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table for peace talks set to resume later this month.

We are calling all parties to immediately and fully cooperate with the United Nations and humanitarian organizations, as they carry out the urgent task of protecting civilians and providing life-saving assistance. Humanitarian groups must be able to do their jobs without the threat of violence, taxation, or arbitrary impediments. The Government of South Sudan should cease all negative messaging about UNMISS and fulfill its duty to restore law and order. We also urge those countries that have committed additional forces to UNMISS to work with the United Nations to deploy to South Sudan and immediately reinforce this Mission.

The United States is the leading donor of humanitarian assistance to South Sudan. We are providing more than $411 million in fiscal years 2013 and 2014, including $83 million announced just last month, to aid displaced persons both inside and outside the country. Last month, USAID, and the EU and UN humanitarian agencies jointly issued an urgent “Call for Action” on South Sudan, calling for more international support for the people of South Sudan. Neighboring countries are helping by keeping their borders open to those fleeing the violence. Ethiopia is providing land for new refugee camps. Kenya is expanding the Kakuma) refugee camp. Uganda is expanding transit centers and settlements as well.

Still, the needs are tremendous. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the crisis response plan is only thirty percent funded. With the rainy season in South Sudan already upon us, the humanitarian situation will likely grow worse in the coming months. Insecurity has prevented humanitarians from doing normal, vital dry season prepositioning. The risk of famine in South Sudan is quite real, as many South Sudanese have not been able to plant their crops and have lost their livestock as a result of the conflict.

These so-called “mega-crises” are not the only problems that demand our attention. For instance, we are worried about the treatment of African migrants and asylum seekers in Egypt—especially those who have been kidnapped, detained, and subjected to severe abuse by smuggling networks. In addition to ongoing reports of abuse in the Sinai, we are also following trends suggesting that routes are shifting westward toward Libya.

The plight of urban refugees is also worrying. This is one reason I traveled last year to Kenya and Uganda. Both countries have large populations of refugees living in urban environments. In Kenya, the government is rounding up urban Somali refugees from Nairobi and Mombasa and either moving them into camps if they are registered or deporting them to Somalia. We are concerned that refugees relocated to camps lose the right to move about freely and the ability to earn money and become self-reliant. We are also disturbed about reports that some urban refugees are being deported without adequate protection screening and that some have even been abused in the process. We are urging the Government of Kenya to accord UNHCR full access to those detainees so that UNHCR and the government can review refugee claims together. At the same time, we are funding programs to improve services for urban refugees in Nairobi, Kampala and elsewhere. Programs we are piloting in Egypt offer legal services, child protection, counseling, education, and opportunities for employment for African refugees.

We are also prioritizing the needs of especially vulnerable populations, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. In Uganda, for example, the recent passage of a strict anti-homosexuality law has made LGBT refugees and those defending the human rights of LGBT individuals even more vulnerable. We will continue to fund partners that address the legal, medical, and psychosocial needs of this population and others facing similar discrimination, and we are also working with our partners in neighboring countries to ensure that Ugandans that flee from persecution find support.

My bureau can provide humanitarian assistance in Africa and around the world because of the generous support we receive from Congress, on behalf of the American people. These funds have also allowed us to bolster resettlement programs. In 2010, as the economic crisis strained local governments and charities, PRM doubled per capita funding for receiving and placing refugees. We have provided modest but steady increases since then and hope to continue doing so. But it is the work of groups like ECDC that helps to turn our nation’s promise to welcome refugees into a reality. Meeting you keeps those of us who are often caught up in the policy details motivated and focused on the human face of the important work we all share. Thank you for the part you play in letting refugees turn their stories of tragedy into ones of triumph.

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Africa: Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration Anne C. Richard Travels to Switzerland and Chad

From: U.S. Department of State
Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
March 29, 2014

Assistant Secretary Anne C. Richard will travel to Geneva, Switzerland on Monday, March 31, 2014 for meetings with officials from United Nations and other international humanitarian organizations. 

On Tuesday, April 1, 2014, Assistant Secretary Richard will travel to Ndjamena, Chad, where she will meet with Chadian government officials and representatives of both international and nongovernmental organizations. Assistant Secretary Richard will also travel to southern Chad with representatives from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to visit refugees from the Central African Republic living in camps as well as Chadians who had been living in the Central African Republic but have had to flee the violence there. 

In FY 2013, the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) obligated over $43 million for humanitarian activities in Chad.  Chad is currently host to well over 500,000 refugees, vulnerable migrants, and other populations of concern from the crises in the Central African Republic and Sudan.

For more information on PRM, you can follow us on Twitter or Facebook. For questions about this trip, please contact Public Affairs Officer Christine Getzler Vaughan at or (202) 453-9370.

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Unnoticed Genocide [in Darfur]

From: South Sudan Press

Painfully little of this ten-year-old account needs updating—other than massive increases in the mortality and displacement figures . . . “Unnoticed Genocide,” The Washington Post, February 25, 2004

– – – – –

By Eric Reeves

February 25, 2014 (SSNA) — In the remote Darfur region of western Sudan, a human disaster is accelerating amid uncontrolled violence. The United Nations’ undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs has called it probably “the world’s greatest humanitarian catastrophe.” Doctors Without Borders has observed “catastrophic mortality rates.” And yet, so far as most of the world is concerned, it isn’t even happening.

There have been what Amnesty International calls “horrifying military attacks against civilians” throughout Darfur by the Sudanese government and its militias. The government has sent bombers to attack undefended villages, refugee camps and water wells. The United Nations estimates that 1 million people have been displaced by war and that more than 3 million are affected by armed conflict.

Yet Darfur has remained practically a non-story in international news media. One big reason is the fact that the central government in Khartoum, the National Islamic Front, has allowed no news reporters into the region and has severely restricted humanitarian access, thus preventing observation by aid workers. The war in Darfur is not directly related to Khartoum’s 20-year war against the people of southern Sudan. Even so, military pressure from the Darfur insurgency that began a year ago has been instrumental in forcing the regime to commit to peace talks with the south.

But there are now signs that these talks have been viewed by Khartoum only as a way to buy time to crush the insurgency in Darfur, which emerged, inevitably, from many years of abuse and neglect. Despite efforts by the regime to stop it, a widening stream of information is reaching the international community, from tens of thousands of refugees fleeing to Chad (which shares a long border with western Sudan), and according to accounts from within Darfur. Amnesty International has led the way in reporting on Darfur; one of its recent releases speaks authoritatively of countless savage attacks on civilians by Khartoum’s regular army, including its crude Antonov bombers, and by its Arab militia allies, called “Janjaweed.”

An especially disturbing feature of these attacks is the clear and intensifying racial animus. This has been reported by Amnesty International, the International Crisis Group and various U.N. spokesmen. The words “ethnic cleansing” have been used by U.N. officials and diplomats. This term, which gained currency during the breakup of Yugoslavia, is but another description for genocide. But whatever they are called, the terrible realities in Darfur require that we attend to the ways in which people are being destroyed because of who they are, racially and ethnically — “as such,” to cite the key phrase from the 1948 U.N. Convention on Genocide.

Darfur is home to racially and ethnically distinct tribal groups. Although virtually all are Muslim, generalizations are hard to make. But the Fur, Zaghawa, Masseleit, and other peoples are accurately described as “African,” both in a racial sense and in terms of agricultural practice and use of non-Arabic languages. Darfur also has a large population of nomadic Arab tribal groups, and from these Khartoum has drawn its savage “warriors on horseback” — the Janjaweed — who are most responsible for attacks on villages and civilians.

The racial animus is clear from scores of chillingly similar interviews with refugees reaching Chad. A young African man who had lost many family members in an attack heard the gunmen say, “You blacks, we’re going to exterminate you.” Speaking of these relentless attacks, an African tribal leader told the U.N. news service, “I believe this is an elimination of the black race.” A refugee reported these words as coming from his attackers: “You are opponents to the regime, we must crush you. As you are black, you are like slaves. Then the entire Darfur region will be in the hands of the Arabs.” An African tribal chief declared that, “The Arabs and the government forces . . . said they wanted to conquer the whole territory and that the blacks did not have a right to remain in the region.”

There can be no reasonable skepticism about Khartoum’s use of these militias to “destroy, in whole or in part, ethnic or racial groups” — in short, to commit genocide. Khartoum has so far refused to rein in its Arab militias; has refused to enter into meaningful peace talks with the insurgency groups; and, most disturbingly, has refused to grant unrestricted humanitarian access. The international community has been slow to react to Darfur’s catastrophe and has yet to move with sufficient urgency and commitment. A credible peace forum must be rapidly created. Immediate plans for humanitarian intervention should begin. The alternative is to allow tens of thousands of civilians to die in the weeks and months ahead in what will be continuing genocidal destruction.

Eric Reeves, a professor at Smith College, has written extensively on Sudan.

World & Kenya: ICC to terminate President UHURU KENYATTA’s case

From: maina ndiritu

Tuesday February 11, 2014 – The International Criminal Court (ICC) will terminate cases facing President Uhuru Kenyatta before the end of this month, a senior official of the ICC has exclusively said According to the official, the judges at the ICC held a brainstorming meeting on Saturday where they resolved to terminate the case facing Uhuru Kenyatta on technical grounds.

The judges argued that the Office of the ICC Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, did not convince the judges on why Uhuru’s case at the ICC should be adjourned indefinitely until the Kenyan Government agrees to give the, his financial details.

They said they cannot hold Uhuru Kenyatta hostage because the Kenyan Government and Uhuru Kenyatta are two different parties in the case.

“Uhuru is sued by the ICC as an individual and the Kenyan Government is another entity,” one of the ICC judges said.

The session was a closed door affair and only Bensouda and victim’s lawyers were allowed to enter.

The ICC judges are now waiting for Kenya’s Attorney General, Prof Githu Muigai, who will brief them on the Government position regarding the ICC cases facing Uhuru and his Deputy, William Ruto.

After Githu Muigai’s briefing, the judges will wait for another 14 days where they will officially terminate Uhuru’s case under the Procedures and Rules of the Rome Statute.


From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Vivian from Nairobi writes: “Fr Beste what do you say about the members of the Jubilee Coalition who are drafting a motion for the National Assembly seeking to summon Justice Philip Waki to disclose the full contents of an envelope he handed over to the former International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor, containing names of key individuals implicated in post-election violence?

Don’t you think this is going to spark yet another clashes among ethnic communities. For God’s sake I pray that Adan Duale should not try this. In Kenya we are just trying to heal from the clashes of 2007/08 and now they want to take us back again surely”.

Vivian you are absolutely right, by bringing Waki to open the other secret envelopes is to spark fire. This comes days after immediate former ICC Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo admitted in a radio interview last week that he had been under pressure then from some Western diplomats in Nairobi to pressure judges to declare President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto unfit to run in the General Election.

National Assembly Majority Leader Adan Duale insists Waki must be brought to the Parliament to reveal other names which were not given to Ocampo. By revealing the secret names in the list according to Duale will help confirm widely held contentions that the cases were part of a nefarious design by the West to fix Uhuru and Ruto.

According to Duale, it was clear Koffi Annan was working with envoys from United States, Britain, France and Germany to have Uhuru and Ruto locked out in order to ensure Raila Amolo Odinga ascended to power.

By revealing secret names Duale wants to demonstrate that Uhuru Kenyatta never supported President Mwai Kibaki as alleged to have planned, financed, and coordinated the violence perpetrated against the perceived supporters of the Orange Democratic Movement, the political party of the President’s rival, during post-election violence from 27 December 2007 to 29 February 2008.

According to Duale Uhuru had no control over the Mungiki organization and as such never directed it to conduct murders, deportations, rapes and other forms of sexual violence, persecutions, and other inhumane acts against civilians in the towns of Kibera, Kisumu, Naivasha, and Nakuru.

Kenyatta was summoned to appear before the Court on 8 April 2011 and the confirmation of charges hearing was held from 21 September 2011 to 5 October 2011, in conjunction with the cases against Mohammed Ali and Francis Muthaura. All the charges against Kenyatta were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012.

Francis Muthaura was indicted on 8 March 2011 with five counts of crimes against humanity with regard to the situation in the Republic of Kenya. As the Head of the Public Service, Secretary to the Cabinet, and Chairman of the National Security and Advisory Committee of Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki, he is alleged to have planned, financed, and coordinated the violent response against the perceived supporters of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the political party of the President’s rival, during post-election violence from 27 December 2007 to 29 February 2008.

Specifically, Muthaura was alleged to have directed and paid Mungiki forces loyal to the President to attack civilians and instructed Mohammed Ali, the Commissioner of the Kenya Police, not to intervene against Mungiki forces.

Muthaura was allegedly criminally responsible for murders, deportations, rapes and other forms of sexual violence, persecutions, and other inhumane acts perpetrated by Mungiki forces against civilians who were perceived to be loyal to the ODM in the towns of Kibera, Kisumu, Naivasha, and Nakuru.

Muthaura was summoned to appear before the Court on 8 April 2011 and the confirmation of charges hearing was held from 21 September 2011 to 5 October 2011, in conjunction with the cases against Mohammed Ali and Uhuru Kenyatta. All the charges against Muthaura were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012. He was later left free for lack of evidence.

William Ruto was indicted on 8 March 2011 on four counts of crimes against humanity with regard to the situation in the Republic of Kenya. He is alleged to be the leader of an ad hoc organization created by members of the Kalenjin ethnic group which was created to perpetrate violence on behalf of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the political party of presidential candidate Raila Odinga, during post-election violence in December 2007 and January 2008.

On 1 August 2011, the charges were reduced to three counts. Ruto, as the a top leader in the ad hoc Kalenjin organization, directed Kalenjin youths to target civilians of the Kikuyu, Kamba, and Kisii ethnic groups, which were perceived to be supporters of the Party of National Unity, the political party of Odinga’s opponent during the election.

Ruto is alleged to be criminally responsible for the murder, deportation, torture, and persecution of civilians in the towns of Kapsabet, Nandi Hills, Turbo, the greater Eldoret area. Ruto first appeared before the Court, voluntarily, on 7 April 2011 and through the confirmation of charges hearing, which was held in conjunction with the cases against Henry Kosgey and Joshua Sang. All the charges against Ruto were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012.

Joshua Sang was indicted on 8 March 2011 on four counts of crimes against humanity with regard to the situation in the Republic of Kenya. He is alleged to a top leader of an ad hoc organization created by members of the Kalenjin ethnic group which was created to perpetrate violence on behalf of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the political party of presidential candidate Raila Odinga, during post-election violence in December 2007 and January 2008.

On 1 August 2011, the charges were reduced to three counts. As a broadcaster for the Kass FM radio station, Sang incited Kalenjin youths to target civilians of the Kikuyu, Kamba, and Kisii ethnic groups, which were perceived to be supporters of the Party of National Unity, the political party of Odinga’s opponent during the election.

He is alleged to be indirectly responsible for indirectly for the murder, deportation, torture, and persecution of civilians in the towns of Kapsabet, Nandi Hills, Turbo, the greater Eldoret area. Sang first appeared before the Court, voluntarily, on 7 April 2011 and through the confirmation of charges hearing, which was held in conjunction with the cases against William Ruto and Joshua Sang. All the charges against Sang were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste


From: Sudan Press

The South Sudan Human Rights Society for Advocacy (SSHURSA) has announced the closure of all its offices in South Sudan and suspended operations until further notice.

In a press statement released to the media, the rights group cites government threats as the main reason behind its decision to close its offices and suspend functions.

“We decided to close down all our activities in South Sudan and suspend our operations on critical scenarios. First, I started receiving death threats and threats of arrests through phone calls and text messages from unknown persons and others who identified themselves with names I could not believe are genuine and I narrowly left South Sudan on 23 December 2013 for Uganda” Said Biel Boutros Biel, the Executive Director of SSHURSA now in exile.

Biel had received threatening text messages and phone calls before and he believes come from government agents.

“Surprisingly while in Kampala, I still continued to receive death threats thus I left Uganda and so once those threatening me failed to locate me, they started asking some members of civil society of my whereabouts. They realized that I was out of the country” Biel continued to explain.

“Secondly, when they couldn’t find me, they resorted to framing false accusations to some of my colleagues. Now they have stormed my house and looted everything including our car. So we realized that South Sudan is no longer a place we could work in, under the circumstances for it is not a secret that those giving us threats have evil intention to harm us as they did to our colleague Isaiah Abraham. We could not longer ignore them and we decided to go to exile” Biel added.

Human rights defenders, journalists, and government’s critics have been living in fear in South Sudan because the government sees them as threat to its existence.

The group also calls on the United Nations (UN) and African Human rights Commissions to conduct to impartial investigations on the ongoing killings of civilians in Juba and other parts of the country. The agency wants the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to refer ethnic killings to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

“The murder of the civilians and non-combatants in Juba or elsewhere in ongoing conflict in South Sudan fits before the ICC because it constitutes international Crimes, a clear violation of International humanitarian Law under Geneva Convention as domesticated in 2012 by South Sudan and also a contravention of the ICC Act”, SSHURSA conclusively observes.

South Sudan Army (SPLA) and government’s agents have been widely accuse of unlawful killings, disappearances, torture, illegal detainment, beatings, intimidation, and many other human rights violations.

Bellow is the full text of SSHURSA’s statement:


SSHURSA Press Release: For immediate release, January 22, 2014
The South Sudan Human Rights Society For Advocacy (SSHURSA) decided to close down all its offices and suspends operations in South Sudan until further notice. This came as a result of threats hence most of the staff members have fled to exile for their lives. SSHURSA strongly believes that such threats are from the security circles of the government of South Sudan.

“We decided to close down all our activities in South Sudan and suspend our operations on critical scenarios. First, I started receiving death threats and threats of arrests through phone calls and text messages from unknown persons and others who identified themselves with names I could not believe are genuine and I narrowly left South Sudan on 23 December 2013 for Uganda” Said Biel Boutros Biel, the Executive Director of SSHURSA now in exile.

“Surprisingly while in Kampala, I still continued to receive death threats thus I left Uganda and so once those threatening me failed to locate me, they started asking some members of civil society of my whereabouts. They realized that I was out of the country” Biel continued to explain. “Secondly, when they couldn’t find me, they resorted to framing false accusations to some of my colleagues. Now they have stormed my house and looted everything including our car. So we realized that South Sudan is no longer a place we could work in, under the circumstances for it is not a secret that those giving us threats have evil intention to harm us as they did to our colleague Isaiah Abraham. We could not longer ignore them and we decided to go to exile” Biel added.

Though SSHURSA staff shall be absent within South Sudan, however, its leadership from afar, will continue monitoring the violations of human rights in South Sudan and will continue to expose the human rights violations the country is undergoing.

Calls for Action: SSHURSA calls on UN and African Commission on Human and People’s Rights to conduct impartial investigations on the ongoing killings of civilians in Juba and other parts of the country. It also calls on UN Security Council to refer South Sudan’s killings on ethnic ground as genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity to the International Criminal Court (ICC). “The murder of the civilians and non-combatants in Juba or elsewhere in ongoing conflict in South Sudan fits before the ICC because it constitutes international Crimes, a clear violation of International humanitarian Law under Geneva Convention as domesticated in 2012 by South Sudan and also a contravention of the ICC Act”. SSHURSA conclusively observes.

For more information about SSHURSA or this press release, contact us on: E-mail:

ABOUT SSHURSA:South Sudan Human Rights Society for Advocacy (SSHURSA) is an incorporated non political and non profit making Human Rights organization founded in June 2007 by South Sudanese Lawyers and Law Students at Makerere Law Development Centre (LDC), Kampala-Uganda. In 2009, it became operational in South Sudan with its head office in capital city Juba and co-ordination offices in the states. It membership composes of individuals and organizations who believe in its human rights protection mandate. Itsvision is for a democratic and human rights abiding South Sudan and with its mission to monitor, document and publish human rights status in South Sudan and also train general public on Constitution, the importance of human rights, fundamental freedoms of an individual, Rule of Law, democracy, Transitional Justice and International Humanitarian Law , all geared towards creating a more responsible, justice and good governance oriented South Sudan. SSHURSA pays special focus on the rights of children, women and other vulnerable groups.It also keeps close attention to the strict observance of the supreme law, The Constitution.


For more information, contact us on:

E-mail: /
Tel: +211955300382/+211921114362;
Juba, Republic of South Sudan

African migrants strike in Israel

From: Nizar Visram

Thousands of African migrants strike in Israel

Abayomi Azikiwe

Tens of thousands of African migrants suspended a general strike Jan. 13 that had been in effect since January 5 in the Zionist state of Israel. The strike is scheduled to resume on Jan. 15 in the aftermath of the death of Ariel Sharon.

A list of demands put forward by the African community — most of whom come from Eritrea and South Sudan — calls for the nullification of the recently enacted Anti-Infiltrator Law, a halt to arresting people under that law, the release of those currently jailed and a review of asylum requests for Eritreans and Sudanese. The strike impacted the hotel, restaurant, café and cleaning services sectors of the Israeli economy.

Some 60,000 migrants from Eritrea and South Sudan have entered Israel since 2006. Over the last two years, a new detention facility has been constructed to hold migrants on the border with the Egyptian Sinai.

The migrants are forced to flee ongoing conflicts in Central and East Africa and the subsequent economic devastation they have created. These conflicts are a direct result of Western imperialist interference in the internal affairs of post-colonial African states.

The Workers’ Hotline organization has received numerous complaints from African migrant workers of terminations and other threats from employers. “A group of workers came to our offices, and we also got phone calls from workers in Eilat who were told not to come back, and that their strike was seen as quitting without notice,” said Noah Kaufman, who works as a coordinator for refugees and asylum seekers at the agency. (Haaretz, Jan. 13)

Kaufman went on to say, “There were two accounts of workers given ultimatums — either agree to change their employment conditions for the worse, or quit without getting severance pay or notice.”

The agency says it is developing a legal strategy for addressing the ultimatums and firings.

A staff attorney for the Hotline, Michael Tadjer, stated: “Employers cannot exploit the asylum seekers’ suffering to worsen their terms of employment. They are using this as a means to threaten their workers. In essence, they’re saying, ‘We can fire you, so either you quit or we take away your seniority, worsen your conditions,’ or lots of other things. Employers are using this for exploitation.” (Haaretz, Jan. 13)

Tadjer went on to note: “The legal question is how much the strike was protected. Although they are unorganized workers, there is an umbrella organization that declared this strike, and there have been precedents in Europe in which sectors of the population went on strike in protest against the government, when policy directly harmed individuals. This strike is a political strike, and it might be that it is supported by law, but it hasn’t come up for legal review. We think that firing workers after a week-long strike against a law that harms the most basic thing — their freedom and ability to work — is an act committed in bad faith.”

Strike galvanizes migrants to demand asylum

The political actions of the African community in Israel have created a sense of urgency. On Jan. 12, long lines gathered outside the immigration offices in Tel Aviv in order to fill out forms requesting asylum.

One migrant told Haaretz, “I had an appointment, and the first security guard passed me through. The second one said, ‘You’re leading all of the protests and strikes, you were interviewed on Channel 2, I’ll show you.’ He tore up the slip, and said, ‘Go home,’ and began to scream at me.”

Political attacks on the African migrant community have been growing for the last two years. From low level politicians to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Africans have been labeled as “infiltrators” and “criminals.”

There have been anti-migrant demonstrations by Israeli settlers through neighborhoods where African migrants live and own businesses. Africans have been beaten and their stores trashed.

In response to these racist provocations the African migrant community is becoming more outspoken and militant. The general strike and the subsequent mass demonstrations are a reflection of a heightened consciousness and organizational sophistication.

David Grossman, a writer who has been labeled as a member of the Israeli left-wing, told the mass demonstration in Jerusalem that the state’s treatment of the migrants was shameful.

“I look at you now. … I feel embarrassed and ashamed. Israel has not created this problem, but there is a problem now (and) we have to struggle with it and to solve it in the most humane way.”

Continuation of settler policy against Palestinian and Arab people

Nonetheless, Israel is inherently a settler-colonial state, born in alliance with world imperialism through the suppression, oppression, forced removals and mass killings of the Indigenous Palestinian Arab population. Palestinians still live as colonial subjects in their national homeland and are subjected to constant detentions, dislocation, racist discrimination, military occupation, and repeated attacks by the army and air force.

Palestinians who have been forced from their homeland are denied the inherent right of return. In the Gaza region of the country, 1.5 million people live in what has been described as the largest open-air prison in the world.

Israel also occupies the Golan Heights in Syria, where an imperialist-backed war of regime-change has resulted in the deaths of at least 100,000 people over the last three years. The Israeli Air Force has carried out several bombing incursions against Syria in just the last year.

Other Israeli air strikes have been carried out against the Republic of Sudan, a staunch supporter of the Palestinian national liberation struggle, which maintains a close fraternal relationship with Iran. Israel is backed up by the U.S. government through billions of dollars in direct aid, diplomatic support and military assistance.

Developments in Israel involving the escalating repression against African migrants should be seriously taken up by the African Union and other mass organizations on the continent. Israel was one of the main advocates and supporters of the partition of South Sudan from Khartoum, leading up to its realization in 2011.

Call for Justice: President Kiir and VP Wani Must be Held Accountable for Nuer Genocide in Juba 2013

From: Sudan Press

Since the horrific killing of the civilians in Juba on 15th December 2013, I have been hearing people crying for justice hoping that the government of South Sudan will talk about the Nuer Massacre in Juba and held those who involve accountable for the crime they committed against the humanity. Surprisingly, the government has consistently been accusing the opposition about unjustifiable attempted coup against the government, instead to dealing with the crisis responsibly. The infiltration of fighting!

I am here to inform the world that genocide was committed by the presidential guards (mainly Dinka) with the order of the president to kill innocent Nuer. The UN and other organisations reported that over 1,000 were killed. Unfortunately our government took a partial position by refusing to publish a correct number of people killed in Juba or attempted to stop the killing of innocent people. I am one of the survivals of the Nuer mass killing that happened in Juba and I witnessed the situation. Below are the numbers of people killed in Juba and those who are affected by the conflict in Juba from 15th- 30th December 2013.

1000 University graduate who went to Juba to look for work were killed simply because they are Nuer.

1000 SPLA soldiers and policemen were killed while on duty to serve lives from 15th – 23rd December 2013 in Juba.

2300 civilians including civil servants and youth were killed

1000 children under 10 year old were killed a long side their parents

More than 3000 people still missing

More than 2000 Nuer people wounded and denied access to medical services by the SS government.

More than 18,000 Nuer escaped to UNMISS compounds for protection.

Therefore the total number of people killed was 5,300. Perhaps these figureswill help the relevant institution of the government and human right organisations bases in Juba to initiate a rigorous investigation about the Nuer massacre. The dead bodies were put in the big containers and bury them in mass grave outside and inside Juba by the Loyal Forces of the president. They also placed some dead bodies in the containers and throw them in the river. Unfortunately, the media was prevented to report on killing of innocent Nuer or to know what the killers were doing with the dead bodies, relatives were denied to bury the bodies of their love ones. I strongly advice the international community to consider what occurred in Juba serious, investigate the cause of it and held those who involve accountable. I will help with the investigation of the scent should I be alive.

The government has been conveying a misleading messages to the community alleged that the conflict was not a tribal conflict while the loyal forces were specifically targeted and killed Nuer in Juba because that was what they were instructed or oriented to do by the President Kiir. Neither Dinka, Cholo nor Equatorian was killed in Juba and those who killed Nuer in Juba were all Dinka, the so call the presidential guards.

For that reason, I believe that this is a tribal conflict. If the president intended to target the communities’ member of those who opposed the SPLAM direction, then, the loyal forces perhaps would have killed other nationality of South Sudan. This would have both the legitimacy of the government’s claim that this is not a tribal conflict.

The so call government spoke person, Makuei Lueth failed to define coup as the government claimed. He has been distorting the cause of the conflict and condemned ‘white army’ for what happened in Jonglie. If in fact, the government was to deal with this crisis responsibly, perhaps what happen in Jonglie could have been avoided. But what the so call “loyal forces” did in Juba after the president announced the curfew was intend killing and elimination of Nuer. No one talk about it event now from the government of South Sudan. This is an indication that the government take side and that it perform it duty in the tribal line. Furthermore, if any civilian was killed in Jonglie I guessed that could have been through cross shooting between the army forces.

Finally, the civilians particularly the white army weighed war against the government simply because the government they voted for killed their innocent children who went to Juba for business and looking for work. Not because they were mobilised by Dr Riek Machar.

The SPLA freedom fighters that joined the opposition did so because their families were killed while they were on duty in Unity State, in Jonglie State and in greater Equatoria region protecting the sovereignty of South Sudan. How on earth should a family of national army soldier plan coup when the father/mother is serving the nation elsewhere?

I call upon the government to show leadership this war. I will keep you update on new development in Juba.

The author of this paper is resident of Juba and can be contact by


By a special Correspondent

Reports emerging from the northern Kenya town of Moyale, which is close to the Kenya – Ethiopia border in Marsarbit county has its 48,000 people displaced following incessant fighting between rivals tribal militias groups have left the town in dissolute state.

Out of the 12 locations that make up Moyale sub-county of Marsabit County only a two people have remained in their homes which the track of the turn’s population estimated to about 82,000 have fled leaving only a few people behind following incessant fighting between the tribal militias groups, which has claimed dozen of lives in the recent past

The rural militias groups represented the various different communities which included Gabra and Burji on one hand and the Borans on the other.

It is only in three locations of Bori, Dabel Somare and Nana locations where people are still holding on to there properties. These areas are mainly occupied by members of minority Gorse and Sakuye communities who are not taking part in the ethnic war.

The regional parties’ boss in the area confirmed that the fighting had erupted in the area way back in July this year and has continued intermittently with properties worth millions of shillings destroyed.

At the same time the government has announced plans to disarm the armed police reservists operating in the war ravaged county. The deputy regional commissioner Kanunyaan Chedotum said the reservist who are commonly referred to as home guards, are reported to have been taking sides in the fighting on tribal line while using their licensed guns.

The home guards are supposed to supplement the work of the police but most of them have been tribal militias using the officially licensed guns which fighting alongside their tribal militias.

Moyale is the Commercial border town that connect Kenya with Ethiopia, is reported to the admires on its knees, especially from December 4, when the war erupted for the first time.

So far houses belonging to Boranas and Burji have been burned down.

The fighting recently intensified as the militias taught for close to five consecutive days using heavy artillery, and the train in those areas are said to be rugged making it impossible for security personnel to reach trouble spots. It is rushed into deep hills and valleys that are impassable. The region is rugged with deep hills and valleys that are impassable.


News Analysis By Leo \Odera Omolo

As millions of Kenyans celebrated the 50th Independence aniversarry marking December 12th the date in which the country gained its political independence from Great Britain in 1963, residents of Moyale District located in the far North and bordering Ethiopia and Somalia had nothing to celebrate.

The residents of this region did not celebrate the century’s 50th birthday with the rest of the country. Thousands of the residents were displaced during last week’s six days of gun battle that claimed more than 10 lives and led to loss of property worth millions of shilllings.

It was sad that some residents were not even aware that 12th December was a special day for Kenyans across the country and the world. Women and children were still camping in different refugee camps in Kenya and in Ethiopia. 90% of locals sought refuge in neighbouring Ethiopia following the attack Islamic terrorists.

The insecurity situation is now posing this threat to the country’s thriving tourism industry. This is because the Somali terrorists appeared to have infiltrated their agents deep inside Kenya, and making the country to bleed to death.

In the Coastal Kenyan city of Mombasa two British tourists narrowly escaped death early this week when a hand grenade was hurled at their vehicle. But the grenade failed to explode.

The two tourists who were traveling to the popular tourist destination of Amboseli National Game Park under the attack at 7.30 a.m (local time) in the Likoni area of Mombasa.

According to some words of the eye witness who spoke to the news men on strict condition of anonymity, the lone man who hurled the grenade at the vehicle carrying the British tourists, a land cruiser as the driver slowed down to negotiate a sharp corner near Mtongwe junction had been loitering around by the roadside at about 6 a.m.

The device hit the vehicle side window and rolled off. Luckily for the tourists, the device dropped onto the road without exploding. The attacker then escaped and fled from the scene. He disappeared in the sprawling village. He had earlier been observed loitering in the busy road as early as 6 a.m.

Meanwhile the police in Mombasa are holding a Kenyan woman who they are questioning in connection with the mysterious death of a British tourist.

The tourist whose age was assessed to be around 70 years tied under the most mysterious circumstance inside his one room rented house. The victim who is said to have been a regular visitor to the coastal city was found dead by the caretaker of the apartment. His mouth was sealed with plastic tape.

The local police chief Julius Wanjohi confirmed the incident and said the ralus were pursuing vital leads that could unravel the truth. The suspect who is said to have seen a girl friend of the deceased is now in police custody. The killing has angered the residents of Nyali neighbourhood who complained of the uprising insecurity in the area.

Casualties as Congo and UN Forces Fight Rebels

From: Judy Miriga

Good people !!!!

Kagame cannot deny M23 is not of his making. Kagame is part and parcel of M23. He is the masterminder and the financier of M23 with the help of his unscrupulous Corporate Special Business Interest.

It is quite unfortunate that in his invation to Congo, he planned to be rich and build Rwanda through stealing from Congo. This is unacceptable. Kagame must be indicted and be charged at the ICC Hague for conspiring and planning to ambush, terrorize and kill people of DR Congo. Kagame and friends must be charged for genocide.

Justice must be served and be seen to be to be fair on the Congo People with its Government.

Justice delayed, is justice denied.

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson &
Executive Director for
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa

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Casualties as Congo and UN Forces Fight Rebels

GOMA, Congo August 26, 2013 (AP)

By NICK LONG Associated Press

Congolese troops came under fire from rebels in the country’s volatile east Monday as fighting resumed just outside Goma, a city of nearly 1 million people near the volatile Congolese-Rwandan border, army officials said.

Heavy weapons fire rang out around 4:30 p.m. near the front line just 9 miles (11 kilometers) outside the city.

Hostilities resumed last week after weeks of relative calm, and by Thursday a new United Nations intervention brigade with a stronger mandate than past missions shelled rebel positions for the first time.

Both sides suffered heavy casualties over the weekend, with more than 50 rebels killed and 23 government soldiers dead, according to a doctor near the front line and an army chaplain. Three U.N. peacekeepers were wounded: two South Africans and a Tanzanian, U.N.-backed Radio Okapi reported.

The head of the United Nations mission in Congo, Martin Kobler, visited two hospitals on Sunday and paid his respects to wounded government and U.N. soldiers, hailing them as “heroes fighting to restore peace,” Radio Okapi reported.

The Congolese forces have advanced less than a mile (about 2 kilometers) since Wednesday and have yet to achieve their immediate objective — cutting off M23 from a border crossing where the rebel group is believed to get supplies from neighboring Rwanda, say observers.

The Congolese are fighting with the help of a new U.N. intervention brigade, which was created after the M23 rebels invaded and briefly held Goma in November.

The M23 has been pounding Goma from its positions just north of the strategic city, killing civilians in Goma’s residential neighborhoods. By Saturday, scores of angry residents took to the streets in protest, claiming that the U.N. had not done enough to protect them. A U.N. car was set on fire, and in the melee two protesters were killed.

Some Goma residents claim the U.N. opened fire on the mob, but the president of Uruguay, Jose Mujica, said in a statement over the weekend that Uruguayan peacekeepers had only fired rubber bullets to control the crowd. Mujica said that it was Congolese police who had used live ammunition.

On Monday, the Congolese government called for an investigation into the deaths of the civilians. Minister of the Interior Richard Muyej told The Associated Press: “We are absolutely in agreement that a joint commission needs to be created” to do that.

Medical services were struggling to cope with the scale of the casualties among government troops and the M23 fighters who launched their rebellion last year and briefly held Goma in November before retreating. Subsequent peace talks in neighboring Uganda have repeatedly stalled.

Dr. Isaac Warwanamiza told The Associated Press he had seen 82 bodies since early Sunday, 23 of whom he claimed were government soldiers, the highest death toll reported since hostilities broke out last week. “I’m overwhelmed by what I’ve seen: bodies blown apart, arms and feet here and there,” he said, speaking by phone from a hospital north of Goma.

Eight of the dead had no uniforms, 23 were government troops and the rest were M23 rebels, the doctor added.

The total of wounded Congolese troops at the military hospital is 720, according to army chaplain Lea Masika.

This is the first time that the Congolese army has been backed by the new U.N. intervention force, which was created in March.

The U.N. brigade was given a mandate to fight the rebels after Goma was seized by the M23 in November. In a humiliating blow to both Congo and the international community, the rebels marched directly past U.N. peacekeepers stationed at the gates of this city. The peacekeepers did nothing to stop them because their mandate at the time was limited to protecting civilians.

The M23 is made up of hundreds of Congolese soldiers, mostly from the Tutsi ethnic group who deserted the national army last year after accusing the government of failing to honor the terms of a deal signed in March 2009. Many of the movement’s commanders are veterans of previous rebellions backed by Rwanda, which vigorously denies allegations that it has been supporting and reinforcing the M23.

In Washington, the State Department condemned the actions of the M23, calling on the rebel group to immediately cease hostilities, disarm and disband. The U.S. also suggested that Rwanda is assisting the rebels.

“We urgently call on (Congolese) and Rwandan governments to exercise restraint to prevent military escalation of the conflict or any action that puts civilians at risk,” the statement said. “We reiterate our call for Rwanda to cease any and all support to the M23.”

United Nations troops accused of killing two civilians in Congo
Demonstrators reportedly killed after car set ablaze and crowd tried to storm UN base in protest at lack of protection

David Smith, Africa correspondent, Monday 26 August 2013 11.49 EDT

[image]Two Congolese women walk past a government army tank on the outskirts of Goma in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Photograph: Phil Moore/AFP/Getty Images

United Nations troops have been accused of killing two civilians in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo as the body’s first offensive force is dragged into an escalating conflict.

On Saturday, scores of angry residents took to the streets, complaining that the UN had not done enough to protect them. A UN car was set ablaze and, when the crowd allegedly tried to storm a UN base, two protesters were killed.

Witnesses claim that UN troops from Uruguay opened fire on the demonstrators, but the Uruguayan president, Jose Mujica, denied this, insisting that they only fired rubber bullets and it was Congolese police who used live ammunition.

The UN has opened an investigation into the incident, which has the potential to embarrass the 3,000-strong “intervention brigade” that was created in March and entered combat last week against the M23 rebel movement.

Fighting broke out last Wednesday after weeks of relative calm in and around the eastern city of Goma. The UN troops shelled rebel positions on Thursday but the Congolese government soldiers they are supporting suffered heavy casualties over the weekend, according to an Associated Press report.

Dr Isaac Warwanamiza said he had seen 82 bodies since early on Sunday, 23 of whom he claimed were government troops, the highest death toll reported since hostilities broke out last week. “I’m overwhelmed by what I’ve seen: bodies blown apart, arms and feet here and there,” he said.

Eight of the dead had no uniforms, 23 were government troops and the rest were M23 rebels, the doctor added. The total of wounded Congolese troops at the military hospital is 720, according to army chaplain Lea Masika. Two UN peace enforcers from South Africa and one from Tanzania have also been injured.

The front line of fighting is only nine miles north of Goma. The M23 rebels briefly held the strategic city in November last year and then retreated a few miles away. The Congolese army is yet to achieve its immediate objective of cutting off M23 from a border crossing where the rebel group is believed to receive supplies from neighbouring Rwanda.

On Sunday, the UK pulled its foreign office staff out of Goma due to security concerns.

The US state department said: “We urgently call on (Congolese) and Rwandan governments to exercise restraint to prevent military escalation of the conflict or any action that puts civilians at risk. We reiterate our call for Rwanda to cease any and all support to the M23.” Rwanda has repeatedly denied UN allegations that it backs the M23 rebels.

Congo army battles M23 rebels near eastern city of Goma
Kenny Katombe 1 hour ago

August 26, 2013 (AP)

By Kenny Katombe

GOMA, Democratic Republic of Congo (Reuters) – A U.N. brigade tasked with neutralizing armed groups in Congo has assisted the country’s army in clashes with eastern rebels on Monday, ending a brief lull in days of fighting that has killed and wounded dozens.

The violence, the most serious in months, is the first major test for the newly deployed U.N. Intervention Brigade which has an unprecedented mandate to launch military operations against M23, one of the rebels at the heart of nearly two decades of conflict.

A senior officer with the brigade told Reuters that U.N. peacekeepers were “assisting” the Congolese army in operations against M23 rebels late on Monday.

“We are supporting the army in their operations but have not ourselves engaged the rebels at this stage,” the officer said by telephone from Goma, requesting not to be identified.

The brigade has fought alongside Congo’s army several times since the latest fighting erupted on Wednesday.

The M23 rebels said they were targeted by air strikes and came under heavy weapons fire on Monday afternoon.

“As usual, we expect that ground troops will come in the wake of these bombings,” M23 said in a statement. Congo’s army said rebels had attacked first and it was retaliating.

Congolese army spokesman Colonel Olivier Hamuli said clashes were taking place at Kibati, about 11 km (7 miles) north of Goma, a city of a million people on the Rwandan border.

The rebels briefly seized Goma in November before withdrawing and committing to Ugandan-hosted peace talks. Negotiations have faltered and renewed fighting has exacerbated tensions between Rwanda and Congo.

Several shells fell in Rwanda during clashes around Goma last week, prompting Kigali to accuse Kinshasa of bombing it. Congo denied the charge and accused Rwandan troops of backing the rebels.

The cross-border accusations underscore the rebellion’s roots in a complex web of local politics and regional conflicts over ethnicity, land and minerals. Rwandan troops fought in two Congo wars but Kigali says it is not supporting the M23.


A doctor at a military hospital near Goma said he was treating those wounded in “ferocious” fighting on Saturday.

“It is very chaotic and difficult to have precise numbers, but we have had around 15 deaths so far. There have also been 150 injuries,” the doctor said, asking not to be named.

The doctor and a U.N. official said the rebels, whose positions were struck by U.N. attack helicopters on Saturday, had lost many men in the fighting.

A rebel spokesman denied those reports. “How can we continue to protect our territory while suffering the kinds of losses they are saying? It is nonsense,” said spokesman Colonel Vianney Kazarama.

The United Nations said three of its soldiers – two Tanzanians and a South African – were injured on Saturday when a shell landed near their position just north of Goma.

(Additional reporting by Pete Jones in Kinshasa and Peroshni Govender in Johannesburg; Writing by David Lewis and Bate Felix; Editing by Andrew Heavens and Mohammad Zargham)

Congo soldiers, UN forces battle M23 rebels

NICK LONG August 25, 2013
GOMA, Congo (AP) — Congolese soldiers and rebel forces suffered heavy casualties Sunday, a doctor near the front line said, as they fought for a fifth day near the city of Goma in the country’s volatile east.

Dr. Isaac Warwanamisa said he had seen 82 dead since early morning, 23 of whom were government soldiers, he said, the highest death toll reported since hostilities broke out last week.

A chaplain at the military hospital in Goma, Lea Masika, said 59 wounded were brought in on Sunday, bringing the total at the hospital to 720.

The Congolese government troops are still fighting to take a hill from where M23 can target Goma, and have advanced less than a mile (about 2 kilometers) since fighting resumed Wednesday after a three-week lull.

Congolese troops backed by U.N. forces fought the rebels for hours on Saturday. Three U.N. peacekeepers were wounded in the fighting. The U.N. mission created in March with a stronger mandate to protect civilians fired for the first time on rebel positions Thursday.

“We are using artillery, indirect fire with mortars and our aviation, and at the moment we have troops in the front line alongside (the government forces),” the U.N. force commander in Congo, Gen. Dos Santos Cruz, said.

However, there has been widespread skepticism in Congo that the intervention brigade will be a game-changing addition to the existing U.N. force, which stood by when M23 fighters briefly captured Goma late last year. And on Saturday, scores of Goma residents took to the streets in anger over a series of rocket and mortar attacks that have left at least seven civilians dead in recent days. Two other residents were killed during the demonstration, and the U.N. called for a joint investigation.

Congo accuses neighboring Rwanda of helping the rebels, charges denied by Rwanda’s government. M23’s leaders previously headed other rebel groups in the region that were backed by Rwanda. M23 is made up of hundreds of Congolese soldiers mostly from the Tutsi ethnic group who deserted the national army last year after accusing the government of failing to honor the terms of a deal signed in March 2009.

Peace talks in neighboring Uganda have repeatedly stalled, and M23 has vowed to fight back against the U.N. intervention brigade. The intervention brigade, made up of Tanzanian, South African and Malawian soldiers, is reinforcing 17,000 U.N. blue helmets already with the U.N. peacekeeping mission known as MONUSCO.

Kagame Hits Back on Kikwete’s call to negotiate

From: Judy Miriga

Good People!

FDLR controls 50 percent of the South Kivu Province but they are a mixture of both Hutu, Tutsi and Congo Rebel groups. M23 is predominantly Tutsi of the Kagame tribal group which is why, Kagame gives its full financial support and protection for Kagame’s benefit looting from Congo. Kagame is the aggressor terrorizing and killing innocent Congolese and driving them our of their land for Tutsi to occupy Congolese land, for which he has created a government within another government inside the DRC Congo for his benefit.

Kagame made M23 to be a strong voice demanding what does not belong to them in Congo.

From intelligence observation, M23 is working with FDLR to benefit Kagame. He has made it a smart business to loot from DRC Congo. This is why Kikwete requested him to talk with FDLR and stop Congolese massacre. If they are able to talk when it is business, why should they not talk when Human Rights demands, after-all, both Ribel group were created by Kagame and Museveni. Kagame created this group was fighting the Habyarimana regime, in 1980s and this part cannot be ignored. Killing Congolese children and women is not justifiable matter. Kagame must be forced to eat a humble pie……..

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson &
Executive Director for
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa

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Rwanda, Zambia agree on refugee repatriation

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Zambia agree on refugee repatriation

Rwandan refugees registering upon arrival

Rwanda and Zambia have agreed on a comprehensive strategy for former Rwandan refugees living in Zambia.

In a joint communiqué signed on Friday night following a bilateral meeting by the two governments held in Lusaka last week, the two countries reiterated the call for the two countries to establish diplomatic missions in their respective capitals for enhanced bilateral cooperation.

The Zambian delegation was led by Minister of Home Affairs Edgar Lungu while the Rwandan team was headed by that country’s Minister of Disaster Management and Refugee Affairs Seraphine Mukantabana.

These deliberations come as a follow-up to the regional assessment meeting of the global strategy on the search for durable solutions for former refugees, that was held in April in South Africa.

They also come following the effect of the cessation clause for Rwandan refugees that took effect on June 30.

The two delegations agreed that voluntary repatriation will remain open and efforts to encourage it will continue.

It was also agreed that former Rwandan refugees who wish to stay in Zambia will be facilitated by the Rwandan government in collaboration with the Zambian government.

“This is in order to facilitate processing and issuance of immigration permits in Zambia. The criteria and procedures for the eligibility to local integration will be set and published by the Zambian government,” reads the joint communiqué in part.

The communiqué further states that passport application forms for former Rwandan refugees shall be made available in Zambia through the office of the Commissioner for Refugees (COR) as the focal point for the process in Zambia.

While the focal point in Rwanda will be the Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration. Additionally, the two governments also agreed that the said forms shall be available online for downloading and submission to COR.

Since the coming into effect cessation clause, hundreds of Rwandan returnees from regional neighbours have been streaming into the country on a daily basis.

According to MIDIMAR, intense registration program is under way to provide passports for tens of thousands of Rwandans who lost refugee status on June 30 as a result of the UN cessation clause, but prefer to stay in the host countries.


Stop Paul Kagame From Destroying Rwandan and Congolese Lives


The Petition

Paul Kagame visits Said Business School at Oxford University on 18/05/13.

We the undersigned hereby affirm that continued support to the Rwandan president Paul Kagame and his country by British institutions and government are irreversibly destroying the lives of millions of Rwandans and Congolese. This sounds contrary to the Western media coverage of the politics of region and for particular reasons.

Since July 4th, 1994, when Paul Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front took power in Kigali after the genocide, they invested heavily and continue to do so in lobbying influential personalities such as Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and American investor Howard B. Buffet to portray his regime as a model of development in Africa.

But it is not rightly weighted how undemocratically his regime operates. On August 9th, 2010 the Rwandan president scored 93.4% of the votes in staged presidential elections. And this happened after assassination of politicians and journalists and imprisoning others. His regime took its criminal activities in foreign countries: United Kingdom, Tanzania, Kenya, and South Africa.

The reality is that the Rwandan government has put in place policies of killing imprisoning, and oppressing its citizens at levels never experienced in the country’s history. The claimed and drummed about development concerns only Kigali the capital and benefits less than 10% of the population. Instead the Rwandan president criminal activities have not stopped within national boundaries of his country. Since 1996 he waged wars in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo.

According to the United States Geographic Survey, Rwanda produced more than 25% of the world’s coltan in 2011 more than what their coltan deposits should be able to provide. Rwandan coltan mining relied on mines in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, some of which are in conflict areas and others not.

More than 6 millions of Congolese lives have been lost and five hundreds thousands of women girls and even men raped by militia and military groups he has been funding to help him plunder the country’s enormous mineral resources. The last of these groups is the rebel movement M23 operating in Eastern Congo and whose the ICC indicted General Bosco Ntaganda was part of.

On May 18th, 2013 the Rwandan President Paul Kagame is invited as a guest speaker at the Said Business School – University of Oxford. This might not be his last visit in the United Kingdom if the British members of parliament continue to be blind at the crimes he has been accused of by many UN reports and renowned human rights organizations including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, both in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Being at the side of the victims of the Rwandan dictator is what the undersigned would normally expect from institutions that claim universally to advocate for democracy, human rights, justice and development.

For the UK government and institutions to persist in being blind at the never ending crimes that President Paul Kagame is committing in DRC and indescribable suffering he causes to millions of his citizens would confirm complicity, which would look as criminal too.


Africa will not fold its arms amid terrorism: Kagame
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Africa will not fold its arms amid terrorism

There are numerous Rwandan troops keeping peace around the World

Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame stated in a press conference last month that terrorism is spreading within African continent and it is not advisable to continue folding arms despite such a threat.

Many people across the globe wonder why Rwanda continues to be a model in terms of peace keeping missions in different parts of the planet.

The same question will always be asked as long as the world does not yet understand the way Rwandans treat the security issues, especially with the fact that Rwanda as a nation was hurt by genocide and experienced horrifying human rights violence.

What makes Rwanda an outstanding peace keeper?

Discipline and determination are key qualities that are keeping Rwanda’s image on a high scale, and that goes down in the troops’ minds from the high commanding system. Rwanda is now praised all over the world for the role it plays in securing post-conflict regions and making an impact on the populations welfare in delivering vital services to them.

That goes round with top Rwandan militaries nominations by international organizations to head those missions. The recent nomination was when Maj. Gen Jean Bosco Kazura was appointed by the UN Secretary General to lead MINUSMA (Mali) which is the third largest UN mission with 12,000 soldiers.

Nevertheless, the Rwandans nominations cannot serve if the inside authorities don’t believe in their men and/or if they are not determined to facilitate them. The appointment of Gen. Kazura comes while another Rwandan Gen. Patrick Nyamvumba had finished his term as head of United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID).

President of Rwanda Paul Kagame is committed to help Rwandan military to be professional and useful not only in the country but also all over the world, one of many remarkable and developmental issues he deals with for Rwandans and their country.

Olivier Nduhungirehe, Rwanda’s Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, says General Kazura was appointed Force Commander of MINUSMA, “first, because of his personal competence and experience” and secondly “because of the role Rwanda has played in peacekeeping operations for the last nine years, particularly in Darfur.”

If Rwanda would not have done what was done in Darfur, Haiti, and Liberia or if Kazura would have been well facilitated to acquire professionalism and military knowledge, we would have been writing another story.

Can Rwanda send troops in Mali?

The mission led by Gen Kazura will undoubtedly play a key role in Mali’s presidential polls scheduled for July 28. This means the security has to be priority and given the terrorist groups’ experience in the region, the battle might not be easy.

One of the challenge the new Commander would face is the fact Rwanda did not deploy soldiers in Mali and that would be difficult to command the troops you have never been with before. The question repeats: is Rwanda ready to deploy in Mali?

According to the President Kagame’s words it is possible that Rwandan peacekeepers may also be deployed in the near future. In a news conference last month, President Kagame acknowledged that “There is a possibility of sending troops to Mali.” And a request had already been made, he said.

“Africa cannot, and should not, fold its arms when terrorist and criminal groups are occupying over half the territory of a Member State, carrying out the most atrocious crimes against innocent civilians and destroying monuments that are of great significance to Africa’s heritage and civilization.” Kagame stressed


Rwandan exiles warned of assassination threat by London police

Two dissidents living in London told that Rwandan government poses imminent risk to their lives

Haroon Siddique
The Guardian, Friday 20 May 2011 06.38 EDT
Rwanda’s president, Paul Kagame
Rwandan exiles warned about threats to their lives may have been targeted because of criticisms made of President Paul Kagame (above). Photograph: Emmanuel Dunand/AFP/Getty Images
The Metropolitan police have warned two Rwandan exiles living in London that they face an “imminent threat” of assassination at the hands of the Rwandan government.

The dissidents received letters within hours of one another which advised them to take extra steps to increase their safety and raised the possibility of them leaving the country, the Times reported.

“Reliable intelligence states that the Rwandan government poses an imminent threat to your life,” the warning letters read. “The threat could come in any form. You should be aware of other high-profile cases where action such as this has been conducted in the past. Conventional and unconventional means have been used.”

One of the men, Rene Mugenzi, 35, stood as a Liberal Democrat candidate for Greenwich council, in south-east London, and now runs a social enterprise which aims to help disadvantaged communities. He may have been targeted because of comments he made about the Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, in March when asked on a BBC programme about the prospect of the Arab spring uprisings spreading to his homeland. He replied that criticisms of Kagame suggested that he was “a despot who doesn’t tolerate any form of opposition; that under his leadership, Rwanda has become a dangerous place for those who publicly disagree with him or his ruling party”.

Mugenzi told the Independent: “How can it be that in Britain, a foreign government can be allowed to threaten the life of a person? Every time I go outside, I am looking over my shoulder, wondering if there is an assassin around the corner.”

The other recipient of the warning letter was Jonathan Musonera, a former officer in the army of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front. He is one of several exiled military officers behind the founding of the Rwanda National Congress, a new political party that earlier this month called on the Rwandan president to stand down “if he cannot stop killing, jailing and exiling innocent citizens”. The group recently held a meeting in London. Musonera told the Independent he was “terribly scared. We know what the Rwandan government can do.”

A Rwandan suspected of being part of the assassination threat was stopped at the Eurotunnel terminal in Folkestone, Kent, last week, according to the Times. It said the man, a naturalised Belgian aged 43, left after being questioned by police.

Western governments have praised Kagame for his efforts in transforming Rwanda since the 1994 genocide, with Britain committing £83m a year until 2015 to help rebuild the country. But political violence and suppression in Rwanda have shaken faith in Kagame.

Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, another founder member of the Rwanda National Congress and former head of Rwandan intelligence, was the subject of a failed assassination attempt in South Africa in June, last year.

The Independent reported last month that MI5 had warned the Rwandan high commissioner to London, who attended the royal wedding, to halt an alleged campaign of harassment against critics of Kagame living in the UK or face a cut in British aid.

A Rwandan government spokesman said the allegations contained within the warning letters were “without foundation. The government of Rwanda does not threaten the lives of its citizens, wherever they live,” he said. “The Metropolitan police have not approached us with evidence of these allegations but we are ready as always to work with them to ensure that nobody, be they Rwandan or not, is the victim of violence on British soil.”


Kagame speaks out on Kikwete’s call for negotiations with FDLR rebels

Rwanda President Paul Kagame. Photo/File

Rwanda President Paul Kagame. Photo/File

By EMMANUEL RUTAYISIRE, Special Correspondent

Posted Monday, June 10 2013 at 18:32
President Paul Kagame of Rwanda has described calls for the country to negotiate with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) as “utter nonsense.”
(Read: Unease in Kigali over Kikwete’s call for talks with FDLR)

Speaking on Monday at the Rwanda Military Academy (Nyakinama) in the northern part of the country where he was attending a graduation ceremony of 45 officers, President Kagame said:

“I kept quiet about this because of the contempt I have for it. I thought it was utter nonsense. Maybe it was due to ignorance but if this is an ideological problem for anyone to be thinking this way, then it better stay with those who have it.

“We will have another time to deal with this. As Rwandans, being who we are, achieving what we want to achieve for ourselves is not a myth, its real”.

The call to talk to FDLR was made by Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete at a meeting of Heads of State from the Great Lakes Region in Addis Ababa, on the sidelines of last month’s African Union Summit in Ethiopia.

Kikwete’s remarks have soured the already shaky relations between the two neighbouring countries with foreign affairs ministers from both countries issuing statements.

(Read: Dar-Kigali spat a serious matter)

Kikwete had suggested that Rwanda should consider direct talks with the FDLR rebels since the military option didn’t seem to be working.

President Kikwete also urged Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni to talk to the Allied Democratic Forces and the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda, as well as asking DR Congo’s President Joseph Kabila to talk to the M23 rebels and other forces operating in eastern Congo.

This is the first time President Kagame is personally responding to President Kikwete’s remarks even though both presidents attended the Addis Ababa meeting.

(Read: Rwanda can’t talk to FDLR; they’re stone cold killers)

Tanzania has said it is not going to apologise to Kigali over the statements.

The remarks have triggered a diplomatic row between the two countries although observers say it is a pointer to the fact that despite the cordial relationships, Presidents Kagame and Kikwete have never been friends.

The FDLR is a sensitive issue in Kigali because of the former’s role in the 1994 genocide as well as its continued security threat to Rwanda. The militia draws most of its members from the genocidaires who participated in the 1994 mass killings.

Kagame publicly threatening to hit President Kikwete.

4 juillet 2013


Kagame publicly threatening to hit President Kikwete. jeannet-300×200
She has reason to be worried

It is remarkable that the Rwandan president’s own wife has already understood the dangers of criminalizing a whole population group. In her own speech in the same event, she emphasized that criminal responsibility was individual and “every knee will have to kneel for itself”.

It has almost become a tradition in his improvised speeches to hear Rwandan president Paul Kagame spit his anger and express his contempt for Western donors and other foreigner s who do not share his peculiar ideas about governance and political freedom. He does not miss any opportunity to slam what he calls their attempts to give him lessons, while he has no lesson to receive from anybody. We have heard many insults and derogatory words, but an outright threat to “hit” the president of a sovereign neighbouring nation, this is something even those who know him for a long period would not easily had predicted. On Sunday June 30, in a speech to the “youth connect” meeting convened by the Ministry of Youth together with his wife’s own Imbuto foundation, Paul Kagame threatened Tanzanian President Kikwete in unmistakable terms that he will wait for him at the right place and hit him, in response to the latter’s suggestion that Kagame initiate talks with the armed Hutu opposition FDLR.

“And those whom you recently heard speaking for the Interahamwe and FDLR, saying that we should negotiate with them. Negotiate with them? As for me, I do not even argue about this issue because I will wait for you at the right place and I will hit you!! I really did not… I didn’t even reply to him, I never arg… uh… it is known, there is a line you can’t cross. There is a line, there is a line that should never be crossed. Not once. It’s impossible!!…”

From these words pronounced partly in his hallmark unstructured Kinyarwanda mixed with English, Kagame made clear that he is still deeply angered by the mere suggestion to engage in talks with political opponents. That is why he vowed to wait for the right opportunity to strike back at Tanzanian President. It is unheard of in world diplomacy, to see a head of state threatening to hit another head of state of a sovereign nation in time of peace.

This threat should be taken seriously. Kagame has already proven in the past that he is able to strike his adversaries and silence them. Whether fellow presidents or his own (former) trusted collaborators, his prowess in murdering those he thinks are his enemies would not shy from a comparison with L. Sulla’s famous bragging. Melchior Ndadaye, Juvénal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Laurent-Desiré Kabila are all heads of states in whose assassination he has allegedly had a hand. Théoneste Lizinde and Seth Sendashonga, are former collaborators eliminated in covert operations from afar. The last known feat in this series is the failed assassination of his former army chief of staff Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who survived a shooting in Johannesburg, South Africa. The lesser known cases of eliminated military officers who had knowledge of damaging secrets of his cruelty or could become rivals for power in the military, is no less impressive.

The grudge against Kikwete has other sources as well. Kagame’s big ego does not suffer being second to anybody. Being overshadowed by Kikwete as the most visible leader in the region is an additional source of personal resentment towards the charismatic Tanzanian President who, in less than a year, has been honoured by the official visits of the presidents of the two most powerful nations in the world. The recent attempt by Kagame, Museveni and Uhuru Kenyatta to bypass Kikwete and meet in Entebbe without him underscores a rampant feeling of discomfort at the growing strategic importance of Tanzania in the region.

Tanzania’s resolve to play its full role in restoring peace in the region has borne him many enemies among the neighbours who most benefit from the chaos they have helped perpetuate in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Uganda and Rwanda will namely be the losers if peace returns in the region because violence has long been their cover and their opportunity to loot Congolese resources. But whether they like it or not, Kagame and Kaguta will have to understand that time for peace has now come.

Kagame doesn’t seem to notice the changing circumstances however. In his self-righteousness, he said in the same speech that he was the paramount example of tolerance because he accepts to live in the same country with an ethnical group of genocidaires. He said that allowing Hutus to stay alive is the biggest political space he could think of, anywhere in the world. He urged the Hutus, even those who were not born at the time of the mass slaughters of 1994 to repent and ask forgiveness on behalf of their ethnical group (Suddenly. There are ethnical groups in Rwanda again!). He made them understand that they owed their lives to him because his soldiers would have slaughtered the entire Hutu population that he characterizes as a genocidaire ethnical group, was it not for his magnanimity that forced him to stop the RPA soldiers. In return for RPF soldiers not slaughtering all Hutus, he urges them to bear the burden of perpetual guilt, because, according to him, crimes were committed on their behalf.

It is remarkable that the Rwandan president’s own wife has already understood the dangers of criminalizing a whole population group. In her own speech in the same event, she emphasized that criminal responsibility was individual and “every knee will have to kneel for itself”. She underlined the importance of liberating the youth from the burden of event in which they did not take part. When Kagame’s own wife starts signaling that she has understood the dangers of his principal political principle (criminalizing all Hutus), the peace in the region can’t continue to be held up by just one individual.

This is what Tanzania has understood much earlier. But Kikwete also knows that those who sow chaos in order to harvest in violence will not easily give up their booty. By accepting to step in, to make his voice for peace heard, Tanzanian President Kikwete knew there was a price. It is now up to the entire population of the region (Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and obviously Tanzania) to step in and stand with President Kikwete, ensure his protection and denounce any attempt to threaten his physical integrity.

Dr Alexis Habiyaremye

Kenyan Suspects of Crime against humanity and genocide must be tried at the ICC in the Hague

From: Gordon Teti


THOSE WHO say that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto should be prosecuted in the Kenyan courts and not at the ICC must be kidding. The judgement regarding the stealing of land belonging to a victim of Post Election Violence by Ruto in 2008 is a warning shot. The judgement fell far below the standard required in a fair hearing. The Judge in reality cleared Ruto of any criminal responsibility. The 5 million that Ruto has been ordered to pay is not supported by any facts or imaginations in the court ruling and Ruto being a canning thief will buy time and in the end will not pay the victim even a penny. This was a gimmick by the Judge and the court to placate the confidence of the public to believe that the Kenyan courts are TODAY more independent of the Executive control after stealing the elections for Uhuru Kenyatta. This is balooni and total non sense. READ for DETAILS:

Kenya: Mega land scandal reported in Kericho where the DC, Chief, MPs and ex-civic leaders grabbed the land meant for the landless Talai clan

WRITES Leo Odera Omolo In Kericho Town.

A MEGA land scandal, which looked similar to the now infamous “Anglo Leasing Financial Scandal” has hit Kericho town like Tsunami. It has prompted the residents to call for the revocation of the allotment and start a fresh. This is after it has been discovered that those earmarked to be settled on the land were not given anything. But the D.C. and the Town’s chief had chosen to allocate the land for themselves.

The ex-Kericho Municipal Councilors, relatives and friends of the former MPs, and their political cronies undeservedly benefited from illegal allotment.

The residents were now up in arms appealing to the Kericho County governor Prof. Paul Kiprono Chepkwony to order for all the pieces o land which were dished out t undeserved persons revoked for fresh re-allocation.

Prof Chepkwony could not be reached for his comment as it was stated that he had travelled outside the region.

The scandal involved the peace of land parcel in the town ,which was set aside by the government to be use in settling members the landless Talai{Laibon} who returned to the region in 1962 after being force into colonial exile for 40 years by the former British Colonial rulers.

The Talai clan estimated to be numbering about 259 families have since been living in a small piece of land which belonged to the Municipal Council of Kericho in the most squalid condition.

Al l the previous KANU administration had failed to have the Talai clan settled on the land they can call their own ever since independence. But the defunct coalition government headed by he retired President Mwi Kibaki and the Prime Minister Raila Odinga had agree to have the matter solved once for all. The government negotiated with one of the multinational Tea companies operating in Kericho and Bomet Counties and secured the land which is next to the posh Tea Hotel.

The Prime Minister visited Kericho on several occasion in the company of the then Lands minister James Aggrey Orengo and it was agreed that the Talai people be settled.

Unconfirmed allegation and rumor say the DC had allocated himself five plots of 500X100 each using the names of his junior staff, mainly the local Kipsigis working in his office including Administration Policemen. The D.C.Joseph Njora has since been transferred to Makueni district in Eastern Province. All the alleged grabbed plots were sold like hot cake.

It is also being rumored that former Belgut MP Charles Keter who is now the Senator for Kericho had the lion’s share. All of his supporters and his multi-million cousin Ken Mutai were the beneficiaries. Former Kericho Mayor John Kauria, it is being alleged, to have grabbed several plots.

Most of the ex-Councilors who grabbed the plots are said to have quickly sold them and have since been seen driving sleek new cars in own.

The MP who benefited from the allocation included Magerer Lang’at [Kipkellion} and the Chief Town Duncan Bii is said to have allocate himself 12 plots.

Prior to the negotiation between he government and the Unilever Tea company, the company had already earmarked the plot toe used in establishing an aborreterum in own. The grabbers who seemed to have been in hurry moved in with the snake speed and started demarcating the land even before the el was sealed off and the land surveyed as required by the law. The grabbers went as far as breaking the beacons of the adjacent land plot and house belonging to the former director of the Brooke Bond tea Company Mzee Musa sang’.

Members of the Talai sub-clans were previously scattered in various districts whose inhabitants are the members of the larger Kalenjin ethnic groups. The had their ancestral land homes in Emngwen, Nandi County, Kericho and Bomet Counties, Baringo and Koibatek,mosty Eldama Ravine and in other regions.

But following the malicious ad falsified accusation by the colonial chiefs, white missionaries and white selrs, that they were practicing witchcraft, the Colonial administration in Kenya I the year 1934 ordered thathey be rounded up and exiled in a remote section of Gwassi Hills in South Nyanza.

Some of them were vanished in Northern Tanzania. Some of their elderly leaders were detained in Embu, Meru and Nyeri prisons where they died. Other were dispatched to Kismayu while one who was known as Arap Koilgen was detained on Mfangano island inside Lake Victoria where he died around 1956In 1961 one a diminutive Member of the Colonial Legislative Council the late Dr Taaitta Araap Toweett, who was representing the entire Kipsigis region moved a motion in the House asked the government to allow thetalai n toreturn toteir ancestral land. The motion which was supported by other MLC including Daniel T Moi, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Dr Julius Kiano,Tom Mboya and other nationalist was accepted by the colonial government.

And in the middle of the 1962 when it was only six months to the attainment of Kenya’s political independence

As political independence the journey of returning home.

The deal , however, was hurriedly and poorly negotiated and brokered with the British colonial administration and did not produce a tangible plan and program for the land on which the returnee could be settled on.

All the land previously owned by the Talai clan had been taken over by their neighbors and relatives during the many exile.

In Nndi the Talai oved nd settled in a place called Kaptel near the SDA University of East Africa {Barraton} and settle at Kapsisiywo, Other went to Cheranganyi,other to Trans-Nzoia and Uasin Gishu districts and found land for them in the settlement schemes. Others went Eldama Ravine Iand Baringo County.

Their population had grew from 2700 to about 7000 people.So aboiut 200 family remain stuck as squatters in Keicho Municipality for all these years.

This is the can of the famous freedom fighter Orkoiyioyot Koitalel Arap Samoei w hose rug-tug forces of the Nandi warriors fought he British for nine years and also prevented tem from building and completing the Mombasa-Kisumu Railways l ine. Samoei was shot and killed in 1905 after he was tricked to attend a peace meeting with the head of the British expedition forces who shot it point-blank.

The Talai before their expulsion were being accused by the colonial chiefs of practicing sorcery and preventing the population from becoming member of the churches and the youth from acquiring modern education in schools run by missionaries. Other allegations were that they were intimidating the white settlers and stopping from acquiring more land for tea plantation in Kericho, Sotik ,Nandi Hills and other areas.


Does Kagame’s game-plan demands Pres. Kikwete apologize to Kagame?

From: Judy Miriga

Good People,

I dont see why and how Kikwete should appologize to Kagame for doing the right thing or giving a good advice………

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

– – – – – – – – – – –

— On Mon, 6/3/13, mngonge wrote:
From: mngonge
Subject: Why Apologise to Rwanda?
Date: Monday, June 3, 2013, 10:03 AM


I assume the initiator of the opinion is you, one thing to remind you is that with refugees things become more complicated. Nobody is certain about Rwandees happiness in particular president Kagame, as to our warm welcome the refugees who fled to Tanzania during 1993/1994 genocide. Probably they were the wanted ones (terrorists according to their government). In most African countries anybody who goes contrary to the ruling class is a terrorist. He might be partly blaming us on this account of saving the lives of terrorists, again being a good samaritarian during the genocide does not guarantee our negative demeanour over Rwanda.

Rwanda as Rwanda is an independent country and therefore they have right to make decisions on their matters. Remember the speech made by Nelson Mandela ( a Great Man) when he was called to intervene Rwandees conflict. He said their problems (rwandees) were initiated by them and therefore they should be solved by themselves (rwandees).

Well our president has tried to give them a word of which he thought is a good advise but unfortunately they are not in favour of that advise, so why do we want to make it a MUST advise? They are well familiar with their problems let them solve their problems as Mandela insisted. I do not remember well whether Rwandees government has ever tried to intervene or given advise in any of our domestic conflicts or we just want to say that Tanzania is peaceful we do not experience any serious internal conflicts at all?. Let us spend our invaluable time in solving our own conflicts first before we cross our borders to assist rwandees

— On Mon, 6/3/13, Abdalah Hamis wrote:
From: Abdalah Hamis
Subject: Why Apologise to Rwanda?
Date: Monday, June 3, 2013, 8:25 AM

AT the height of the genocide of 1993/94 in Rwanda that left almost a million people dead, Tanzania was first-choice getaway destination for thousands of refugees from the neighbouring country.

Refugee-hosting is not an easy task; it goes with all sorts of risks and hazards, including destruction of the environment and security problems. In the midst of the refugees fleeing to our country are criminal elements who continue their evil ways while here.

Some of the incidents of crime around the refugee ‘area of activity’ in parts of Kagera Region have been linked to the ‘bad people’ among run-aways from Rwanda and Burundi.

If there is one country in the Great Lakes Region that has suffered most from the civil unrest in Rwanda, Burundi and DRC, that country is Tanzania. If there is one country that would most love to see a peaceful resolution to the conflicts in the region, that country is Tanzania.

It is for the reasons stated above that Tanzania has played a leading role in the search for peace in the region, the rest of Africa and even beyond. Within SADC, within ICGLR, within the AU and within the UN, Tanzania has always advocated for a peaceful resettlement of crises.

It is for the reasons stated above too that Tanzania has played the role of mediator in a number of countries, in addition to contributing soldiers to peacekeeping and order restoration missions in such places as Darfur and The Comoros.

Back to Rwanda. Tanzania and her north-eastern neighbour share a border, which means a lot, including cultural linkages and cross-border activities such as trade. For the record, during the colonial era, a number of people from Rwanda and Burundi crossed to Tanzania in search of employment where they were amalgamated into our society.

Tanzania is, therefore, very much justified in its desire to see peace is maintained in Rwanda and Burundi. It is for this reason that the recent remarks by President Jakaya Kikwete, calling on the authorities in Kigali to hold peace talks with the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FNLD) to end the war of 17 years are justified and valid. Why should we then apologise to Rwanda just because our president had made remarks that call on them to make peace? Funny and strange, isn’t it?

— On Mon, 6/3/13, lingson adam wrote:
From: lingson adam
Subject: Jakaya Kikwete must apologize; Rwandans say
To: “”
Date: Monday, June 3, 2013, 8:53 AM

Siku nitakaposikia Rais wa nchi yangu niipendayo hii ANAOMBA RADHI eti kwa kutoa ushauri sahihi na mzuri tu kwa Kagame…I will grieve to death!! Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi sawa, but that doesn’t disqualify us kutoa ushauri kwa jirani na rafiki zetu!

Kagame asitafute mchawi. Yes, he has done a lot to stabilize his country…but that does not remove the fact that he is greatly challenged to sustain the little that has been attained so far, post his getting out the reign be it kikatiba au hata kufa tu, he is a mortal human! Simply so! Njia moja wapo ya kuikabili changamoto hiyo ni ushauri aliotoa Rais Kikwete. Where is the hysteria from?

Kagame akiendelea na ubinafsi wa aina hii, Rwanda inaweza kurudi point zero, mara tu atakapoondoka marakani. Lakini akifanikiwa kuweka misingi mizuri, Kagame stands the possibility to make a great statesman wa great lakes region.

— On Mon, 6/3/13, ELISA MUHINGO wrote:
Subject: Jakaya Kikwete must apologize; Rwandans say
Date: Monday, June 3, 2013, 8:09 AM

Kikwete should never ever dare to apologyse.. If he does he will have to re-apologyse to Tanzanians including the then Chairman of Frontline countries and farther of this nation.

The experience Tanzania have is that the guns will never take any conflict to the end. Tanzania has suported liberation of many countries than any African state. in all instances negotiation was the last sollution.

If Rwandans don’t want to negotiate now, they will, in future. and at one time one will ask who Killed Habyarimana. The question will not be pleasant to the current regime and this should not influence the current reaction (of fear of being asked that question) during negotiations.Who is inocent of genocide/killings in Rwanda?

Look for the trueth not me.

— On Mon, 6/3/13, Charles Banda wrote:
From: Charles Banda
Subject: Jakaya Kikwete must apologize; Rwandans say
To: “Wanabidii”
Date: Monday, June 3, 2013, 2:53 AM

Genocide survivors have petitioned the UN Secretary General and U.S President over remarks made by Jakaya Kikwete, the President of the United Republic of Tanzania at the 21st African Union Summit on May 26th, 2013 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

In his remarks, Kikwete is quoted to have called upon the Rwandan government to “negotiate” with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an issue that has raised anger among the genocide survivors in and outside of Rwanda.

The FDLR rebel group is predominantly composed of members of the Interahamwe militia and the Armed Forces of Rwanda, who carried out the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and have continued to conduct killings of innocent civilians in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

During an enclosed meeting called by the UN Secretary General in Addis Ababa, Kikwete is also reported to have argued that since Kinshasa was in talks with the M23 rebels, then it was about time Kigali opened negotiations with the FDLR rebels. Kikwete also pushed argument to Uganda, stating that Uganda should do likewise with its Congo-based rebel force, Allied Democratic Forces (ADF).

In a statement, released by Alice Umutoni, Vice Coordinator of the US- based organizing committee of the 19th Commemoration of the Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda, the genocide survivors asked Kikwete to openly apologize to all survivors of the genocide in Rwanda and Rwandans in general, Congolese, Americans and many more people who have suffered from the FDLR terrorism.

The Rwandan genocide survivors also argued that Kikwete was fully aware of the atrocities committed by the FDLR in Rwanda and DR Congo, and other rebels groups in Uganda, though he went ahead to make such ridiculous remarks.

The petitioners stated that they were confident that the United States of America would not support this kind of political dealings that act as a setback to Rwanda’s efforts to ensure peace in the DRC and the region as a whole.

United States of America’s leadership has made a commitment to fight the international terrorism, and marked FDLR as a terrorist group, UN also placed a five-million-dollar bounty on handing over some Rwandan genocide perpetrators, including Sylvestre Mudacumura, the FDLR supreme commander who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes, including murder, rape, torture and attacking innocent civilians.

— On Mon, 6/3/13, Lutgard Kokulinda Kagaruki wrote:
From: Lutgard Kokulinda Kagaruki
Subject: Rwanda’s reaction to Pres. Kikwete’s statement is shochking
Date: Monday, June 3, 2013, 5:28 AM

Mjukuu Richard,

Ahsante sana kwa uchambuzi wa uhakika! Ukweli ni lazima usimame! LKK

From: kiishweko orton
Sent: Monday, June 3, 2013 11:37 AM
Subject: Rwanda’s reaction to Pres. Kikwete’s statement is shochking

My take:

There is need for clarity of conscience when discussing multinational relations.

I believe(and perhaps somehow know),that there is more than meets the eye to this whole issue, especially looking at how Rwanda opted for media as the (immediate) option to respond to President Kikwete’s suggestion at an AU meeting in Adis.

From the media releases,termed as protests from Rwanda students and a minister,it was clear that these were mitigated messages coming from a situation that was already ‘brewing'(on the Rwandan side, even prior to President Kikiwete’s comment at AU.

But at the end of the day,I believe Tanzania will play the ‘big friendly brother’ like it has always done in this region.



Sent: Sunday, June 2, 2013 8:06 PM
Subject: Rwanda’s reaction to Pres. Kikwete’s statement is shochking

Mwalimu Lwaitama, kaka yangu na pia mtani wangu, Nimejifunza mengi kuhusu watanzania wenzangu, wanahabari wenzangu na watu wa serikali. Kama ninaamini kwamba moja ongeza moja huwa ni mbili hata angesema mfalme mzalendo wa aina ghani kwamba ni tatu, nitakataa kwa sababu ukweli ninaufahamu. It’s very sad that some of the well-educated guys are trying to fall into the very same ploy like the Malawi-Tanzania diplomatic rift, which to my opinion wasn’t necessary at all. What I don’t understand is the hypocrisy that we show suddenly about DRC. We decided to deploy our forces in DRC with pomp and cheap propaganda at the time when the warring sides were in peace negotiations in Uganda under Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. After we deployed our forces, the Kinshasa regime has since ignored the peace talks because there’s no need to do it while there are foreign forces that can cover you. But at the same time we are telling Rwanda to negotiate, while we couldn’t do the same to Joseph Kabila. This indeed a very funny advice. Let Rwandans handle their affairs because even when they were killing each other we never deployed our forces to save them. We also fell into the same category of UN and AU. Rwandans know what they want and they have never asked for our advice. Let us use our energy to build this country instead of treading in cheap popularity. Julius Nyerere refused to negotiate with Iddi Amin Dada even at the time when the very same AU formerly known as OAU stood for the so called peace negotiations. We chose the guns and we warn the battle. What’s wrong if Rwanda doesn’t want to talk with FDLR, rebel faction responsible for killing about 1 million souls? Tanzania Foreign Minister says Kikwete won’t apologise to Rwanda

Posted about 1 day ago by Collins Hinamundi | 1 comment

Tanzania President Jakaya Kikwete whose Call for Peace Talks Between Rwanda And FDLR has cause the Diplomatic Spat

President Jakaya Kikwete will not apologise to Rwanda or change his stand that the Rwandan government should negotiate with rebels.

The proposal was made in good faith, Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation minister Bernard Membe told Parliament yesterday.

Mr Membe said there was no way the Head of State could apologise for saying the truth and stating a fact.

He reiterated Tanzania’s position that Rwanda had no option but to get into peace talks with rebels most of whom are fighting President Paul Kagame’s regime from Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) forests.

He said fighting the rebels unsuccessfully for 17 years necessitated the need to negotiate with them.

According to Mr Membe, Tanzania sees the presence of such rebels in the DRC forests as a setback in the region’s peace process.

“Rwanda has opposed President Kikwete’s statement but the President will not apologise because his statement was based on facts….Rwanda should take this advice….Our President cannot apologise for saying the truth,” Mr Membe said shortly after Parliament endorsed the ministry’s Sh138.36 billion budget for 2013/14 fiscal year.

During last week’s 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis Ababa, President Kikwete called on Rwanda to hold talks with Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) rebels because the military option had failed to end the war with them.

Kigali has strongly opposed the proposal, with Rwanda’s Foreign Affairs minister, Ms Louise Mushikiwabo, quoted by Radio France Internationale (RFI) as describing Mr Kikwete’s remarks as “aberrant” and “shocking”.

She told RFI on Monday that Rwanda would not consider negotiating with people who were responsible for the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis.

“Those who think that Rwanda today should sit down at the negotiating table with FDLR simply don’t know what they are talking about,” she said.

She said it was unfortunate that the rebel group had sympathisers in the region, including President Kikwete.

She urged President Kikwete to retract his comments. She told RFI that she did not expect President Kikwete to suggest that Rwanda negotiate with “known terrorists” since he had served as a Foreign Affairs minister and knows the FDLR background.

She added that Mr Kikwete could be just another sympathiser for the group whose ideology is still being fought in Rwanda and worldwide. The chairman of Rwanda’s Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr Gideon Kayinamura, is also on record as having categorically stated that suggesting negotiations with the FDLR militias was a big insult to Rwandans.

Rwandans living in the US have also petitioned President Barack Obama not to listen to such positions and continue with support to Rwanda and the region to bring FDLR criminals to justice.

The US government has already reinstated a $5 million prize on the FDLR rebel leaders, like Sylvestre Mudacumura and labelled the group as a terrorist movement in the region.

But winding up the debate for his ministry’s budget in the National Assembly yesterday, Mr Membe said Mr Kikwete had no ill-intention in the proposal he made during the 21st African Union Summit on May 26.

According to him, it was high time Rwanda considered the fact that peace was made with enemies and that negotiations could only be made with enemies and not friends.

Mr Membe also told the National Assembly that the government would consider taking to DRC eight journalists to cover the country’s peacekeeper forces in the Eastern side of the country.

“Our forces in DRC are doing a wonderful job and have been received with jubilation and we hope they will keep the spirit alive by demonstrating our values and hospitality,” he said.

Mr Membe, however, noted that there was propaganda aimed at mudslinging Tanzanian forces and thus plans were underway to send reporters under army guidance to report their activities.

“We will soon send eight reporters to DRC where they will document activities by our forces which are already there of peace restoration in the eastern part of the country,” he said.

A total of 1,283 soldiers will be sent to Congo from Tanzania to form the UN Force Intervention Brigade made up of 3,069 soldier.

Source: Citizen Tanzania

Rwanda’s incongruous response to Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete’s proposal

by mahoro
By: Professor Charles Kambanda

President Jakaya Kikwete

The Addis Ababa Peace Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of Congo signed in February of this year highlighted that the UN intervention brigade meant to take on all armed groups in DRC must be backed by a politically sustainable strategy. At the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Organization of African Unity, celebrated in Addis Ababa, the Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete underscored the necessity of talks between the governments of Rwanda, Uganda and DR Congo with the armed groups fighting these governments from Congolese territory. In particular, the Tanzanian president suggested that President Paul Kagame of Rwanda ought to hold direct talks with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda [FDLR], the Rwandan armed rebel movement operating from the Congolese provinces of North Kivus. President Kagame has adamantly rejected President Kikwete’s proposal.

The comical response from the Government of Rwanda (GoR)

Rwanda’s foreign minister and the GoR spokesperson’s response was that her government does not envisage talks with FDLR, a group her government refers to as genocidaire (a group responsible for genocide). The survivors of the Tutsi genocide associations, which are sponsored by Kagame’s government, have condemned the Tanzanian president’s proposal citing the same reason. Some of the Tutsi genocide survivors’ organizations have termed President Kikwete a ‘genocide denier’. It should be recalled that the traditional unresolved ethnic conflict (between the Hutu and Tutsi) in Rwanda is the direct cause of the 1994 crimes of international concern including genocide against the Tutsi and the 1996/99 crimes of international concern including genocide against the Hutu in Congo as documented by the UN Mapping Rapport.

Counter “genocide” accusation between the Hutu and Tutsi

The Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) is a predominately Tutsi political and military group. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) is a predominately Hutu political and military group. In 1990, RPF/A attacked the then Hutu-led government of Rwanda. The civil war between the predominately Tutsi rebels and predominately Hutu government was characterized by horrific crimes of international concern including genocide. Both sides used international crimes, including genocide, as a military and political tool; to weaken, demoralize and humiliate the ‘enemy’ as well as demonizing the ‘enemy’ for political triumph and international sympathy for ‘our’ group. Whichever side would win the war, it was clear during the Rwandan ethnic civil war that the victor would demonize the vanquished ‘enemy’. The Tutsi victors, led by Kagame, did exactly that.

The Tutsi won the civil war

RPF wasted no time; they sought and received a UN resolution condemning the “Rwandan genocide”. The UN set up an international tribunal, the ICTR in Arusha Tanzania, to hold perpetrators of Rwandan genocide accountable. For political reasons, the ICTR did not try any Tutsi perpetrator. RPF then set to ‘market’ their narrative of the “Rwandan genocide”. The Hutu, the vanquished, were labeled evil, perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide. The Tutsi were innocent victims. RPF/A made it a taboo and illegal to mention the international crimes, including genocide, RPF/A had committed against the Hutu in Rwanda and Congo. The vanquished Hutu did not give up either. They created their force, FDLR. In essence, until 2005 when Kagame divide FDLR and “repatriated” some FDLR top commanders, FDLR was to the Hutu what RPF/A was to the Tutsi. Either ethnic group needed an armed group to protect their group against extermination.

Each ethnic group (Tutsi and Hutu) has perpetrators and victims of international crimes, including genocide

No country in contemporary history has politicized and legitimized horrific crimes, including genocide, like Rwanda. Both Tutsi and Hutu have extremists who are ordinarily considered heroes for perpetrating horrendous crimes against the ‘enemy’ ethnic group on behalf of ‘our’ ethnic group. The insane ethnic ‘common consciousness’ among ordinary Hutu and Tutsi legitimizes horrible crimes, including genocide, against ‘our’ enemy. Each ethnic group has its “ethnic crusaders”. The Rwandan “ethnic crusaders”, Tutsi or Hutu, can do or say anything to sustain and market their ethnic narrative no matter how ridiculous and false their narrative might be. Rwanda’s political culture operates on the axis that the victor takes it all and their narrative becomes the oppressive law and biased story/history. Today it is the Tutsi in power and their narrative prevails. For over thirty years prior to 1994, it was the Hutu in power, their narrative prevailed.

Propaganda aside, each side has stinking criminals (devils) and innocent people (good guys). If Kagame cannot negotiate with the Hutu rebels because the Hutu rebels are accused of genocide … because the ICC indicted the leader of the Hutu rebels (FDLR) … then Kagame puts his own alleged crimes in issue.

First, Kagame and his RPF/A top commanders have been indicted by both Spanish and French courts, for crimes of international concern including terrorism and genocide against the Hutu. Second, the former International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) prosecutor concluded investigations into a significant number of the Tutsi RPF/A top commanders’ international crimes. Kagame himself was investigated for international crimes. The ICTR prosecutor was prepared to prosecute Kagame and some of his RPF/A top commanders for international crimes and ‘possibly genocide’ against the Hutu. President Bush, then Kagame’s buddy, ordered the ICC not to prosecute Kagame because that would create a diplomatic crisis between USA and Rwanda (Kagame), a “strategic” US ally in the region. Third, the United Nations Mapping Report has detailed international crimes, including, possible genocide, against the Hutu that Kagame and his troops allegedly committed in Congo against Rwandan Hutu refugees. Kagame himself is a suspect of the
same international crimes. Apparently, Kagame has no moral authority to condemn the same crimes he allegedly committed and are well documented. Kagame is praised for having stopped the Tutsi genocide. However, he allegedly perpetrated genocide against the Hutu.

Demonizing the “other” ethnic group for political survival

An ordinary Hutu or Tutsi does not recognize the ‘other’ ethnic group (Hutu or Tutsi) as legitimate and equal holder of rights and freedoms. The ethnic group leaders in power always use State apparatus to oppress and exclude the “other’ ethnic group. Kagame’s ruling ethnic clique feels insecure about the “other” ethnic group. Demonizing the oppressed ethnic group is a psychological catalyst to justify elimination and exclusion of the “wrong” ethnic group’s access to the country’s limited resources, as equal stakeholders. Kagame has successfully demonized the Hutu, the vanquished, with the “genocide” brand name. Proposing direct talks with FDLR is like “robbing” Kagame of his political survival tool. Kagame would stop at nothing to resist any call for him to talk peace with his political and ethnic foes; Hutu, Tutsi and/or Twa.

The argument that FDLR is a group of people that committed genocide is probably false

All FDLR founders and first top commanders, until around 2005, “renounced” the Hutu rebellion. They all serve in Kagame’s government now. These commanders were never prosecuted or given amnesty. Kagame insists the FDLR founders who accepted to join his government are innocent. It follows, therefore, that Kagame’s concern with FDLR is not genocide. Kagame is scared of the military capacity of FDLR which remains one of the few serious threat to his dictatorship. If the founders of FDLR and its top commanders are not guilty of genocide, how does Kagame explain that FDLR is a group of ‘genocidaires’? There is no known criminal law theory to justify the” FDLR genocidaire” theory as Kagame claims. In Kagame’s social-political paradigm, FDLR signifies a Hutu armed rebellion which threatens his monopoly of power and authority. The ICC has indicted the top FDLR commander, Gen. Mudacumura. However, Gen. Mudacumura was not indicted for genocide. If FDLR has committed genocide, as Kagame insists, why didn’t the Rwandan g
overnment hand over evidence for genocide to the ICC for Mudacumura to be indicted for genocide?

It is evident that Kagame’s “hypersensitivity” to the Tanzanian leader’s proposal is a defense mechanism, motivated by his fear for what would happen to his Tutsi clique if he is forced to share power with his political and ethnic foes.


President Kikwete’s proposal is the only meticulous way to go for sustainable peace in Congo. Kagame ought to accept direct talks with all his political opponents including the Hutu rebels (FDLR). The government of Rwanda’s hilarious response to president Kikwete’s proposal is regrettable but not surprising. Kagame’s political survival is pegged on demonizing, assassinating and imprisoning his political opponents. Genocide, an unfortunate crime Rwandans have been subjected to, has been Kagame’s major tool for oppressing and terrorizing Rwandans in general and political opponents in particular. Although some people in FDLR could have committed genocide against the Tutsi, there is no clear evidence to prove that FDLR as a group committed genocide.

In any case, Gen. Kagame is not a court of law. Kagame himself, and a significant number of people in his Tutsi clique-controlled government, are accused of horrible crimes, including genocide, against the Hutu refugees in Congo. The Tanzanian government should use its political and economic capacities to pressure Gen. Kagame into a dialogue with his political opponents including FDLR.

Source: Inyenyeri News

Tanzanian Jakaya Kikwete and Rwandan Paul Kagame Meet in Japan

by AfroAmerica Network on June 1, 2013

Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete and General Paul Kagame of Rwanda are in Japan where they are taking part in the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD V), an event held every five years since 1993. They are among the heads of state and officials from Africa invited to the event by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The event is believed to be the biggest African development event outside the continent.

Jakaya Kikwete and Shinzo Abe, at Shinzo Abe’s Official Residence in Tokyo.

The two African heads of states met, a week after the Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete urged President Paul Kagame to hold direct talks with his armed rebellion in order to bring peace in the Great Lakes region (see here). The position of the Tanzanian President has irked Rwandan leaders, to the point that Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister, Louise Mushikiwabo and Defense Minister, James Kabarebe, publicly cursed the Tanzanian President and called him a sympathizer of “genociaires”, a “genocide denier”, and other names.

“Jakaya Kikwete is a Four Bs”, Kagame tells his closest aides

It is not known whether General Paul Kagame will meet Jakaya Kikwete in a one-on-one or a mediated venue. According to sources within the Rwandan Presidency, when General Paul Kagame returned from Addis-Abeba after Jakaya Kikwete’s comments, he was livid. He called an urgent brief intelligence services meeting and told the participants that Jakaya Kikwete is a “Four Bs”, which he said in Kinyarwanda meant “an opportunist, attention seeker , arrogant and contemptible person.” Contrary to his habit, he dismissed the participants to meeting after 15 minutes and went directly to bed.

Before leaving for Japan, he once again held a meeting with his intelligence services and top military leaders and told them the following: “Now, after the betrayal by the Tanzanian Four Bs, it is clear that, like orphaned kids, we are on our own. I am traveling, and when I return I want you to present me with a plan on how we will get out of this severe situation.” When he asked whether anyone had anything to add, everyone looked down. He dismissed the meeting after a few minutes and headed to his private jet, that he rents out to the Rwandan Government.

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe vs Chinese President Xi JinPing

During the Ticad V meeting today, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has pledged ¥ 3.2 trillion or $31.9 billion for African Development. Japan is trying to catch up with China. Contrary to Shinzo Abe who has never visited Africa since he took office in December 2012, Chinese President Xi JinPing has already visited three countries: South Africa, Congo, and Tanzania.

President Xi JinPing also pledged $20 billion in loans over the next two years and China built the African Union Headquarters in Addid Ababa, Ethiopia, valued at $200 million

The conference is being held in Yokohama City and will last three days. The Tanzanian President is expected in Dar-Es-Salaam on Sunday evening June 2, 2013. Upon his return, he will be faced with two pressing matters: addressing the contempt of his small neighbor, the Rwandan General Paul Kagame and start preparing for the visit of the most powerful man in the World, US President Barack Obama.

Jaka Kikwete, the Star of TICAD V

Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete was a star at the Ticad V. He and South African President Jacob Zuma were received with the highest honors by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. He was the first to be received at the Prime Minister ‘s official residence in Tokyo on May 30, 2013.

Courageous Congolese and Rwandans dent Kagame’s image at Oxford!
Posted on May 20, 2013 | Leave a comment
BK Kumbi

Leaflet distributed at Oxford University on Saturday 18th May 2013

“…if we must die, we want to get there standing up, albeit with eggs or water bottles as sole weapons.”

What happened at Oxford on Saturday 18th May should be read in the light of the mobilization that began on the internet to sign the petition against the Rwandan president’s visit to the Said Business School. It is only logical. More than 5000 people from around the world decided to say that crime cannot forever be praised and rewarded.

Paul Kagame is a ”genocidaire.”

Paul Kagame is a looter.
Paul Kagame is a liar.

Indeed his role in the tragedy of the Great Lakes is insignificant in the sense that he is only the armed delivery boy of the western countries that are the United States, Britain, Belgium or Germany. Yet, telling him that we will not give up until justice is done, that is saying to these powers: we know.

To exist means to resist; and that is what our brothers and sisters did on Saturday. They resisted the banality of evil while the mindless individuals are proud to be objective allies of a system that makes war to the world and Africans.

Stop believing through those that the inhuman imperialism gives “honor” or preferred platforms, that you have ceased to look like slaves in front of them. You are all most now useful but tomorrow when it comes to building a completely white world, you will only be part of the bandwagon.

It would be foolishness to believe that what is happening today in Africa is exempt of racism. What is going on in our motherland is just a consequence of a white supremacist ideology that decreed one day that we were not humans.

The savagery of our beings is continuously and endlessly staged in pictures, on TVs: we are holding weapons, we are launching missiles, we are raping women and children, and we are dismembering our fellow men. Those who arm us, and de-humanize us, sit quietly in their lounges in Washington, London and Brussels. Those who kill us have no qualms about that because they are above good and evil, despise human life, and scorn black humanity.

Kagame is part of this scenery, he is this alienated Negro who believes or pretends to believe, that he is independent because he has a gun in his hands. In the midst of this expression of barbarism identified as black, women and men rose yesterday to say NO: we are humans too.

We derive our revolt from that humanity, it is from it that we draw our courage to stand up and face intimidation, insults, and death. We can disagree on the form and expression of such revolt, but it would be dishonest to question the courage which guides it.

Our steps may be hesitant and sometimes badly assured but the determination is taking shape and that is from these types of actions that it will strengthen us to finally shine and announce ultimate victory.

Yes, we are African women and men who understand that for each Congolese, each Rwandan, each Malian, and each Libyan who is killed, it is Africa that is murdered. In front of this danger, and if we must die, we want to get there standing up, albeit with eggs or water bottles as sole weapons.

Kumbi is a Congolese historian and activist writing for the organization Don’t Be Blind This Time. This is a citizen movement informing people about the situation occurring in DR. Congo. Its objective is to support actions that help the Congolese establish a lasting peace and live with dignity.
How DR Congo conflict could ignite regional war

Un GR de Kabila tira sur une foule de partisans de l’opposition a kinshasa.
By Andrew M. Mwenda / The Independent

The likely implications of Ntaganda’s flight

On Monday March 18, former leader of the Congolese rebel movement CNDP, Gen. Bosco Ntaganda, appeared unexpectedly at the United States embassy in Kigali to hand himself over to the Americans. He was smarting from a military defeat at the hands his erstwhile ally and now rival, Sultan Makenga, who heads the M23 rebel movement in eastern DRC.

After walking through Virunga National Park that covers the border areas of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda, he drove to Kigali most likely from Ruhengeri unnoticed by Rwanda’s security forces. Rwandan officials were taken by surprised when they heard from the Americans about Ntaganda’s appearance in their capital seeking extradition to The Hague where he is wanted for war crimes.

The previous day, March 17, the ramp of Ntaganda’s defeated army had entered Rwanda seeking refugee alongside their political leader Jean Marie Runiga. Rwanda placed Runiga under house arrest as it prepared to hand over the 700 combatants with him over to the UN as refugees.

The recent flare-up in the fighting in Congo has taken the international community by surprise as well. For more than a year, the international community bought tall tales by the UN “panel of experts” that there was no rebellion in Congo but a Rwandan invasion of the country. The M23 was seen as a Rwanda proxy and American and European journalists wrote stories of how its troops were actually from the Rwandan army. Thus, when M23 broke into rival factions and began a ferocious internal fight, the international media went speechless. They could not reasonably claim that this was a fight among different battalions of the Rwandan army.

Regional confusion

The internal fighting within M23 has also thrown the regional efforts to end that conflict in confusion. At the beginning of March, Presidents Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola and Jacob Zuma of South Africa had a meeting in Luanda, Angola. During the meeting, Zuma and Kabila argued that SADC should move its forces to fight the M23 rebels. Zuma, sources say, is convinced that M23 is the disguised hand of Rwanda. But Dos Santos objected saying that he knows the problem of DRC is more than Rwanda and M23. It has a lot to do with internal problems in Congo.

“Comrades,” Dos Santos reportedly told his colleagues, “even us [Angola] have many problems emanating from DRC. Many guns are being trafficked from DRC into our country. Criminals and potential terrorists are crossing as well. So it would be wrong to say that the M23 problem is caused by Rwanda. Kigali may have contributed to it but it is not the source of the problem. The root cause is the inability of Kinshasa to govern most of its territory.”

Dos Santos advised that rather than send forces to fight rebels inside DRC, SADC should help Kinshasa find a negotiated settlement with them – “in order to achieve internal social integration.” He said Luanda has been deeply involved in the problems of Congo for nearly 40 years and most of this time as a victim. This time, he added, Angola will not contribute troops to fight Kinshasa’s wars – a solution he said cannot work.

“But if you comrades feel strongly that we intervene militarily we must,” he added perhaps sensing unease on their faces, “then in the spirit of SADC Angola will contribute money but not troops to that effort. And I would advise that all of us help our young brother here find a political, not a military solution.”

Sources close to Luanda say that Dos Santos held his position firmly even in the face of pressure from Zuma as Kabila watched in silent wonderment. Finally, and in spite of his advice, SADC went ahead to recommend deployment of troops inside DRC to fight “wrong elements” (read M23). The countries to contribute to this force are South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique. This is a potentially explosive decision.

Presidents Zuma and Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania, informed sources say, do not see eye-to eye with President Paul Kagame of Rwanda on DRC. Kikwete’s vision is reportedly blurred by internal failures of his government. Under him, Tanzania has seen unprecedented corruption and failure to deliver basic services to the people. The situation is not helped when he is constantly reminded of Kagame’s success in the little neighbor, Rwanda.

Zuma and Kagame’s relations meanwhile are not good either. First, the South African president has been under the influence of Bill Masetera, a former intelligence chief under Thabo Mbeki and close friend and ally of Rwandan dissident generals Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegyeya. To make matters worse, in a meeting of AU in Addis Ababa in 2011, Kagame is said to have directly interrupted Zuma’s speech in defense of then Libyan leader Muammar Gadaffi by saying he had seen “money bags been moving around” to pay off various heads of state to support Gadaffi. Zuma did not take this accusation lightly and it added insult to injury.

It is in this context that two of the three countries sending troops to DRC have an axe to grind with the country accused of sponsoring a rebellion. Regional military experts say that the South African army may be good in equipment and training but is weak in experience. This is even more pronounced when it comes to fighting a counter insurgency in a country that is densely forested, with a bad terrain, and speaking a language alien to the South Africans. The Tanzanian army, on the other hand, while well trained but not-so-well equipped has not seen action in 30 years. Secondly, the TPDF has never fought a counter insurgency.

“The South Africans and Tanzanians are preparing to deploy in DRC with a lot of enthusiasm and confidence of success against M23,” a well placed regional expert on regional security told The Independent on condition of anonymity, “But they are underestimating the capabilities of M23. These people have been fighting in the jungles of eastern DRC for over 18 years and know every nook and cranny of their area. They have also accumulated considerable experience. So, mark my words: They are not going to be a walkover as the South Africans and Tanzanians would like the think.”

Therefore, experts say that the likelihood that the Tanzanians and South Africans may get badly clobbered by M23 is very high. And if this happens: then what?

“It is very possible the Tanzanians and South Africans will not believe that they have been beaten by M23,” the expert told The Independent, “They are likely to suspect it is Rwanda fighting them. And if this is the case, and depending on the level of humiliation that may be inflicted on them, they, especially Tanzania, may decide to attack Rwanda in retaliation. Then you will have an international war – the unexpected outcome of an ill-thought out intervention in Congo.”

Internal M23 fight

Or may be not. For the last two weeks as the armies of Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania trained and prepared to deploy in DRC, M23 began a ferocious internal war against itself. The forces of Makenga began pitched battles with the forces commanded by Ntaganda.

In the murky jungles of rebel infested DRC, it should not surprise anyone that Ntaganda is resurfacing at this point. Informed sources say, Runiga, has in fact been an Ntaganda stooge all along.

M23 has for long had factions. Although M23 officially claimed that they had nothing to do with Ntaganda, he left behind a wing, also known as the Kimbelembele that paid allegiance to him led General Baudouin Ngaruye. These were always in constant but invisible friction with the the pro-Nkunda wing, the Kifuafua led by Sultani Makenga.

Sources on the ground say the intra-M23 battles have been ferocious, brutal and bloody – worse in their sheer mercilessness compared to anything Congolese have seen in battles against Kinshasa – a family feud turned nasty.

Last week, Ntaganda matched his forces from Runyoni and attacked Makenga’s camp at Cyanzu. He also attacked Makenga’s troops in Rumangabo where the main M23 armories are. This forced Makenga to call upon two of his forward battalions north of Goma in the area of Kirimanyoka to come and reinforce Rumangabo. He also called his forces based around Rucuru to come reinforce Cyanzu. This withdraw by these battalions from these towns led the FDLR, the forces of the former Rwandan army that committed genocide in 1994, to occupy all the areas near Rucuru and Rugari. The FDLR in the presence of MUNSCO later handed over Rucuru and Kiwanja to the Congolese army.

However, having repelled the Ntaganda attack, Makenga now moved his forces and encircled Rucuru until he forced them to withdraw before he could annihilate them. The Congolese obliged – showing that even when M23 is fighting itself, the Congolese army is unable to take advantage of the situation and make counter offensives that can stand.

The new developments have thrown the international community, its activist arm led by human rights organizations, and its propaganda arm led by the international press, into disarray. For a long time, the international community refused to recognise M23 as a domestic Congolese problem with grievances against Kinshasa. Instead, they insisted M23 was actually the Rwandan army itself. Tall tales of large movements of troops crossing the border from Rwanda into DRC were relayed to the world. Added to this were allegations that large quantities of arms and ammunition were being transported from Kigali to Goma to support the operation.

Shock and shame

A report by a UN “panel of experts” that many informed people saw as little more than a shoddy and poorly written work of fiction was given Biblical status.

The belief that M23 was the hidden work of Kigali was so widespread that obvious facts were ignored. Even when Kabila fired his chief of staff for selling arms to the rebels, the human rights community and its propaganda arm, the international press, refused to report the matter as it would have undermined the credibility of their claim that it was the Rwandan army fighting in DRC and supplying itself the weapons. So powerful was the desire to find Rwanda guilty that nearly every international donor began cutting aid to Rwanda.

The fighting among the different factions of the M23 has taken the entire UN system, its human rights allies and the international press by shock and surprise. Without Rwanda to play the role of villain, the triumvirate is now confused. With tens of thousands getting displaced, thousands of refugees flocking into Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, with hundreds dead anddying, there is only a murmur in the international press about the evolving humanitarian crisis in eastern DRC. The problem is that the international community has no one to blame this time.

Informed sources say the current feud within the ranks of M23 is both unfortunate and sad given that Tutsi citizens of DRC face an existential threat from Kinshasa. The leaders of Congo have been openly calling upon different communities in the eastern region to exterminate all Tutsi in that region. Therefore, M23 emerged with strong and legitimate grievances, which the international community through the UN sought to suppress by shifting the blame from Kinshasa to Kigali.

However, from the beginning, this newspaper reported that Kigali was anxious and uncomfortable with M23. Although it shared their legitimate fears, strategists in Kigali felt that Congolese Tutsi are too undisciplined to work with. Sources close to Kagame have always said the president thinks the leadership of Kinshasa and the rebels are all ideologically bankrupt. He has also said this in an open address to the Rwandan parliament. Given his strong views on this matter, it was unlikely that Kagame was the man to throw in his lot with M23.

Besides, Rwanda is aware that although it can influence M23, it does not have control over it. For example, one of the factors behind the current infighting in the rebel group is clan politics and rivalries. Ntaganda is from the Bagogwe clan alongside Baudouin Ngaruye. Meanwhile Makenga is also from the same Bagogwe clan but grew up in Rucuru among Banyejomba clan of former CNDP leader, Laurent Nkunda. Ntaganda has always seen himself as a rival to Nkunda and enjoys large support among the Bagogwe. This meant that Makenga could never rival him for support in the clan which made him court the Banyejomba. Ntaganda has since used his identity to wrestle control from Makenga.

Signs of that M23 would have a fight have always been there. Makenga and Ntaganda have never been friends. When Makenga began M23, he made it clear he had no intention to protect Ntaganda from the International Criminal Court in The Hague. In fact, at the time M23 was formed, Ntaganda who had moved through the Virunga Park was close to Makenga forces. They ignored him. Knowledgeable sources say that among Makenga’s troops were many officers and soldiers who had previously been under Ntaganda’s command and therefore loyal to him. Makenga needed time to consolidate his position.

However, the turning point in M23 came when Runiga became president of the movement. His first action was to negotiate an alliance with Ntaganda. Sources say that Runiga, who is not a Congolese Rwandese but a Mushi, saw that Ntaganda had a following among the M23 troops and had a lot of money and is backed by a strong clan. Makenga, on the other hand, had made Runiga president because as a Mushi and a bishop, he had the stature and following that would expand the political base and appeal of M23 among other Congolese communities. He is well spoken, educated and therefore presentable.

However, when M23 took Goma, the region asked him to leave. In fact Museveni invited Makenga to Kampala where he formally told him that if he needs help from the regional leaders to present his grievances, he needs to withdraw from Goma. Makenga agreed. However, Runiga did not want to leave Goma because he thought it was giving them great political leverage. He called a press conference and put forth a set of political conditions before they could withdraw. He had not consulted Makenga who interpreted it as the hidden voice of Ntaganda.

This was the first and major disagreement between Runiga and Makenga. Runiga was now challenging Makenga claiming he was the supreme political leader. He also promoted Col. Baudoin Ngaruye (now in a refugee camp in Giseyi) to Brigadier General – the same rank as Makenga. Nyaruye is very close to Ntaganda. Makenga saw this as Ntaganda taking over M23.

When Makenga returned from Kampala, he wanted to arrest Runiga. However, after a lot of political negotiations he abandoned the idea. But the battle-lines had been drawn and it was only time before the two sides would flex muscles in eastern Congo.

The specific point of departure between Runiga and Makenga emerged from the direction of negotiations in Kampala.

Makenga, sources say, felt the negotiations should be narrowed down to focus on breaches of the 2009 agreement that led to the M23 rebellion. He focused on ethnic persecution and attracted other ethnic groups to his agenda.

Runiga, as a politician wanted to broaden the demands to governance. He saw that the broader platform would attract more support among non-Rwandan Congolese who feel oppressed by Kinshasa.

These inter and intra clan and factional rivalries meant that Rwanda could not actively support any of the groups in eastern Congo except at the price of being dragged into what was potential chaos.

Courting Museveni

Therefore, from the beginning of this conflict, and if the international community was genuinely committed to solving the problems of DRC, it needed Rwanda’s aid. However, ignorance and prejudice combined with self-interest to push the international community into isolating Rwanda. Without Kigali to cajole and threaten M23, the Tutsi insurgents in DRC were a time bomb.

Meanwhile Kinshasa was always only happy to find an international scapegoat for its own internal failures and Rwanda was a perfect one. However, Kinshasa knew all too well the domestic dynamics – and therefore Kabila kept direct personal contact with both Ntaganda and Makenga, calling each one of them by phone regularly.

Sources say that through this interaction, Kabila was able to skillfully exploit historical animosities between the two men and their clans – trying to woo both by bad mouthing the other. Congolese intelligence may be corrupt and incompetent in almost everything under the sun but it is efficient in one thing – spreading rumours. Thus, sources say, Congolese intelligence led each side (Makenga and Ntaganda) to believe that the other was working with Kinshasa to clinch a deal behind the other’s back. This increased internal suspicions, which fed into historical clan rivalries. However, what Congo lacks in military and political capacity it may achieve in diplomacy.

Since 2011, when relations between Uganda and Rwanda significantly improved significantly, President Museveni and Kagame have been viewed as natural allies. Museveni is the lead mediator on the conflict in Congo. As new alliances are forged, it appears Rwanda’s enemies might want isolate Kagame even from Museveni.

There is a risk if some parties play on their previous animosities to draw the two leaders apart by taking positions that may favour Kampala but hurt Kigali.

When Museveni lost his father, Kagame was expected to fly to Uganda for the funeral. He did not and sent condolences sparking speculation.

Meanwhile, Kikwete flew directly from Addis Ababa to Rwakitura to attend the funeral. Later Kabila flew from Addis Ababa as well to Kinshasa before flying to Rwakitura to lay a wreath on Mzee Amos’ Kaguta’s grave, apparently, sources claim, on the instigation of Kikwete. In the end, observers say, the big security picture in the region could be decided by small matters such as these.

RWANDA-USA:UNSC Press Statement on Surrender of Bosco Ntaganda to ICC

Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York.

The following statement to the press was issued today by Security Council President Vitaly Churkin (Russian Federation): The members of the Security Council welcomed the surrender of Bosco Ntaganda to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands, on 22 March 2013.

The members of the Security Council paid tribute to all victims of serious crimes of international concern in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They expressed their appreciation to the Governments of Rwanda, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as to the International Criminal Court, for facilitating the surrender of Mr. Ntaganda to the International Criminal Court. They emphasized that their cooperation was essential in order to bring Mr. Ntaganda to justice.

The members of the Security Council view Mr. Ntaganda’s surrender to the International Criminal Court as a positive step for international criminal justice as well as towards the restoration of peace and security in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The members of the Security Council remain deeply concerned about abuses and violations of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and recall that those responsible for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, as well as for violence against children and acts of sexual and gender-based violence, must be held accountable.

They recalled that Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) Commander Sylvestre Mudacumura is still at large in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The members of the Security Council remain deeply disturbed by the worsening security and humanitarian situation in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and reiterate their demand that the Mouvement du 23 Mars (M23), the FDLR, and all other armed groups cease immediately all forms of violence and destabilizing activities, permanently disband, and lay down their arms.

The members of the Security Council take note that hundreds of M23 combatants, including individuals designated by the Security Council, fled from the Democratic Republic of the Congo into Rwanda on 18 March, and encourage the Government of Rwanda, with the assistance of relevant United Nations and international organizations, to continue to ensure that these combatants are permanently demobilized and are dealt with according to relevant international law, including special attention to children and women among them.

They recalled Member States’ obligations under the 1533 sanctions regime, as renewed by resolution 2078 (2012).

Posted by CAMARA HANYURWA at 6:30 PM 95 comments: Links to this post

Presidents in Uganda: Jakaya Kikwete; Joseph Kabila; Paul Kagame; Yoweri Museveni

By wavuti – wavuti on August 8, 2012

L to R) Leaders of the Great Lakes Region Rwanda’s Paul Kagame, Tanzania’s Jakaya Kikwete, Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni and Democratic Republic of Congo’s Joseph Kabila attend the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) at the Commonwealth Resort Hotel Munyonyo in the capital of Kampala August 7, 2012. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged Rwanda and Great Lakes neighbours on Tuesday to stop supporting Congolese rebels as regional leaders met in Uganda to discuss ways to end the insurgency in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. (REUTERS PICTURES)

Uganda’s President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (R) meets with his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame during the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) at the Commonwealth Resort Hotel Munyonyo in the capital of Kampala August 7, 2012. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged Rwanda and Great Lakes neighbours on Tuesday to stop supporting Congolese rebels as regional leaders met in Uganda to discuss ways to end the insurgency in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. (photo: REUTERS PICTURES)

Uganda President Yoweri Museveni, right, and Democratic Republic of Congo president Joseph Kabila talk at the opening of the International Great Lakes Conference at Speke Resort Hotel in Uganda s capital city Kampala Tuesday Aug. 7, 2012. Tensions are rising between Congo and neighbor Rwanda as Congo tries to fight a rebellion in its east that it accuses Rwanda of supporting. (AP PHOTO)

Democratic Republic of Congo president Joseph Kabila, left, listens to Uganda President Museveni,right, at the opening of the International Great Lakes Conference at Speke Resort Hotel in Uganda s capital city Kampala Wednesday Aug. 7, 2012. Tensions are rising between Congo and neighbor Rwanda as Congo tries to fight a rebellion in its east that it accuses Rwanda of supporting. (AP PHOTO)

Rwanda’s Paul Kagame (L) and Tanzania’s Jakaya Kikwete (2nd L) meet with Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni (R) on August 7, 2012, at the Munyonyo Resort in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, at the start of the Great Lakes Summit. The presidents of Rwanda and DR Congo began talks today with regional leaders aiming to tackle a recent wave of unrest in eastern DR Congo and to set up a force to neutralise rebel groups there. The meeting began as US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged Rwanda and other regional nations to cut off support for rebel forces. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni is hosting the two-day summit of the 11-member International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), aimed to defuse mounting tensions between Rwanda and DR Congo, who have traded accusations of supporting each other’s rebels. (photo: GETTY IMAGES)

Welcome to Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:


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Among some Rwandans and non-Rwandans, there is a perception that Kagame’s regime is strong and that it will last for a long time. President Kagame himself, while visiting Brussels, Belgium, recently announced that nobody would remove him power by political or armed means. Yet, when Rwandans search their own history and the rise and fall Rwanda’s rulers, there are common signs and symptoms that signal the decline and eventual fall of Kagame’s regime:

1. Kagame’s regime has lost the war of ideas. Many people now wonder what motivates Paul Kagame, the leader who among others presided over RPF’s rise and capture of state power. What does he think about? What does he say? The Rwandese Patriotic Front that he led and still leads once had a powerful vision for the future: ending the problem of refugees once and for all; ending state-inspired killings and providing security for all people and their property; ensuring the protection of the fundamental rights of all Rwandan citizens; promoting democratic governance; and nurturing healing and reconciliation among Rwandans, among others. When you listen to Kagame’s speeches these days, he increasingly sounds more reactionary than progressive. His speeches are more punctuated with insults than forward-looking ideas based on current and very serious problems and challenges of Rwandans. For him and the party (RPF) he has converted into a tool to consolidate his personal power, ideas have been replaced by deception, insults, terror at home and abroad, jailing political opponents and extra-judicial killings. Kagame calls his former comrades-in-arms worthless cards ( ibigarasha), excreta ( umwanda), street boys ( mayibobo), etc. He gloats over killing Rwandan refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo. “We killed them…”, he said. To charges that he is the principal suspect in the attempted assassination of his former colleague and Chief of Staff of the Rwanda Defence Forces, Lt.Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, Kagame retorts with glee and concealed disappointment, “ it could not be us..if it was, we could not have missed him”. Such are the “ideas” of His Excellency Kagame, with very little creativity and imagination about the future, and beholden to the past.

2. In practice, Kagame’s regime has lost the war for modernizing Rwanda. The day that Kagame used RPF and the security organs to rig the 2003 and 2010 general elections, to close political space and prevent independent media and civil society to operate, was the day that the regime lost a position among modernizers in history. Modernization in our age, among other things, is based on the recognition of the fundamental rights of the people, the idea of freedom, participation of citizens as engines and beneficiaries of progress, the rule of law and institutions, and democratic governance, all of which are largely absent in today’s Rwanda. Kagame and the remnants of RPF say they have 100% support from the population, that Rwanda is on a fast trajectory to development, and that thanks to this “ exemplary performance”, aid continues to flow into Rwanda from friendly governments. Kigali’s streets are clean. Your Excellency Kagame, Rwanda is not just Kigali. While cleaning the streets of Kigali is needed it is not a
sufficient mark of modernizing Rwanda. Rwanda is like a painted graveyard, concealing the remains of too many of our dead, in every family and on each of the thousand hills. What Rwandans need is a leader who can be courageous enough to take the lead in cleaning his or her heart, so that he or she can inspire all of us Rwandans to clean our hearts, and create a common future of peace and prosperity for everyone.

3. Kagame’s regime uses killings and terror as the main weapon of survival. Under normal conditions, regimes always try to use persuasion to get consent of the governed instead of using overtly coercive means to ensure the submission of the citizens. Under pressure, Kagame’s regime has dropped all pretence. Rwanda is engulfed in pervasive fear. Rwandans talk in whispers. Some Rwandans abroad believe the long ears and arms of “big brother” Kagame have an extensive reach into their private conversations. Many Rwandans ( and interested foreigners) know the triumvirate that manages Kagame’s killing machine: Messrs Emmanuel Ndahiro, Dan Munyuza and Jack Nziza. Under them, a whole industry of deception, slander, kidnappings, extra-judicial killings, harassment and monetary inducement within and outside Rwanda has been taken to another new level. Rwanda’s diplomatic missions abroad have shed all pretensions of representing the interest of all Rwandans. Progressively they have become bastions of hatching evil schemes
against Rwandan refugees in general, and Kagame’s real or perceived opponents in particular. Rwandans now fear handshakes and sharing meals because they fear “Kagame’s poisons”. Rwandans abroad fear Kagame’s deadly security agents deployed to lure, intimidate, kidnap or assassinate. Kagame’s envoys crisscross Europe and America, using food, alcohol, money, and promise of jobs to some Rwandans. Like the Biblical Esau who traded off his rights for a plate of food from his brother Jacob, these citizens cannot yet see the danger lurking in these schemes. For Kagame’s security, you are damned if you become an accomplice, and damned if they approach you and fail to recruit you in their dirty schemes. The best thing to do is to be as far away from them as possible. Regimes that resort to such excessively brutal means as a main vehicle to maintain themselves are close to their end. All that is required is a push from enlightened and active citizens and the regime’s claim to power and authority will evaporate.

4. Kagame’s regime relies on deceptions and denials to survive. In their final days of decline and eventual fall, dictatorial regimes rely on deception and denials as a matter of policy and strategy. Adolf Hitler’s propaganda machinery often repeated the claim that if a lie is told over and over again, sooner than later people will come to believe it as truth. Kagame uses his security organs (informal and formal), RPF and government institutions as whole new industry that fabricates and recycles shameful lies, slander, deceptions and denials. Opponents are charged with corruption, genocide, throwing grenades, terrorism, genocidal ideology, divisionism, or association with FDRL. In a division of labor whose buck stops at President Kagame himself, this criminal dispensation is run by the triumvirate: Emmanuel Ndahiro, Dan Munyuza and Jack Nziza. Under this pecking order are initially intelligent and educated hirelings: Pan Butamire, Rwagatare, Joseph Bideri, Richard Rutatina, Jilles Rutaremara, Tom Ndahiro, young minds like Ntayomba and Sibo, and Kagame’s money-man, Manasse Nshuti. Every evil regime has its henchmen and sycophants. When otherwise decent and intelligent minds are driven( or even forced?) to become henchmen and sycophants, as they become louder than a whole nation’s minds (that have been silenced), a regime’s days are numbered.

5. Kagame’s regime is obsessively fearful. It is not only ordinary Rwandans who are fearful. President Kagame is paranoid. A fearful Kagame looks at every Rwandan as an enemy. He trusts no one. For many of us who have worked closely with him, the first lesson you learn is that you work within this environment that closely resembles Stalin’s court in the Soviet era. Many have been unfortunate to be his victims ( Hutu, Tutsi and Twa) simply because Kagame believes that the many enemies he easily makes will come back to hurt him too. With the mind-set of a serial killer, whose last victim creates the context for the next, he and his hirelings seem not to satisfy their appetite for more victims. With the mindset of a losing gambler, who never stops to consider the costs, and spends all his fortunes and yet loses, the regime is recklessly racing in the wrong direction, spending Rwanda’s fortunes in a lost cause. So the cycle of fear continues, and costly measures have to be undertaken. These days Kagame travels with dogs to sniff bombs everywhere he goes. He has a special army (Republican Guard) within the Rwanda Defence Forces, with privileges and resources over and above others, to protect him and his family. His planes have been fitted with anti-missile capabilities as a safeguard against possible missile attacks. Kagame fears Presidents of neighboring countries, just as they fear him as much. In the laws of the jungle that have thus far defined the politics of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region, the winner has to fear other real or imaginary contenders to power. Neighbors are feared just in case they are safe havens for such contenders. Recently a Rwandan asked me whether Kagame would accept remaining in power if it had to come with the death of three million Rwandan people. I told him that I have come to know Kagame the man as somebody with no love for Rwandan people. His obsession is for power, at any price. His secret answer would be simple: ‘let them die, they reproduce at a very fast rate, and they will replenish the dead in record time, even if this means temporarily freezing the policy on vasectomies’. Fear among Rwandans, obsessive fear from a ruler, that is the challenge. Rwanda does not need a fearful ruler. Nor does it need a fearful people. Rwanda’s heroes are not those that kill innocent Rwandans, nor only those who win the wars with bullets and bayonets. Rwanda’s heroes will be those that will help Rwandans to conquer fear, bring peace, heal and reconcile, respect the value and dignity of citizens, inspire freedom and democracy, build the rule of law and institutions, and works toward shared and sustainable prosperity.

6. Kagame’s regime is plundering the nation for Kagame. In a speech last year, Kagame stated that he does not wish to die a pauper like the late President Kayibanda. No Rwandan would like to die a pauper.. However, what is scandalous is Kagame’s misuse and plunder of RPF’s and the Government’s ( including poor people’s taxes and aid money) resources. President Kagame does not account for this wealth that he has now hidden in Europe, America and elsewhere. One day the truth will come out as to where this wealth has been hidden. Unfortunately, wealth stolen by dictators and hidden in European and American banks often ends up benefitting others, and not the poor that such dictators plunder. From Nigeria ( Abacha), Tunisia ( Ben Ali), Egypt (Mubarak), to Libya ( Quadaffi), it is a long list of offenders that President Kagame seems determined to join. Rwandans, beware!

7. Kagame’s regime increasingly shows its true colors to the international community..

Until recently, Kagame behaved like a Hollywood movie star in a script that he has written and a movie in which he is the sole actor. He must be surprised and frustrated that his fortunes have been on a decline. Once a darling of the western media, he now spares no effort in castigating them for taking a critical look at him, despite million of dollars he spends on lobbyists trying to spin his otherwise ugly story. On a visit to Belgium a couple of months ago, leaders in that country refused to meet him, responding to the outcry from Rwandans regarding human rights abuses and poor governance in Rwanda. When the DRC Mapping Report came out in October 2010, it was preceded by Kagame’s attempt to coerce the international community not to release the report. Kagame threatened to withdraw Rwandan troops from Darfur. This time the international community was firm and the report was released. A few days ago Kagame threw a tantrum ( through his Foreign Minister) complaining about France’s new Foreign Minister, Alain Juppe. Apparently it seems a French Judge is about to release a report on the plane crash that killed the late President Habyarimana, the President of Burundi , the entire crew and entourage in April 1994. These days when Kagame visits the USA he prefers stealth methods, unlike in previous times when he was announced and celebrated like a prince. Yes, his planes and the hotels he stays in are princely. In Harvard he attended class while the famous Prof. Porter taught ( apparently on the subject of competitiveness, a word that Kagame prefers dropped from his vocabulary). Otherwise his other item on his expensive itinerary that might have cost Rwandan taxpayers almost one million US dollars was a speech in Denver, Colorado. By stealth he came, in stealth he went. While aid still flows to Rwanda, many governments and international institutions are now grappling with medium to long term policy implications that stem from Kagame’s human rights and governance record.

In a recent unflattering article, Stephen Kinzer, one of Kagame’s most fervent admirers and biographer, more or less asked him:, “How do you want to be remembered, Mr, President”. Your Excellency Kagame, you may wish to take time off your busy schedule and have a moment of reflection on Kinzer’s question ( since you do not respect the opinions of Rwandans) that is the most important for you, your family, and the 11 million Rwandans.