Category Archives: Kenya

KENYA: CORRUPTION WON’T END IN KENYA AS LONG AS IT TAKES FORM OF CARTEL

from: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 2013

Corruption cannot end in Kenya because it takes form of cartel, a formal (explicit) “agreement” among competing politicians. This is a condition where you use certain ethnic communities to help you ascend to power with promise that you will award and protect them.

In economic terminology, a cartel is a formal organization of producers and manufacturers that agree to fix prices, marketing, and production, especially in an oligopolistic industry, where the number of sellers is small (usually because barriers to entry, most notably startup costs, are high) and the products being traded are usually homogenous.

In Mexico for example, Mexican narcos are using Twitter, Facebook and other online tools to run drug business campaigns, post selfies, brag about their wealth and even target rivals.

Like any burgeoning business, Mexico’s drug cartels are using the web to conduct very successful public relations campaigns that put those of their counterparts in Colombia and Myanmar in the 1980s to shame.

They advertise their activities, they conduct public relations initiatives, and they have basically turned themselves into their own media company,” Antoine Nouvet from the SecDev Foundation.

It is very difficult to prevent because cartels are often systematic, deliberate and most importantly, covert. It involves high ranking people in the government. Kenya is ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world because of cartel.

Ministry of Defence tops this year Ethics and Anti-Corruption list of most corrupt state departments because of cartel. The Immigrations Department is on the spot again because of cartel.

For as little as Sh100,000 corrupt officials are promising that anyone, even people of dubious character, can get a birth certificate, a school leaving certificate, an identification card, a driving license and a Kenyan passport.

With this type of business, is why even though Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph ole Lenku sacking of 15 senior and middle-level Immigration officers for issuing IDs to illegal immigrants, this will never end corruption in this department.

That is why terrorists, drug traffickers, bogus traders and despots fleeing from justice in their countries or other jurisdictions can easily find their way in Kenya. That is why Kenya has been a victim of terror attacks on several occasions, often orchestrated by individuals with Kenyan identification documents.

Another example and indeed shameful scenario was the shadowy Artur brothers who spread their version of terror during former President Kibaki’s government. The duo reportedly carried documents identifying them as senior police officers.

Kibaki government knew this but because the deal had a connection with high ranking officials in government he could do nothing but to allow the brothers to operate deadly business in Kenya.

That is also why the Port of Mombasa is operating under the manipulation of vicious cartels which enjoyed levels of high political patronage which has made the Jubilee government’s struggle against corruption a daunting task in vain.

The cartels were honed into shape through years of one party patronage under President Moi where tenders at the port were awarded to businessmen who had contributed to the ruling party’s awesome war chest.

Even though today panic has gripped the cartels which succeeded the Moi networks, President Uhuru cannot crackdown on them because like Moi and Kibaki, he needs ther political support.

Uhuru cannot because many of them metamorphosed into the present ones whose loyalty until the March 4 General Election was to players in Kibaki government. The cartels, which were predominantly Asian, later mutated into indigenous networks that use their proximity to State House.

The cartels do not operate alone but bring on board senior managers at the Kenya Ports Authority who handle their paperwork by influence peddling and paying off any stubborn middle level managers who are at times dismissed from their jobs if they insist on due process.

The elevation of the Managing Director Mr Gichiri Ndua to the helm was a direct result of the power play in Kibaki government to continue the business and also to conceal any dubious deals within the port authority department.

It explains how at one point during the Kanu days, one of the leaders of one of the biggest cartels who operated as President Moi’s point man in the region was appointed Executive Chairman in a shameless strategy to raise funds for the party which was then reeling under the threat of opposition pressure.

Another cartel business is in land ministry. This is where land officers, lawyers, real estate agents and brokers are duping innocent Kenyans into buying non-existent land. It is where the well-organised fraudsters use existing deed plans — documents showing location and divisions on land — to tamper with records at the Lands ministry.

The cartel is behind the runaway cases of people buying land belonging to other people. The best example is that of the Syokimau demolitions that saw Kenyans lose millions of shillings in investments that never existed.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.comFacebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.
-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

Kenya: Share Latest Siaya news

From: Judy Miriga

Good people of Siaya,

Greetings to all,

I am compelled to say that, Education, Science and Technology, job creation with Communities Co-op Partnership Development on Natural Minerals and Agricultural industrial prospects should be given 1st priority involving collective participation of the Siaya People shared fairly. This should involve both the local people and those in Diaspora to have an opportunity to engage effectively and profitably in sustainable worthy endeavor that will stimulate economic growth in diversity from marginalization and stagnation that inflicted the City 50 years down the line. We shall all be pleased and delighted that, this will give the City a facelift with improved lost glory we look forward for Siaya County, the City of the People, to generate momentum moving forward in Progressive Development and not retrogrising………

Now that elections are over, and Rasanga has extended an olive branch to his opponent, people must work in a united front irrespective of Party affiliation for a purpose of developing the region without looking back. It must be known that politics is a game of competition that are full of challenges, but those who work and engage for common good of all, focusing on peoples service delivery without short-changing or discrimination, shall win public interest in the process.

People must descern backwardness but must involve collective opinions and commit to achievements and success that bring peace and happiness to all !!!
Cheers !!!

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA

http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com/

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Kidero promises to work with leaders to develop Nyanza
PLEDGE: Nairobi Governor Evans Kidero and his Kisii counterpart James Ongwae in Ongwae’s office yesterday. Photo/BENSON NYAGESIBA South Nyanza residents yesterday blocked the Kisii-Migori highway demanding to be addressed by Nairobi Governor Evans …The Star (Kenya), 3 days ago
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AllAfrica.com

Kenya Kidero Education standards in Nyanza worrying
Kidero said it is unfortunate that the area that consistently led in terms of education 20 years ago now lags behind. “We as leaders have to get back and see where we missed something,” he said. The governor said out of the 51,000 students …Big News Network, 2 days ago

Siaya to Use Sh3.6 Million to Swear-in Rasanga
by Ricky Otieno
Nov 06, 2013 (The Star/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) –

SIAYA county government has allocated Sh3.6 million for the Friday swearing-in-ceremony of governor-elect Cornel Rasanga. Speaking to the Star on the phone yesterday, county interim Transition Authority secretary Caleb Ongoma said Sh90,000 has been set aside for transporting 360 party officials.

He said the provisional estimate is set to be reviewed after a final budget committee meeting to be held today at the county commissioner’s office. “The budget might upscale to Sh4 million depending on the resolution of both budget teams from Transition Authority and the governor’s,” Ongoma said.

He said Hon Judge Hillary Chemetei is likely to preside over the legal bit during the ceremony to be held at the Siaya Municipal Stadium. Ongoma said security has been bolstered ahead of the function. He said guests will be thoroughly screened before getting into the stadium.

“Following the recent Westgate saga we cannot take chances on security,” Ongoma said. He said former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the chairman of the Council of Governors Isaac Rutto and other governors are expected to attend the function.

After the swearing in session, guests will be invited to three separate luncheons: one at Rasanga’s home in Segere, a second at the late Amoth Owira’s home and a third at Siaya Institute of Technology.

Copyright The Star. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com).

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Propaganda cost Oduol seat

Monday, October 21, 2013 – 00:00 — BY JUSTUS OCHIENG

THE camp alied to the Siaya governor loser William Oduol has claimed propaganda orchestrated by top ODM brigade led to their defeat.

Former Alego Usonga MP Sammy Weya, who was Oduol’s chief campaigner, said ODM sustained a campaign, which depicted Oduol as a Jubilee sympathiser in a Cord-dominated region.

He said this sank well with the voters who believed the false assertions against the National Agenda Party of Kenya candidate and rejected him at the ballot.

During the campaigns, some ODM leaders said the contest between the party candidate, Cornel Rasanga, and Oduol was a race between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Cord leader Raila Odinga.

Rasanga garnered 107,737 votes against Oduol’s 64,106 while independent candidate Noah Migudo managed 1,446 votes.

Oduol conceded defeat on Thursday night at Chezz Albert Hotel in Siaya town. He thanked his supporters for standing with him in the campaigns and election.

Rasanga’s win enabled ODM to stamp its authority in Siaya, which is Raila’s home county.

The county has six constituencies, Alego Usonga, Gem, Ugenya, Ugunja, Rarieda and Bondo.

Rasanga beat Oduol in all the constituencies.

Kenya Rasanga extends olive branch
Newly sworn-in Siaya County Governor Cornel Rasanga (pictured) has promised to work with his political opponents to develop the county. Speaking after being sworn-in yesterday, Mr Rasanga said his first priority will be to reunite the people of …Big News Network, 3 days ago

Siaya boss dismisses funds report

Siaya acting governor George Okode has dismissed reports that the county is among those that have underutilised funds disbursed to them. Okode was reacting to a financial report released by the Treasury Cabinet Secretary Henry Rotich. …The Star (Kenya), last month

Speaker to act as governor for Siaya- The Star (Kenya), 2 months ago

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Kenya: What Raila did not tell you in his new book

From: Judy Miriga

Dr. Joyce,

Well, in my view, the book deserves criticism and maybe Raila may consider a Review from peoples critics. This is because he deserves to have a book in the international shelves of statesmen along those who struggled for Reform for Kenya. Although unfortunately down the line, Raila diverted course and got out of track where created more enemies and bad blood with many, mostly his own tribesmen the Luos……….this means, if any member of a Luo community fail to subscribe to Railas ways, you are doomed, you are forever an enemy, unless you kneel down to him and beg for forgivement…………for which, some of us have suffered scars and the pain of rejecting sycophancy, intimidation and freedom for justice and truth.

Quote:

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya……….and the Democratic space for Reform in Kenya. Where shall we put the likes of Tom Mboya for example, the part which have trace for real history for Kenya ???

This part is true and therefore the book is misleading to gain any credibility in the Institution of learning in the world…………

No one can succeed alone without a team. Life is all about appreciating each others efforts and give credit where credit is due……….What spoils for Raila is greed and selfishness, otherwise, he can change and Reform if he wants to. I am concerned because, lives on earth, our behavior and characters lives long after we are all gone. People shall be remembered by the good they did for others and it is up to individuals to choose how they wish to be remembered.
Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA

http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com/

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Friday, November 8, 2013
What Raila did not tell you in his new book

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles? A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”. PHOTO/FILE

By JOYCE NYAIRO

In Summary
It’s one of the best written autobiographies by a Kenyan, but the book is structured in a way that spares the writer censure over his contentious choices, argues our writer in this no-holds-barred review of The Flame of Freedom.
So Raila was never a child of material want, nor one lacking in privilege. His capacity for protest, though selfless, is nonetheless curious.
In February 2008 when Kofi Annan expressed his horror at the goings-on in the Rift Valley, which he visited, Raila coldly responded, “Clashes are not new. It is not the first time. We have seen them since 1991, and in 1997 and 2002”.
Raila’s detractors come in for unflattering description—“the bellicose Michuki”; “Patrick Shaw, a grotesque giant of a man”, “gargantuan reserve officer”; “unpredictable [George] Githii”; “the combative Nassir”; “Idi Amin…the unpredictable and murderous buffoon”—among many others. The tone is often so condescending!
Surprisingly, Raila does not recount the events of October 29, 2005 when Raphael Tuju tried to hold a rally in Kisumu in support of the Wako Draft Constitution, yet the incident mirrors closely the events of New Nyanza 1969.

By JOYCE NYAIRO

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles?

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya.

Raila’s story gives clear justification for the constitutional changes that this country finally made.

It is a must read for those who never experienced — and those who would so carelessly forget — the terror of a dictatorship where sycophancy, fear and silence reigned supreme.

A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”.

But for all the evidence that Raila mounts to prove this point, he simultaneously supplies enough information to refute the truth of his tumeonewa refrain. A few examples suffice.

GREAT OPPORTUNITIES

With his father out in the political cold, Raila was employed at the University of Nairobi, a government institution headed by Dr Josephat Karanja.

Raila’s consulting firm, Franz Schinies and Partners, got a contract to “install a liquid petroleum gas tank at [Jomo] Kenyatta’s farm in Gatundu”.

Raila and Franz registered Standard Processing Equipment Construction and Erection (Spectre), got a loan and premises from the Kenya Industrial Estates, a wholly owned government body.

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles?

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya.

Raila’s story gives clear justification for the constitutional changes that this country finally made.

It is a must read for those who never experienced — and those who would so carelessly forget — the terror of a dictatorship where sycophancy, fear and silence reigned supreme.

A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”.

But for all the evidence that Raila mounts to prove this point, he simultaneously supplies enough information to refute the truth of his tumeonewa refrain. A few examples suffice.

GREAT OPPORTUNITIES

With his father out in the political cold, Raila was employed at the University of Nairobi, a government institution headed by Dr Josephat Karanja.

Raila’s consulting firm, Franz Schinies and Partners, got a contract to “install a liquid petroleum gas tank at [Jomo] Kenyatta’s farm in Gatundu”.

Raila and Franz registered Standard Processing Equipment Construction and Erection (Spectre), got a loan and premises from the Kenya Industrial Estates, a wholly owned government body.

After his first detention Raila negotiated funding from Industrial Development Bank, another government institution.

Through Kenya Railways and the Ministry of Works, the government facilitated the testing of Spectre’s gas cylinders, leveraging their acceptance by international oil companies.

Raila says the idea of setting up a local standards body was his, driven by the challenge of getting Spectre’s LPG cylinders certified in the UK.

The Jomo government embraced the idea, appointed Raila to the position of Group Standards Manager in the newly formed Kenya Bureau of Standards.

He rose to be Deputy Director in 1978, a job he held until 1982 when the Moi government detained him over his role in the coup.

Raila served as secretary and later vice-chairman of the Nairobi Branch of Kenya Amateur Athletics Association (p.334) and he travelled abroad many times with national teams, representing Kenya.

In the Jomo years, when Jaramogi had problems servicing a foreign currency loan from TAW Leasing International for the purchase of 12 buses for his Lolwe Road Services, he obtained a shilling-based loan to pay off TAW from National Bank of Kenya then headed by Stanley Githunguri.

Dr Oburu Odinga was employed in the Ministry of Planning in the Jomo era. By 1994, he had risen to be the Provincial Planning Officer in Western.

The acquisition of the Kisumu Molasses Plant gave Raila 283 acres in Kisumu town for a well-below market rate of Sh13,100 per acre.

Maybe the Kenyatta and the Moi governments facilitated the commercial ventures of the Odingas to keep them from aspiring for high political office.

Still, the reality of all these opportunities negates the argument of government waging an all-out vendetta.

LAND QUESTION

The position of the Odingas on the land question is logically inconsistent.

In the 1950s, Jaramogi donated land for the building of Nyamira Primary and Nyamira Girls schools in Bondo.

Though Raila is vague about the exact purchase dates and the distinctions between the properties, he nonetheless mentions several tracts of land owned by Jaramogi aside from his Bondo home—150 acres at Opoda Farm, 550 acres in Tinderet purchased through an Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC) loan after independence, 700 acres at Soba River Farm and an undisclosed acreage at Great Oroba River Farm in Muhoroni.

And then there is the sketchy matter of the Lumumba Institute in Ruaraka. Jaramogi and Jomo were joint trustees.

Bildad Kaggia, Achieng’ Oneko, Pio Gama Pinto and others were board members. Funded by Russia, the institute functioned for just one year before closing in 1965, a victim of Jomo’s pro-west politics.

How did the property end up in the Odinga portfolio? Raila just says, “we still had the premises…which we rented out, though the returns were paltry”.

Raila emphasises that Jaramogi left Kanu to form KPU because he was “increasingly critical of the widespread land-grabbing that characterised the first independent Kenya government’s activities”.

But Raila’s knowledge on the land question is dogged by fundamental factual errors.

He says, “[w]ell connected families acquired land in the early 1960s through the Settlement Transfer Fund Scheme, a brainchild of Kenyatta and his cronies soon after Independence”.

No such fund existed. The Land Development and Settlement Board was established in January 1961, a precursor of the Settlement Fund Trustees (SFT) launched on June 1, 1963.

Alfred Nyairo has repeatedly demonstrated that discussions over the sale of the White Highlands commenced while Kenyatta was still restricted in Maralal.

Nyairo adds, “the first African allottees were settled at the ex-Luckhurst farm at Dundori on 27th March 1961. By Madaraka Day in 1963, 356,255 acres had been purchased on which 6,668 African farmers and their families had been settled”.

Jaramogi was in Mombasa in 1981 when he called Jomo a “land-grabber”. Though he apologised later, that comment angered Moi so much that Jaramogi was shut out of that year’s Bondo by-election, the 1983 and 1988 General Elections.

So what makes one a land-grabber? Is it the extent of the acreage, the manner of purchase, location outside your “ancestral” home, the source of the funding, the time of purchase (pre-versus post-independence) or a varied mixture of all these factors?

The Flame of Freedom gives many insights into Raila’s character.

CHILD OF PRIVILEDGE

At his birth in 1945, Jaramogi was Principal of Maseno Veterinary School, a thrifty businessman running a trading company and distributing East African Industries products all over Nyanza.

Later, Jaramogi ran a printing press, a construction company and a bus company. Raila had a choice of homes between Kisumu Town and the rural Bondo.

At 17, he was sent to high school in Germany taking a flight to Cairo from Dar es Salaam at a time when few Africans had seen a car, let alone in an aeroplane!

So Raila was never a child of material want, nor one lacking in privilege. His capacity for protest, though selfless, is nonetheless curious.

He narrates a stunning example of this reflexive defiance.

On a visit to Romania in 1968, Raila landed in Bucharest without a visa. Immigration officers allowed him to leave the airport terminal building so that he could go to a bank, cash his traveller’s cheques and return to buy a visa using US dollars.

POINTLESS LAWLESSNESS

“I walked out of the airport, now an illegal immigrant, saw people getting on a bus and joined them for an uneventful journey to town”.

Why violate the trust of an immigration officer?

Raila shows no care for the Kenyan student leaders who had gone to meet him at the airport and could not locate him.

This example of pointless lawlessness ties into another disturbing aspect of character.

In detention, Raila encountered many cruel warders and was subjected to vile brutality.

But there were also kind-hearted warders, who facilitated his communication with fellow detainees like George Anyona and with his wife, Ida.

When a smuggled letter from Ida was found, Deputy Police Commissioner Philip Kilonzo was furious to the extent of having Ida arrested and locked up.

The search for the facilitating warder landed on an innocent man, one who had never been kind to Raila. He was promptly “removed”.

Raila does not see the injustice of a man being punished for a “crime” he never committed. Instead he gloats, “I felt that ‘divine justice’ had intervened to help rid me of one of the unsympathetic askaris”.

This warped sense of justice carries over to Raila’s later defence of Mungiki.

Though Raila boldly stood up for them in 2008 offering to mediate between their leader Maina Njenga and the coalition government, he had previously displayed absolutely no compassion for the conditions of Mungiki’s making.

In February 2008 when Kofi Annan expressed his horror at the goings-on in the Rift Valley, which he visited, Raila coldly responded, “Clashes are not new. It is not the first time. We have seen them since 1991, and in 1997 and 2002”.

Anyone who would fight for the right of Mungiki to be and to assemble should first fight to eradicate the conditions of cyclical violence and forced eviction that radicalise disillusioned youth!

Raila is emphatic in stating, “I am not a tribalist”.

But the structure and style of his narrative makes it hard to believe that he does not single out Kikuyus and blame them for all of his suffering.

BLATANT MISINFORMATION

His chronology of post-election violence is deliberately blurred and elliptical, avoiding dates so that he never has to use the term “retaliatory violence”.

He gives blatant misinformation about the events in Kisumu where he claims there was no “inter-community fight”, yet Kisii and Kikuyu properties were openly torched.

Raila distorts events in Eldoret, especially the Kiambaa church inferno, for which he refuses to state the ethnic identity of the victims — yet he keeps talking of “our boys” and “our people” in reference to killings in Nairobi and Kisumu.

He understates the death toll and makes no mention of his disastrous BBC interview aired on January 17, 2008 and carried verbatim in The Nairobi Star. That interview had a catalogue of factual errors and appeared to defend the church fire.

Victims of the worst of post-poll violence, regardless of how they had voted, will be comforted to learn from Raila’s story that when lives and property were being traded as collateral to gain high political office for some, there were some wise voices who cautioned the warring factions against the anger that was welling up against politicians.

Former Mozambique president Joachim Chissano said: “Those who have lost loved ones have a spirit of hatred towards those they think are guilty of causing their suffering”.

Indeed. He doesn’t mention placards and slogans, but nothing was more damaging to Raila’s cause than the chants, “No Raila, No peace” and “No peace without justice”.

Whose justice? The one whose votes were stolen or the one with an arrow in his head presumably because votes were stolen?

Raila’s earlier account of the events preceding the 1992 election dwell on the ethnic clashes in Muhoroni and Tinderet, but never mention the purge of Kikuyus in Molo, Burnt Forest and Turbo.

Similarly, he makes no reference to the 2005 Referendum victory speech that triggered the “41 against 1” doctrine.

STRUCTURE AND STYLE

Aside from his systematic and sustained disavowal of Kikuyu suffering, Raila (sub)consciously employs a style that profiles any Kikuyu in a position of authority, for instance, “Finance’s Kikuyu editor Njehu Gatabaki”.

The same ethnic profiling is not used in references to Pius Nyamora or Philip Ochieng’ no matter how nefarious their editorial activities were.

Qualifying Asman Kamama and Samuel Pogisho as “ethnic Pokot” raises their profiles as worthy minorities but references to the Kikuyu stress their dangerous over-representation.

Interestingly, Raila never sees his own proclivity for congregating with Luos in ethnic terms—during his stint at UoN and in the organisation of the 1982 coup.

This book is structured in a way that spares Raila censure over his contentious choices. The acquisition of the Kisumu molasses factory and co-operation with Moi’s Kanu provide two apt examples.

The chapter on the acquisition of molasses is strategically sandwiched between the Ouko Inquiry and the 1992 General Election so that our shock and fears over the heinous murder of Ouko influence us to see the resuscitation of the molasses factory as a just cause.

Raila does not tell us that he acquired this factory as he took NDP to Kanu and Moi appointed him Minister for Energy.

BLURRED CHRONOLOGY

Raila employs a similar technique of blurred chronology to introduce co-operation.

He begins by tracing “Jaramogi’s ideas [which] were sound and well-intentioned”.

Before we can interrogate this statement, we are plunged into Jaramogi’s death and what is possibly the most endearing chapter in the book.

By the time Raila resumes the story of co-operation — which happened eight years after Jaramogi’s death –— we are still reeling from the profound sorrow and sympathy over the senior patriarch’s passing.

Raila’s sequence lends logic and coherence to political events that were probably never planned that way or that far back.

The (co-)author of this book, Sarah Elderkin, is incapable of writing a bad sentence. This makes for a compelling 959-page read. Typos are at a minimum — mostly of ethnic words like Shamakhokho and Kaguthi—and the editing has been thorough.

It is tempting to call this monumental work a gracious account, but Elderkin’s studied penchant for colourful invective makes such praise difficult.

Raila’s detractors come in for unflattering description—“the bellicose Michuki”; “Patrick Shaw, a grotesque giant of a man”, “gargantuan reserve officer”; “unpredictable [George] Githii”; “the combative Nassir”; “Idi Amin…the unpredictable and murderous buffoon”—among many others. The tone is often so condescending!

One looks for the engineering and football metaphors that will distinguish the telling as Raila’s. There are hardly any.

The story is dominated by Elderkin’s distinctly English—rather than Kenyan—idioms. For instance, the phrase “champing at the bit”.

But there is a more fundamental reason why Elderkin is an obtrusive biographer. Raila states at the opening that this “is a collection of memories, and memory is, of course, imperfect”.

But because he tries to capture the whole story of Kenya’s pro-democracy struggles, Raila is forced to narrate events that he could not have witnessed when he was detained on and off for close to a decade between 1982 and 1991.

MEMOIR OR AUTOBIOGRAPHY?

When does a work cease to be a memoir and become an autobiography?

A memoir allows you to operate at the level of feeling, narrating things as you remember them, perhaps about a single event or period and with no need to qualify a sentiment.

Raila does this many times, like when he relates the fall-out in Ford-Kenya by glibly saying “it remains my conviction that Wamalwa’s bodyguard and personal assistant were drafted in and also that 12 delegates …were switched”.

He borders on rumour and hearsay with the frequent “we were told”, “I had received information”.

Autobiography compels you to do the homework and give us the facts. To tell the story of Luo genealogy; of KPU’s emergence when he was studying in Germany and of events during his detention and exile years, Raila’s biographer does the research. She relies heavily on press accounts for the period 1982-1992.

Aside from these tensions between remembering and researching, this work raises an even bigger question on the politics of memory.

Memory is as much collective as it is individual. People in positions of authority—politicians, academics, and cultural workers including the media—shape and reinforce the ways in which society remembers.

Raila’s memory often fits into a well-honed collective position. His account of Jomo’s October 1969 visit to open New Nyanza Hospital in Kisumu strikes one as the familiar provincial version, different from the State’s (sub)version of that day.

Raila arrived in Kisumu from Europe via Uganda the day before Jomo’s scheduled visit. Before going to the hospital, he went to Kondele “getting a feeling of the atmosphere as the crowds awaited Kenyatta’s arrival”.

He remembers the crowds shouting the KPU slogan “dume” as Jomo waved his flywhisk and then he started hearing gunshots and screams.

By other accounts in the press, Jomo was met by “organised gangs of youth shouting ndume…stones were lobbed at the presidential dais…the presidential bodyguards opened fire …a stampede ensued and many were trampled”.

This was a defining moment of rupture from government for the people of Kisumu who lived under a dawn-to-dusk curfew and bore the pain of an official death toll of 11 that contradicted their own account of 100 dead, including children.

The event clearly shaped the discourse of exclusion and victimisation among the Luo.

Surprisingly, Raila does not recount the events of October 29, 2005 when Raphael Tuju tried to hold a rally in Kisumu in support of the Wako Draft Constitution, yet the incident mirrors closely the events of New Nyanza 1969.

Officially, four people died from gunshots, 30 were wounded.

Raila outlines the power of the Odingas in determining elections in Luo Nyanza.

Even when they have had serious doubts about the integrity of a person, as in the case of their in-law Otieno Ambala, they have never shied away from using their clout to get someone elected.

STARTLING REVELATIONS

But the more startling revelation is of the safe haven, later guerilla camp, that Raila and his father run on their Opoda Farm in 1979 when they trained the soldiers who invaded Uganda to aid Milton Obote’s return.

The clout of the Odingas in the region is seen again in Raila’s 1991 flight into exile when he escaped Moi’s dragnet by crossing over into Uganda on a boat.

Before that exile, Jaramogi too was said to have Ugandan support when he was reportedly spotted at Entebbe airport after the failed 1982 coup.

Raila refuses to discuss his role in that coup saying “[t]he full explanation of our efforts to bring about popular change will have to wait for another, freer, time in our country”.

This silence is unfortunate because there are numerous accounts from coup perpetrators who implicate Raila and Jaramogi in the funding and planning of the putsch.

A recent account taken from the statements of Joseph Ogidi Obuon was published in the Daily Nation on August 3. Ogidi said that in the planning stages, Raila had informed them that there would be “some help from neighbouring countries”.

Though Raila refuses to discuss the details, his account of his travel from Nairobi on the night of August 1 and his arrival at a vantage point on August 2 from where he confirmed that a military aircraft was parked at the Kisumu Airport, speaks volumes!

LAST WORD

The last two chapters of Raila’s story are important for two reasons.

First, they allow Raila to finish his story on a note of victory.

Second, they give us substantial details on his achievements in the Office of the Prime Minister, a worthy thing because there are many who were convinced that his was the laggardly side of mseto, a cantankerous and disagreeable union that tired the populace with its trickster narratives and cries of “I was not consulted”.

Still, it is rare to come across a biography like this one that relates no regrets, no pensive second thoughts on old choices.

Where there have been mis-steps or dodgy decisions, they are swiftly blamed on others.

A particularly amusing example is the failed cheaper maize flour scheme for those with low income. Raila says “government officials spoiled it” instead of admitting to its illogical socio-economics or, with the benefit of hindsight, debating how the scheme might have been run differently.

TAKING TOO MUCH CREDIT

It is easy to conclude that Raila takes credit for far too many things, not least the famous “Kibaki Tosha” which, truly, came at a time when Raila and his group of New Kanu rebels had nowhere else to go and no choice but to endorse a decision that Wamalwa, Kibaki and Ngilu had already arrived at.

By their very definition, autobiographies are about making the subject the centre of gravity.

Raila, therefore, dims the contributions of party leaders like Mboya, Fred Gumo, Mwai Kibaki and Ronald Ngala all of whom represented constituencies outside their ancestral homes long before Raila did so in Langata.

He diminishes the ideas of his colleagues at the Kenya Bureau of Standards; of Ufungamano and other actors in the constitution-making process, and by-passes the genius of the technocrats who turned his Lapsset, Prime-Minister’s Round Table Forum and Special Economic Zones into memorable successes.

He is a rare lecturer who has no memory of a single one of his former students and a hard-hearted friend who seems to deal too casually with the disappearance of his business partner, Franz, with whom he had a disagreement.

This is a story of courage and determination but in the end, it fills one with an overwhelming sense of pity.

The humiliation that Raila has suffered is partly in the brutality of detention, so he gives very few details of his second and third stints therein.

Understandably, there is an even more harrowing pain. You hear it in the number of times Raila reports, “[they] attacked Jaramogi”.

PRESIDENT FOR JUST ONE DAY

The weight of his father’s unfulfilled dreams is evidently on Raila’s shoulders as he leaves out the revelations of Jaramogi’s confidant, Odinge Odera, about Jaramogi’s “sulking” reaction to Moi’s ascension to the throne upon Jomo’s death in 1978.

Similarly, Raila does not recount the sad public plea Jaramogi made to Moi in Bondo shortly before his death when he asked Moi to leave him the president’s seat for just one day.

Though Raila’s book ends with a bold vision for high Pan-African ideals, it is still the story of a man (and his father) who has lit so many fires, but one who has yet to warm himself at the ultimate hearth in State House.

So I echo Obasanjo’s Foreword in saying, “I am looking forward to reading the rest of the Raila story”.

Dr Nyairo is a cultural analyst. (jnyairo@gmail.com)

KENYA: HOW URIRI D.C. PLACED HIS LIFE AT RISK OF DEATH IN THE LINE OF DUTY

From: LEO ODERA

AFTER receiving a tip from good citizens that a wanted notorious criminal thug was planning to stage a night robbery in his district, the D.C., George Lagat in the company of two armed AP decided to lay an ambush to the heavily armed thug.

The D.C and his team drove from his residence at Rapogi Centre in the evening and stopped by toad side on the Awendo-Migori road. And at around 8.30 PM the notorious criminal thug while armed with an AK47 assault rifle pulled up from Migori direction. He was riding a motorbike and carrying two of his companions. UPON SEEING THE GK vehicle parked by the roadside, the notorious criminal thug made a sharp about-turn and rode back towards Migori town. Upon seeing the D.C. and his team getting closer to him while he run on foot, the thug opened fire aimed at the group. The policemen returned the fire hitting hitting him in the abdomen. The gangster fell down in the bush and threw his gun away. He also dropped a mobile phone handset, which the police took with them for further analysis to assist them in their investigation to unearth and establish the identities the thug’s contacts and accomplices.

The notorious thug died in a hails of bullets and his two companion fled on foot an disappeared inside sugar plantation.

It was later discovered that the firearm this thug was carrying is the same which had been used in killing a police officer in Awendo town a couple of months ago. As it was in darkness the D.C. sent for reinforcement of more policemen from the nearby Awendo, Rongo and Migori police stations.

It was policemen from Migori who arrived at the scene and recognized the felled criminal as Otieno, a notorious an wanted criminal thug, who has been terrorizing business people in Migori Town and its environs where he conducted day and night raids against businessmen.

It was established that Otieno hails from Ka-min-Olewe area in Central Kanyamkago location, Uriri district in Migori County. After staging a series of night robberies in the district he relocated to Migori town when he realized that the police were looking for him.

Otieno is said to have been the leader of a gang of notorious criminals in Migori which for the past four to five years gave the police sleepless nights. His body was taken to Ma Mortuary in Migori district hospital while the police were still pursuing his two companions who had escaped.

The shootout occurred only a kilometer from Urirri Centre and the market. It was not immediately established as the destination of the slained criminal thugs. It could have been Awendo, Ranen ,Mariwa or Rapogi trading centers,

Ends

UGANDAN BUSINESSMEN WANTS THE ADMISSION OF SOUTH SUDAN INTO THE EAC BLOCKED BY COURT.

Writes Leo Odera Omolo

REPORTS emerging from the Arusha based secretariat of the EAST African Community says that top Ugandan traders operating inside the Republic of South Sudan have moved to the East African Court of Justice and filed a legal suit asking the court to block the impending admission of that country into the East African Community as its sixth member.

The newest African nation had applied to join the regional trading unit. Its application for the entry into the Eac is expected to be top on agenda for the next summit of the EAC Heads of state and government, which is scheduled for April next year.

The businessmen have cited bad governance, lack of democracy, arbitrary and illegal arrests of its members and detention, rape, maiming and confiscation of merchant goods belonging to its members and confiscation of vehicles.

The legal suit is filed by members of the Uganda Traders Association comprising mainly Ugandans who are doing business in South Sudan. The Ugandans claimed that that country does not meet the criteria and lad down the rules stipulating by the EAC Treaty for admission of its membership. Their objection is on the ground that the juba regime does not met the prerequisite condition and requirements for admission into the EAC membership.

South Sudan government, they claimed has failed the test of good governance, democracy, the rule of law, observance of human rights and social justice. They further accused the Juba regime of failing to satisfy foreign investors operating businesses and trade in that country. Their members are allegedly being killed, maimed, raped and brutally beaten up by that country’s primitive and untrained security personnel. They laid claim of approximately 4.9 US dollars owed to them by South Sudan authorities related to unpaid bill on credit line and compensation for financial losses incurred due to the said violation of universally acceptable trade deals.

However, the Ugandan Minister in-charge of the East African Community Affairs Shem Rugena blamed the traders for having rushed to court, saying that they should have forwarded their claims to the EAC Council of Ministers before fling the court cases.

Meanwhile Kenyans arriving home from South Sudan alleged that close to ten Kenyans have died in that country under very mysterious circumstances. Some of them have disappeared without trace suspected of either held in illegal detention camps of killed.

Kenyans, they claimed, expect bare faced mass deportation and are being asked to finance the cost of their deportation. This is sometime exaggerated by the police, put at Kshs 200,200. Whereas the cost of travelling from Juba to the Kenya South Sudan border posts does not exceed Kshs 30,000 . Those under arrests or placed in police custody are tortured and at the same time being asked to pay colossal amounts of money to buy their freedom.

Ends

ICC judge tells Germany that UHURU and RUTO cases were a big mistake – BENSOUDA should end the cases pronto.

From: maina ndiritu

Saturday November 9, 2013 – One of the International Criminal Court (ICC) judges has told a Berlin conference that the ICC made a big mistake when they indicted President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Deputy, William Ruto.

Speaking during a conference about Presidents on Trial and the straining relations between the ICC and the African Union on Wednesday, Judge Hans-Peter Kaul, the German judge who dissented at the pre-trial stage, expressed his dissenting voice because the crimes committed during the 2007-08 post election violence were grave crimes against the laws of Kenya, but they were not crimes against humanity.

“I was and I remain convinced that these trials are a mistake.” Judge Kaul said.

He said former ICC prosecutor, Moreno Ocampo had initially confessed that he made a few mistakes on the Kenyan cases but his successor Fatou Bensouda instead of rectifying them, she made a big mistake which has now threatened the existence of the Hague based court.

Judge Peter Kaul said President Uhuru’s trial has been deferred to February 5 2014 and Fatou Bensouda has time to reflect and drop the case or keep going.

He said the two Kenyans cases may build or destroy the credibility of the court.

The forum was attended by German Minister for Justice.


Why should we not all live in peace and harmony ? we look up the same stars , we are fellow passengers on the same planet and dwell beneath the same sky , what matters it along which road each individual endeavours to reach the ultimate truth ? the riddle of existence is too great that there should be only one road leading us to an answer *
*
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QUINTUS AURELIUS SYMMACHUS
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RUNAWAY INSECURITY IN KENYA

To: jaluo@jaluo.com
From: dick.aduonga@ . . .

RUNAWAY INSECURITY IN KENYA WORRYING

Happy Jubilee to all fellow citizens. I was recently in Kenya and just came back in the last two weeks. The country is beautiful and has made meaningful infrastructural changes. I noticed that individuals are making very concerted efforts to invest and strive to create investment and employment opportunities in the country.

However, there is a real serious issue worth of national discourse. Runaway insecurity in Kenya is worrying and leaders must act now. The security agencies are somehow complicity in the deteriorating security situation in the country. There was this case where some local thugs hacked a security guard to death at Usenge market in Bondo and the following day the police begun their investigations. But at the same time the family decided to hire the services of a sorcerer which surprised many given the fact that the police already took the case up. But then I concluded that they did this for there was lack of confidence in the police to carry out a robust and conclusive investigation that would confidently secure successful prosecution in a court of law.

It means the public have no confidence in the security agencies enforcing the law and the thugs know it. So where are the leaders who normally make a lot of noise for the wrong reasons yet on security they are unable to challenge the government to not only beef up security but to also ensure right persons are put in charge and faithfully discharge their duties without political interference from powers high above. Something must be done now and not tomorrow. God bless Kenya.

By Dickson Aduonga

Kenya: Kambas cry – ‘Spare One of our Own’

From: Maurice Oduor

At this rate, I don’t think Kenya will get anywhere with reforms. If no one that breaks the law can ever be censored or punished, then we’re doomed.

Here, it’s clear that Charity Ngilu has violated the Constitution. For once our useless parliament has decided to do the right thing by taking steps to address the situation.

What happens next?

She runs back to Ukambani for help and screams, “We Kambas are being finished !!!”.

The Kamba MPs come to her rescue with a call that “Mama Ngilu should be allowed to do her job; it’s time to set aside petty politics”

What petty politics? The lady broke the law !!! People face punishment when they break the law !!!!! That’s not petty politics !!!!

Sometimes I think I’m a character in George Orwell’s book, 1984, and that everything that is right real life is wrong but everything that is wrong in real life is right.

– - – - – - – - – -

http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/mobile/?articleID=2000097264&story_title=ukambani-mps-defend-ngilu

Human is to era, Ukambani MPs tell President Uhuru Kenyatta over Ngilu
Updated Saturday, November 9th 2013 at 13:55 GMT +3

By ONESMUS NZIOKA

MACHAKOS, KENYA: Members of Parliament from Ukambani have come to the rescue of embattled lands cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu who faces possible sacking for violating the Constitution after parliament censured her.

The MPs, during the launch of the Machakos City, petitioned President Uhuru Kenyatta to pardon Ngilu over the ‘gross misconduct’ allegations leveled against her by the parliamentarians.

“Human is to error. If Ngilu erroneously made a decision that did not please many, she should be forgiven and allowed to perform her duties. No one is an Angel,” said Mavoko MP Patrick Makau.

“Mavoko residents and all Kenyans would like to be issued with title deeds. We should allow the Cabinet Secretary to perform her duties and stop petty politics,” Makau said.

Masinga MP Itwiku Mbai besieged the President to ensure Ngilu is protected from the MPs who are baying for her blood, saying the Cabinet Secretary is being hounded for her firm stand to clean the lands ministry dogged by corruption and massive land grabbing.

“We know mama is able and should be left to go on with her duties. We want Ngilu protected,” said Mbai.

Kangundo MP Katatha Maweu urged all Kamba politicians to unite for the sake of the region’s development, saying divisive politics will continue to plunge the region in poverty.

MPs wanted Ngilu fired for unconstitutional, irregular and un-procedural acts of creating offices and making arbitrary appointments, promotions and transfers of staff in the lands ministry.

This, could be a sign that Ngilu, who has been lobbying MPs to let her off the hook is winning the fight.

KENYA: WHY UHURU MAY NOT HEED TO CUEA VC APPEAL ON ICT TAX WAIVER

from: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 2013

The Vice Chancellor of the Catholic University of Eastern Africa (CUEA) Rev Dr Pius Rutechura has made an appeal that President Uhuru Kenyatta should heed to. Rutechura has requested Uhuru to waive the Tax on ICT equipment and materials for learning institutions so as to enable the institutions run this course at lower cost and makes it more accessible.

CUEA is not only among the institutions of higher learning that value the importance of ICT but has also launched the first IBM commercial technology research facility in Africa at CUEA on November 8, 2013.

Fr Rutechura is not the first to make the appeal. Education Cabinet secretary Jacob Kaimenyi had made similar appeal to President Kenyatta to issue a directive including a tax waiver to kick-start supply of 1.3 million Class One laptops.

Prof Kaimenyi argued that it was possible for the ministry to supply about 600,000 laptops in the first term with the balance supplied by the beginning of second term next year if taxes were waived.

The laptop project is a key part of the Jubilee manifesto and is supposed to be implemented by ministries including ICT, Education and Energy which will supply power to primary schools. This cannot kick off due to heavy taxes on ICT. It means that children will not get access to laptop next year.

Government terminated the tender after the lowest bidder quoted Sh32 billion against a budget of Sh12 billion. Had taxes been waived the Government would be in position of purchasing the laptops. Click here to read: Ministry throws out all bids for supply of laptops. http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Ministry-throws-out-all-bids-for-supply-of-laptops/-/539546/2037364/-/fmowr2/-/index.html

Prof Kaimenyi said that a tax waiver would help bring down the cost of the laptops, thereby making the computers available to pupils by the first quarter of next year.

Even when Uhuru Keyatta was the Finance Minister the same issue was raised, especially with mobile communication popularity which was on the rise at the time he was the minister.

All eyes were on Kenyatta to see if he would reduce or waive taxes on airtime and mobile phones. The aim was to enable middle class Kenyans to easily get access to mobile phones.

Stakeholders had told Kenyatta that high cost of communication prohibited growth in the telecommunications sector, especially in rural areas where majority of middle class people use mobile phones for easier communications.

That time mobile phone companies were paying 10 per cent excise duty and 16 per cent VAT on air time. Kenyatta did not consider this in his 2009/2010 budget and up to now mobile phone communications have become the most expensive commodities to use in Kenya.

Since then the custom duty on mobile phones and accessories has also seen prices of handsets remain high and out of reach for some Kenyans, especially in rural areas.

If taxes were to be waived ordinary Kenyans would find mobile phones affordable and this would empower them in carrying out their activities, including small scale business that use internet to search for cheaper commodities.

For many people in Kenya, including students, their first Internet experience will be with a mobile device as laptops and PCs are too costly or impractical. Most students use internet for their research works.

Currently the Internet penetration in Kenya is about 33.6 per cent. It explains why the high cost of mobile phones is also partly to blame for the increased shipping of counterfeits cell phones to the country.

Kenyatta could not waive taxes because the high budget the government was using to run its affairs. For example the total cost of the President Kibaki’s household and the press service was Ksh888.5 million.

The cost of maintaining the official residences of President Kibaki (6 State Lodges and State House Nairobi) was Ksh823 million. The President’s Press Unit (comprising 37 staff) was Ksh65 million. The President had 388 staff employed in all the State residences and the use of 149 cars.

The total cost of the Vice-President Kalonso Musyioka’s household and the press service was Ksh230.7 million. The Vice-President’s household and press unit was costing the Kenyan taxpayer Ksh185.3 million.

The amount provided did not include the VP’s house allowance of Ksh2.4 million (Ksh200,000 per month). The Vice President’s household has an annual budget of Ksh4.3 million for hospitality – about Ksh358 000 per month.

Over Ksh30 million was budgeted for rent under the VP’s Household budget line. The household could consume Ksh14 million per year on fuel and stay within budget, while also spending Ksh11 million on routine maintenance of vehicles, and a further Ksh6.5 million on maintenance of other assets in the households.

Over Ksh75 million had been allocated to the VP’s household for domestic and foreign travel. The Vice President’s official household comprised of 57 staff and there were 12 cars.

The total cost of the Prime Minister’s household and the press service is Ksh110.6 million. The Prime Minister’s household and catering budget Ksh36.9 million annually. This included Ksh5 million for utilities-water and electricity, Ksh1.2 million for advertising, Ksh26.5 million for hospitality and Ksh2.2 million for purchase of household furniture.

Additionally, the Prime Minister had a house allowance of 4.8 million in one financial year (about Ksh400,000 per month). The Prime Minister also had a dedicated press unit whose budget was Ksh68.9 million per annum.
This explains partly why the Jubilee government is walking a tight rope of balancing between delivering its ambitious election pledges and prioritizing economic demands for national development, as stipulated in the Constitution.

Uhuru’s plan to abolishing maternity charges at all public hospitals and access fees at dispensaries and health centers cannot work effectively because the government has no enough money.

It explains further why Uhuru’s immediate option is to re-introduce the Value Added Tax (VAT) Bill. VAT is expected to bring immediate short-term revenue of Ksh11 billion to make government affairs run effectively.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.comFacebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.
-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

KENYA: WHEN TYRANNY OF NUMBERS FAILED TO WORK IN FAVOUR OF NGILU

From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 2013

Moses from Kilgoris, Kenya writes: “Omolo Beste you have really mastered Kenyan politics. In your article entitled, will arrogance of mama Ngilu save her this time? You said that even though in Kenya democracy is defined in terms of numbers, the fact that Ngilu has fallen out with sections of Jubilee leadership, she may not get enough number to defend her.

The fall out came about after Ngilu accused some Jubilee leaders of betrayal and plotting her downfall. This did not go very well, particularly with the leader of majority in parliament, Aden Duale, the one Uhuru listens than any other Jubilee member.

You also mentioned that because of that fall out with Jubilee, Ngilu’s effort to corrupt her way by meeting the President and Deputy separately to state her case was not fruitful either. This is after Uhuru and Ruto also met officials from the PSC led by chair Margaret Kobia and NLC led by Chair Muhamad Swazuri to independently verify the claims against her.

Your conclusion was categorical, the because of this loop hole Members of Parliament would definitely adopt a parliamentary report touching on the conduct of Cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu at the Lands ministry and this time along Ngilu must be shown the door”.

Thank you Moses for raising this issue-tyranny of numbers still exist in Kenyan politics, that is why, even though the amendment was introduced by Ugunja MP Opiyo Wandai and Busia County MP Florence Mwikali Mutua who urged the House to overcome political, tribal and regional interests and punish impunity, in the case of Ngilu is not.

It is not because the Jubilee MPs united with CORD to adopt parliamentary report touching on the conduct of Ngilu at the Lands ministry due to fall out and not because they want to end tribal and regional interests and punish impunity.

Tyranny of numbers is used according to the interest. Jubilee MPs used it to pass controversial media bill because it exposed them demanding that their salaries must be increased. Media exposed how MPs are compared with pigs because they are greedy.

The demand for salaries increments was spearheaded by Jubilee leader of majority Aden Duale. Before the bill they were to hurriedly pass another bill which barred media from parliament.

Another reason is because of Mohamed Ali Jicho Pevu exposure of how KDF looted from Westgate shopping mall. This is after the Jubilee had categorically denied that no soldier looted- also the exposure of white widow terrorist who has been staying in Kenya for almost 8 months without security agents noticing, just to mention a few.

The contentious Media Bill seeks to impose strict controls on radio and TV broadcasts and huge fines against journalists and media houses that violate the government’s set code of conduct.

Then came the VAT Act 2013 that was passed by Jubilee legislators against the wishes of most Kenyans- Then the removal of Kenya from Rome Statute because the ICC cases are involving President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto.

The move by Jubilee Alliance to unite against foreign interference though politically attractive has been perceived to be in bad faith by many locally and internationally. The Jubilee coalition arrogantly supported this motion in both houses and outnumbered there CORD counterparts who sensing defeat walked out in both instances when the motion was tabled in both houses. Jubilee Coalition has the majority in both National Assembly and the Senate.

The media become a threat here because it has demonstrated that organised groups can fend off onslaughts from the tyranny of numbers. The Jubilee MPs’ primary aim here was to punish the media for exposing their greed for power.

The problem of Jubilee and media began with Mutahi Ngunyi’s “Tyranny of Numbers” article in which he exposed how Uhuru Kenyatta would merge the winner of March 4 presidential election.

Mutahi Ngunyi said that the Jubilee Alliance of Uhuru Kenyatta was going to win the 2013 presidential election in the first round with a substantial majority over the Cord Coalition of Raila Odinga.

This inevitable victory he said was going to come from the Jubilee Coalition’s “bankable” ethnic vote of 6.2 Million (or 43.2% of the total vote). This number he said was basically a totting up of the registered GEMA and the Kalenjin voters. On that same ethnic logic, Mutahi reckons that CORD Coalition starts off with 19.2% of the vote or 2.74 million votes.

For CORD to win, he said, they needed to double their support. Or as he put it, for CORD to catch up with Jubilee, it must multiply each of its Kamba and Luo vote by 2.3. Virtually impossible was the implication.

If Ngilu were to stop her arrogance and trade well with Jubilee MPs she would have not been in this problem since the tyrant of numbers would have saved her. The argument that Ngilu is on the spot for contravening the Lands Act by creating the director general’s position and further appointing an office holder would mean absolutely nothing to Jubilee MPs.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.com
Facebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

KENYA: WILL THE ARROGANCE OF MAMA NGILU SAVE HER THIS TIME?

From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 2013

Members of Parliament are today (Tuesday) expected to adopt a parliamentary report touching on the conduct of Cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu at the Lands ministry. This is the very Ngilu I had written to President Uhuru not to consider among his cabinet secretaries.

I wrote to the president not because I hate mama Ngilu, I wrote to him not to consider her because of corruption allegations she had been tinted with in all the governments she served in.

When she was Health Minister she made headlines when a conference held in Nairobi in 2004, ostensibly for people living with HIV/Aids, turned chaotic over misappropriation of funds, courtesy of Ngilu’s daughter who had been contracted to organise it.

Ngilu appointed a tainted Dr Florence Musau as the director of Kenyatta National Hospital. Musau was eventually kicked out in 2009 over corruption allegations. But the Government paid her a total of Sh1.5 million for one year, even as it paid Dr John Kibosia, who had been appointed to act in her place.

Musau’s departure was hastened by investigations of the Efficiency Monitoring Unit that revealed she had been involved in irregularities involving a Sh224 million tender for the procurement of equipment for life support, the Intensive Care Unit and the High Dependency Units.

Even when the corruption allegations were referred to Kenya Anti Corruption Agency for prosecution, Ngilu stood by the director, describing her performance at KNH as “exemplary”, and accused some unnamed enemies of undermining her at the ministry.

No sooner, when Ngilu was later moved to Minister of Water and Irrigation, the trickle of controversies grew into a torrent yet again. In 2007, reportedly she raided the Central Police Station and secured her activist friend Anne Njogu from lawful custody. Ngilu took the law into her hand.

Later in September 2010, Ngilu and Trade Assistant Minister Wavinya Ndeti were at it again, storming Machakos Police Station to demand the release of 12 of her supporters who had been charged for invading a private property in Athi River.

Ngilu’s next moment of disgrace came in November 2011 after eight of her family members were sucked in yet another corruption scandal. Four companies linked to her close relatives and children were accused of minting millions of shillings after they supplied goods to Tanathi Water Board, which was under Ngilu’s ministry, at grossly exaggerated rates, and without competitive bidding.

One of the companies, Kat Michaels, where the minister’s second daughter Mwende Keteithia Mwendwa was a director, was awarded lucrative contracts. Prime Minister Raila Odinga defended her and that saved her from being sacked.

The company, which was founded in May 2008, had been given a Sh1.8 million contract to supply polo t-shirts, caps, executive pens and carrier bags. The company was also paid Sh800,000 to supply “big diaries” sold to the Board at Sh2,500 each, while the “small” diaries fetched Sh1,500 each.

Enacting a similar script, another firm, Broad Visions Utilities Limited, was founded in April 2008. One of the company’s directors was Billy Indeche, husband to Ngilu’s first-born daughter, Jemi Mwendwa. They too got supply contracts.

Other kin of the minister have been involved. Ngotho Kasyoki Ithumbuti was a director of Timetrax Limited, where he served together with a cousin Patrice Mnene Munguti. This company won a tender to supply GI pipes at Sh23,815 per piece and ultimately supplied 65 pieces.

When the hour of reckoning came, eight people, among them the minister’s son in law, Indeche, and Tourism assistant minister Cecily Mbarire’s husband, Denis Apaa, were arraigned in court charged with a series of corruption offences.

The suspects were alleged to have defrauded the Ministry of Water and Irrigation of Sh26 million after violating the procurement procedures. Others who were charged included Lawrence Simitu, Isaiah Amwanzo Benjamin, Samuel Alouch Otieno, Robert Mati, Joseph Mucuku and Mwagambo Mwangombe.

Besides getting money through fraudulent means from the Government, Indeche and Apaa were accused of committing economic crimes by jointly conspiring to defraud the Water ministry by purporting to qualify for a tender to sink five boreholes in drought-stricken Machakos and Makueni districts at a time the residents were being by drought.

Apart from recording statements with anti-corruption agents, Ngilu had also to appear before the Parliament’s Committee on Equal Opportunities over allegations that she had violated the principle of equitable distribution of resources by favouring certain regions, especially her home area.

Now that Jubilee MPs have been advised to support the Motion by the joint committees of Lands and Delegated Legislation, which reverses contentious appointments by the Lands Cabinet Secretary, and because President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Deputy William Ruto have reportedly declined to intervene on behalf of besieged Ngilu, citing ‘non-interference’ with the legislature under the doctrine of separation of powers, will her arrogance help her this time along?

Because the action is tacit approval to express displeasure with the conduct of Ngilu, I don’t see it forthcoming. Ngilu is to go given the adoption of the report whose findings include an accusation that Ngilu breached the Constitution – one of the grounds for removal from the Cabinet.

Even though in Kenya democracy is defined in terms of numbers, the fact that Ngilu havs fallen out with sections of Jubilee leadership, she may not get enough number to defend her.

The fall out came about after Ngilu accused some Jubilee leaders of betrayal and plotting her downfall. This did not go very well, particularly with the leader of majority in parliament, Aden Duale, the one Uhuru listens than any other Jubilee member.

The report accuses Ngilu of violating the law by usurping powers of the Public Service Commission and failing to consult the National Lands Commission while appointing Peter Kahuho as Director General of Lands.

Ngilu’s effort to corrupt her way by meeting the President and Deputy separately to state her case was not fruitful either. This is after Uhuru and Ruto also met officials from the PSC led by chair Margaret Kobia and NLC led by Chair Muhamad Swazuri to independently verify the claims against her.

It gives the reason why Uhuru and Ruto have avoided commenting on the saga. The matter is not that simple this time as Ngilu always thought. To make the matter worse, when the question was raised by Kirinyaga Central MP Joseph Gitari last week, Duale categorically said Ngilu’s actions cannot be helped because it bordered on breaking the law.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.com
Facebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

KENYA: BOTH CORD AND JUBILEE COULD BE THE BIG LOSERS IN THE KISII BY-ELECTIONS

News analysis By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisii Town.

UNLESS Cord and Jubilee coalitions changes their tactics and abandon the idea of handpicking their preferred candidates without giving the electorate the free opportunity to nominate the most popular candidates through by conducting preliminary nomination process the two leading coalition parties could face an inevitable defeat in the two parliamentary by-elections.

The commonly popular opinion in this town and its environs is that the voters are unanimous that they will not vote for any candidate who is hand-picked by the either CORD or Jubilee headquarters.

The by elections are due to be held in Nyaribari Chache and in Bomachoge Borabu. Cord has already declared its support for the immediate former MP for the area Chris Bichage. Its principal partner, the WPD, is said to be in the process of choosing Richard Tongi,the man who had petition the high court and caused the by-election.

Rumours making the round here is that Ford People’ s party which was sounded by the former cabinet Minister Simeon Nyachae.However, the two leading parties appeared to have ignore the influence of the former Chief Secretary in Kisiipolitics. Leaders of these parties might not be in the know how that ignoring Nyachae waves of influence in Kisii , which is still intac, they re doing so at their own peril. Moreover Nyachae is highly respected member of one of the eight sub-clans, which are known as the kamba nane group in both Nyaribari Chache and in Nyanribari Masaba. He is still calling the shots within the two region Kamba nane which controls the majority of votes in Nyaribari Chance

The By-election in Nyaribari chache could be so complicated by the entry into other election race of Kennedy Omanga, who is the son of the former Nyaribari MP, the late Andrew John Omanga, who had also served as a cabinet Minister for many years. His mother Clara Omanga was once a Councilor in Kisii Municipality and rose through the ladder to became the rank of the town’s Mayor.Other credible aspirants included Ben Mogaka. In Bomachoge, Jubilee has settled on the former MP Joel Onyancha, while the Cord has declared its support to Peter Kimori. Another credible candidate who is likely top give Kimori a run for his Kimori a run for his money is Alfred Nyaundi,

This time around, the by-elections will be pitting the two Kisii political giants in two different opposing camps. These giants are Prof. Sam K.Ongeri who will be heading the Jubilee campaign team and Kisii Senator Chris M Obure of CORD. The two men have fought some of the fiercest election campaign battle in Kisii County before. They were involved in a bruising campaign for the Kisii senatorial seat which Obure won on March 4.

In 2008 Ongeri and Obure were locked in another by-elecion in Bomachoge after the High court in Kisii had nullified Oyancha election of 2007.Obure had succeeded in pushing John Ogari to victory in the consequent by election.

Obure and Onger were in the last Nyayo cabinet which was headed by the retired President Daniel ArapMoi. The two had supported different camps during the constitutional referendum voting of 2005. Ongeri Qa is the PNU torchbearer in Kisii and backed the Banana side, while the Narc government was headed by President Mwai Kibaki. Thereafter the referendum voting saw Kibaki beaten hands down with over one million votes.

Kisii County is an area where clan politics is still thriving and at times even supersede party politics. Clan politics is popularly known among the Abagusii as {\Obonyumba}This kind of clans politics gives advantages to those parliamentary aspirant from larger clans over their minority neighbors no matter how good is a candidate.

As far as the politics of Kisii is currently stand on the ground cord still control the largest parts of the region, but the coalition which is led by Raila Odinga who lost the presidential contest on March 4 to President Uhuru Kenyatta of the Jubilee has lost considerable ground to the waves of Jubilee which has made major inroads into many constituencies. Raila, however, must switch from his party’s usually flawed nomination system and give the voters their democratic rights of nominating the candidates of their own choice instead of dictating to them the handpicked canddate.

In the two by-elections, smaller parties including that PDP of Omingo Magara which had only one MP, namely Jared Kopiyo {Awendo},could make gains.

CORD and Jubilee must also watch the activities of the party independence KANU whose RESUYRGENCE IN Kisii region is unceasingly becoming visible.

Ends

KENYA: THE GOVERNMENT IS URGED TO BEEF UP SECURITY POLICE PATROL ALONG THE NANDI-LUO BORDER

Reports Leo Odera Omolo

SECURITY along the Nandi-Luo border should be improved in order to save the lives of people now being killed every night. The situation now calls for urgent action by the higher authorities on both sides of the border to restore peace and calm.

Borders within Muhoroni sub-county is getting worse day by day. The residents have now appealed to the government to beef up police security night patrol. At the same time, politicians, especially MPS who are representing area close to the border area have been asked to hold public meeting and educate their constituents on the importance of living in peace and harmony, and to find the way o f resolving the land disputes amicably.

The people, who are believed to be member of terror gang from Nairobi, last Saturday night raided the small Police post at Ruga near Chemelil and attacked the policemen with arrows, machete and other crude weapons. The gang injured one policeman forcing his colleague to retaliate resulting in the three member of the gang being shot dead. The rest fled and disappeared under the dark cover.

The raid on the police post was staged at about 1.30 AM.

This attack came only a few hours after the revelers in a pub, which is located at Kibigori were forced to take cover following arrow attack by unknown people. Kibigori is an old, but a small town situated along the Kisumu-Nakuru railway line, but on the Kisumu Countryside.

The revelers were mainly a group of school teachers who were returning home after attending the colorful burial of their slain colleague Mr. Abira, the retired former head teacher of Nyakoko School and a Kisumu based businessman. He was shot with an arrow and killed by the Nandi youths two weeks ago. The incident took place when the retired teacher had gone to Chepsweta area to inspect his sugar cane. The deceased was given a warm send off in at the burial which attracted hundreds of friends, well-wishers and relatives at his Kajulu home. His killers have yet to be arrested.

As the teachers were enjoying their refreshment in a small bar, unknown people fired poisoned arrow into the pub. As they run helter-skelter, the bar owner went out to check in the darkness as to what was happening outside. He was shot with the arrow and another man followed suit.

No arrest has been made so far no arrest has been made.

The Kisumu Regional Commissioner Ms Lorna Odero is the only senior government official who has visited the area and preached peace to the two communities. of the border.

On the Nyanza side of the border only Muhoroni MP James OyangoK”oyoo has toured the troubled areas. He told the two warring communities to live in peace. But his Nandi Hill counterpart has yet to be seen in the area. K”Oyoo told the two communities to love one another and live-in peace and harmony.

Sources in both Muhoroni and Chemilil have confided to this writer that the latest flare up which has brought about the insecurity situation along the border between the two communities is abut some old and outstanding land disputes. One community is claiming that farms, owned by large scale farmers and those under the Settlement Schemes, were originally their ancestral land.

Settlement schemes in areas like Muhoroni, Songhor, Koru, Fort-Tennan,Kimwani were opened shortly after independent in 1965.These were the areas previously known as the White Highland, which were large scale mixed farms and belonged to the departed white settlers.

Ends

Kenya: Who pays the hefty costs for Uhuru and Ruto’s ICC cases?

From: Joseph Nyaringo

By Joseph Lister Nyaringo

Atlanta, Georgia

For any questionable expenditure malpractices in the government, we have a right as Kenyan citizens and tax payers to voice our concerns because in the long run, if we fail, it will affect the larger spectrum of our country’s economic growth.

Therefore, knowing the way the government spends our taxes is not a preserve for those in government but a responsibility for every citizen.

For purposes of fiscal accountability and effective management of our taxes by the government, those tasked with the responsibility of ensuring that all is well in the exchequer need to conduct an audit to divulge how the costs incurred on the ongoing ICC case of the deputy President William Ruto, and the shuttle diplomacy for deferral are paid off.

Kenyans need to know who incurred the costs for the recent delegation to the African Union (AU) in Addis Ababa, whose purpose was not the good of Kenya but to rally the AU for the deferral of the cases facing President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy at The Hague.

Secondly, the current delegation in New York which encompasses our national diplomats and several others from other African nations supporting Kenya for the deferral like Rwanda and Ethiopia is a costly affair. We need to know if Uhuru and Ruto are meeting these expenses and not Kenyan tax payers.

Besides, its note worthy that our two leaders are engaging the most expensive lawyers in the world in their cases. Kenyans will want to know who is meeting the hefty legal fees since not many people can afford to hire Stephen Kay, who is also the Queen’s Counsel and the combative Karim Khan for Uhuru and Ruto respectively.

Lastly, the travel and accommodation expenses for MPs who have been accompanying the Deputy President to the Netherlands, is now in a tune of millions. We also need to know who is footing the heavy bill since we all know that, life in Europe is extremely expensive which is often characterized by their strong currency- the Euro.

I’m not trying to imply that our two leaders cannot afford the said expenses but as a nation moving towards high levels of transparency and accountability in the way we conduct our national affairs, it’s better for the tax payers to know who is responsible for the high costs related to the current predicaments facing the President and his deputy.

Uhuru and Ruto are among the few billionaires we have in Kenya, but if they get a loophole to use our taxes for their cases, they may not touch their wallets. This is solid reality if the hustler’s jet scandal which cost Kenya taxpayers a whooping 25 million shillings for Ruto, is something to go by.

Since the ICC is a personal problem to the President and his deputy as they told the nation during the campaigns, wananchi don’t need to pay a penny for the delegation currently in New York and the recent one in Ethiopia. We therefore can’t pay for their personal cases when we are paying for their salaries and heavy benefits.

As taxpayers, we risk losing billions before the end of the ICC cases thus, the need not to assume that all is well, when a stitch in time saves nine.

Finally, as a concerned Kenyan, I evoke the Parliamentary Budget and Appropriations Committee, the Public Accounts Committee and the Auditor General to tell the nation the truth on the above. May they effectively monitor government spending lest we end up crying.

This is not an accusation and I do not have any evidence to conclude that our leaders have used state resources in their ICC cases.

KENYA: SIAYA COUNTY GETS REHABILITATION CENTER

Subject: Rehabilitation Centre
To: jaluo@jaluo.com

By Agwanda Saye

35,000 people living with disability from Siaya County are set to benefit from a shillings 56 million rehabilitation center to be operational by mid next year.

Of the amount,Sh 24 million will be channeled to building,2 million for purchasing equipment,5 million for acquiring project vehicle and the rest for facilitating the beneficiaries to the facility.

The referral center being supported by Association of Persons with Disability in Kenya (APDK) in conjunction with the Ministry of Health, family health department, is scheduled to construct a one stop center at the Siaya district hospital by February next year.

According to the APDK chairman Hon Moody Awuori, the facility will offer crucial service to those living and supporting people with disabilities.

“The facility once completed will help those physically challenged receive support services without travelling long distances which is costly,” added Awuori.

The former Vice president was speaking at the Siaya district hospital where he graced the ground breaking ceremony for the construction of the facility.

Awuori who called on the County government to support the initiative,at the same time urged the locals to embrace the project lest it becomes a ghost project despite huge funding from development partners.

He challenged the County government to ensure that 30 percent of the local contracts are available to the youths adding that APDK has adhered to the same in its management and contract allocations.

Awuori added that APDK is seeking to open another branch in due course once the Siaya facility proves to be successful.

KENYA: GOVERNMENT URGED TO TAME ROGUE HIPPOS IN LAKE VICTORIA

Writes Leo ODERA Omolo In Kisumu City

HUMAN – wildlife conflict is the latest subject of discontent and complaints following the numerous incidents of the reported Hippos attack in Lake Victoria which have resulted in the death of dozens of people in the recent months.

Savage attacks by the huge amphibious animals have claimed the lives of fishermen in Bondo, Rarieda, Mbita, Suba and Nyatike sub-County of Migori County. Other deaths CAUSED BY Hippos attacks were reported from Rusinga Island also within the Homa-Bay COUNTY. These series of incidents have prompted the residents of Nyanza, particularly those living along the shorelines of lake to make an urgent appeal to the Kenya Wildlife Services {KWS} and the government to come to their rescue.

Three fishermen were killed two weeks ago in Kakisingri, near Sindo CentreThe three were sailing back to the lake and the catches haul into the water.

The three fishermen made an attempt to swim to safety, but the animals followed them biting each one of them savagely thereby leaving them fatally injured and drowning in the seep waters.

According to information reaching us,the latest incident involving of hippo attack took place last weekend at Nyang”uena beach in Central Kadem Location in Nyatike sub-County within MIGORI County. There three fishermen who were among the four who had gone into the lake to check in heir nets were attacked, in this particular incident Nahashon Abiero and Kisuge Odingo narrowly escaped death. The two, however, narrowly escaped and swam to safety while their other three colleagues escaped unhurt.

Between last year and this year, close to 12 people have perished as the result of attack by hippos. The residents of lowland locations which are lying along the shorelines of Lake Victoria are up in arms and wanted the relevant government Ministry and the KWS to scale down the hippos population.

Similar incidents have also been reported in Bondo, Rarieda and in other parts of Siaya County.

Two deaths by hippos were also reported from Rusinga Island in Mbita district.

IN Rchuonyo North district, farmers who cultivate their lad near the lake have had a lot of problems with the herds of Hippos reportedly destroying 80 per cent of their grain crops in the field.Any frantic attempt by farmers to chase these animals away from their farms have also resulted in the attacks.Hippos are known to be docile animals and not so aggressive towards human being with exception of mothers nursing their calves. Experts have pointed out that hippos in lake Victoria have turned out of late to be so aggressive due ye to the scarcity of weeds and grasses on which the animals feeds on due to excessive cultivation by farmers of the land along the lake shorelines, which has destroyed the weeds and grasses. The only lasting solution I for the KWS to move in and scale down the hippos population. These animals are currently protected by the law

Under the conservation regulations aggrieved farmers cannot be not permitted to kill them, causing the animals to starvation.

Ends.

Kenya: Barrick Gold’s Stock Crushed As Miner Keeps Punishing Shareholders

From: Judy Miriga

The great economic squeeze are brought by the interference of Corporate special interest monopoly and control. The opportunity for small business is the key to reviving economic growth and stabilizes Government capacity regulation to offer efficient and balanced public service delivery.

This is the way to go people……………….

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,
USA

http://socioeconomicforum50.blogspot.com/

– - – - – - – - – - –

Barrick Gold’s Stock Crushed As Miner Keeps Punishing Shareholders

Investors who bet on the world’s biggest gold miner after its stock got decimated in the first half of 2013 have been given the kind of treatment that shareholders of Barrick Gold ABX -6.81% have gotten accustomed to receiving. Barrick has announced that it is going to dilute shareholders in a big way by selling $3.45 billion of shares for $18.35 each.

Shares of Barrick Gold got crushed in Friday morning trading, tumbling by about 6% to $18.22. The stock drop is coming on the heels of a 5% drop on Thursday, when Barrick announced it would suspend its Pascua-Lama mega gold mine located in the high-altitude Andes on the Argentina-Chile border. Shares of Barrick Gold are now down 48% in 2013.

With one of the biggest share offerings in gold mining history, Barrick is trying to raise enough cash to pay down some $2.6 billion of its $15 billion or so in debt that it has accumulated through reckless spending and acquisitions during the huge run up in the price of gold. While suspending work at Pascua-Lama and dealing with its debt-load might seem like a good idea, shareholders probably remember that the last time Barrick pulled off a big share offering in 2009, it raised about $4 billion by selling shares for $36.95.

Barrick has become the poster child for the gold mining sector, which has punished shareholders more than just about any other industry sector in recent years. These companies have managed to underperform gold both when it rises and when it falls—giving investors little upside in the best of environments and handing them massive losses on the way down. Gold miners have spent $45 billion on projects and acquisitions since 2010, but gold output has actually declined. Much of Barrick’s troubles can be traced to its spending on Pascua-Lama and its acquisition of Equinox Minerals.

Move up http://i.forbesimg.com tMove down

How Gold Miners Became A Terrible Investment Nathan VardiForbes Staff

With the price of gold having fallen in the last year, the economics of many projects in the gold mining sector like Pascua-Lama don’t really work. The costs associated with moving forward in Pascua-Lama were soaring while the price of the commodity was declining. Another way shareholders have been abused: the executives of many gold miners have been paid well even as their companies destroyed shareholder value. At Barrick, former CEO Aaron Regent was paid $12 million, mostly from a severance package after he was fired. The man who was hired to potentially replace Peter Munk at the top of Barrick, former president of Goldman Sachs John Thornton, got an $11.9 million signing bonus.

KISUMU CHURCH MEMBERS UP IN ARMS AGAINST THEIR HEAD

By Our Correspondent

Members of a Kisumu based church are up in arms with their church head in what the term as economic exploitation by the said head who demands unrealistic financial demands from them.

The members of the church which is situated along Kisumu –Nairobi road and is being headed by a one time Kanu operative and former President Daniel Arap Moi blue eyed boy among the clergy from luoland are also calling upon their Bishop to be sincere and tell them exactly how much the blance of the car he forced them to purchase for him.

He ordered all the churches under him to contribute towards the purchase of the his official vehicle and we raised kshs 3.5million upon which he said that was more than enough only for him to start shifting goal posts against the balance saying initially it was kshs 1.3m, then kshs 1.9m and currently kshs 2.3m” the members of the church lamented.

They are accusing their Bishop of being insincere to them as they have discovered that the said vehicle is registered in the Bishop’s personal names and not in the church’s name and wondered what he is upto.

“The vehicle should belong to the office of the Bishop and not his personal car, how comes the log book reads that it’s his personal car?” the lamented.

Our investigations reveal that the said Bishop was recently given kshs 500.000 thousand by Voice of God and Healing Church to offset the balance of the said vehicle after betraying some clergy and supported the wife of the head of the said church.

“At his age we expect him to be sincere with us and not to play that monkey business with us” they lamented.

Contacted the said Bishop said there is nothing wrong for the church to buy and complete paying the price of the said vehicle.

ENDS

Kenya: IS THE ODM – WIPER COALITION HEADED ONTO THE ROCKS?

Reports Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

SIGNS are emerging out of Luo-Nyanza indicating that relations between the Orange Democratic Movement [ODM] and the Wiper Democratic Party may be heading onto the rocks.

This could be judged by the recent events in which Members of Parliament who had won their parliamentary seat on MARCH 4, 2013 elections on WDP tickets have been placed under political siege, and are reported to be having it rough.

Both the ODM and WPD are the leading component of the CORD coalition, which also brings together other smaller parties. ODM is headed by Raila Odinga, while the WDP is under the leadership of the former Vice President Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka.

The symptoms of the rapidly widening gap and differences between the two partners surfaced during last week homecoming party for the Alego-Usonga MP Omondi Muluany. The gathering appeared to have been boycotted by senior ODM politicians in Siaya County. The only ODM luminaries in Siaya County who attended the party included Nicholas Gumbo, The MP for Rarieda and his Bondo counterpart Gideon Ochanda.

Muluany was elected on WDP ticket. Before this homecoming party, the legislator had faced rowdy ODM youth who confronted him and shouted him down during the Mashujaa DAY event held in Siaya town the previous week,

Senior ODM politician who were notably absent included Siaya Senator James Aggrey Orengo, Gem MP Jakoyo Midiwo and his two counterparts from Ugenya and Ukwala constituencies. Also absent from the gathering was Dr. Oburu Oginga the former Bondo MP and several Ward representatives from the various parts of Siaya County. The minority leader in Parliament Nyenze from Ukambani was the only senior politician from outside Luo-Nyanza who attended the gathering.

Another MP who is said to be under siege is Fred Kopiyo [Awendo}. He too was voted into parliament on a FORD Kenya ticket. The MP who is prior to his election was living in a rented house within Awendo Town is reported to have relocated to and is now occupying a rented house near Rodi-Kopany within Homa-Bay Town constituency due to pressure mounted by ODM youth in Awendo. He is reported by sources to be as rare visitor to Awendo Town

The same sources say Kopiuypo these days changes his mode of travels whenever he is visiting his rural home which is in Sakwa West Location within Awendo district. He changes vehicles at the nearby Rongo town before he proceeded home where he is reported to be putting up an ultra modern house, which is still under the construction.

Reports emerging from Awendo says that an ugly incident recently occurred at the CDF office, which is also used by the MP as his constituency office when it was invaded by a group disillusioned and frustrated ODM youth who caused a fierce fighting. The attackers are said to have gone to the office with intention of forcefully ejecting the manager and workers out of the office. The fracas left several people inured and needed medical attention. Those who sustained bodily injuries included the MP’s personal assistant {PA}

Unconfirmed reports say the MP”s constituents are finding it difficult to communicate their messages to home because his cellphones are permanent switched off. They included the Ward representatives from the various locations within the constituency. The MP also sent his donations towards funeral gathering during the burial of his fallen constituents through emissaries. The MP could not be reached for his comments over these allegations as his two phone lines are permanently switched off.

The majority leader in the Migori County Johnson Omolo Owiro who represented Central Sakwa Ward is the one who is now handling most problems within the constituency because the MP is nowhere to be seen.

Owiro, the former chairman of the defunct Awendo Town Council confirmed in a phone conversation with this writer that he is also finding it difficult to communicate with his MP, but he is not nursing any ill=feeling towards the legislator and only wished well. He denied the rumor and speculations making the round that he is nursing parliamentary ambition, and might be a candidate for the seat in 2017. Kopiyo used the ticket of the PDP party of Omingo Magara after having losing the ODM ticket during the party’s primaries to his populist challenger Walter Sirawa.

Those politicians in Luo-Nyanza who the elections using other party tickets including those parties which were perceived to be friendly to the ODM and CORD have found the going difficult to integrate smoothly with their ODM colleagues and are therefore in political dilemma.

KOyoo is currently giving sleepless to the manager of the sugar mills which are located within his Muhoroni constituency, and who he has persistently accused of fleecing sugar cane farmers on their harvested cane crops and for the unnecessary delays in paying out raw cane bill after the deliveries.

However, there is only one Luo MP who has defied these political machinations and has integrated well with his ODM parliamentary colleagues. This is the Muhoroni MP James Onyango K”Oyoo. This is due to the fact that the outspoken MP is one of the shrewdest Luo politicians in the 11th Parliament.

Ends

KENYA: PENSION FUND FOR COUNTY WORKERS OPENS OFFICE IN KISUMU

By Agwanda Saye

Laptrust, the pension fund for county government workers in Kenya, has opened a new branch in Kisumu as it seeks to grow revenues by strengthening its membership base in the counties.

The fund, which boasts over Ksh18 billion in assets, plans to expand to other counties and bring its services closer to members who are spread across the country.

“We have decided to open branches in every county. Kisumu is the first branch outside Nairobi we are opening in the 84 years of our existence. The decision was aimed at bringing more personalized service to our members in line with our quest to be the pension fund that serves the counties,” said Laptrust CEO Hosea Kili during the opening ceremony in Kisumu.

He added that Laptrust will soon open other branches in Mombasa, Nyeri and Garissa.

Kisumu Governor Jack Ranguma said move by Laptrust would benefit pensioners who would no longer have to travel to Nairobi to collect their dues.

“My government appreciates this noble initiative of bringing services to customers in the spirit of devolution. Kisumu is the regional hub and this office will not only serve customers in Kisumu but also others in the region,” said the Governor in a speech read on his behalf by the county executive committee member Rhoda Ahonobadha.

The pension scheme, established in 1929, is targeting to grow its asset base to Ksh 22 billion by the end of this year. The fund’s net assets improved by 17.6 per cent to Ksh4 billion in 2012 compared to Ksh3.4 billion in 2011, attributable to high returns realized from liquid investments as well as quoted equities.

“Due to the positive environment in the year under review, the scheme recorded another strong of performance with the emphasis on improving revenue collection and prudent investments across a range of assets,” Kili told the fund’s members at the annual general meeting in Eldoret on Monday.

Kili said the fund was keen on further diversifying its asset portfolio comprising mainly property, government securities and quoted and unquoted equities.

“We are restructuring our current portfolio, for instance, by investing more in private companies with strong growth potential and optimizing our property investments,” explained Kili.

He added that the fund was keen on reducing debt owed by contributors and had successfully recovered Ksh4 billion in debts by the end of last year. The number of pensioners benefiting from the scheme rose from 4,294 to 4,450 in 2012.

The fund’s membership grew from 22,685 in 2011 to 23,458 as at December 31, 2012. Kili says the improved revenue collection was also partly attributable to improved operational efficiency and enhanced customer service.

The fund’s membership comprises mostly county government employees, previously working for the defunct local authorities.

Ends