Category Archives: Kenya


Reports Leo Odera Omolo In Awendo TOWN

RESIDENTS of Awendo Town in Migori County have raised complaints against the increased number of Motorcyclists boda Boda operating in the area which have become the source of insecurity and many accidental deaths. They are demanding for the quick intervention of the Prov9ncial Administration and the police authorities because the numbers of deaths caused by these machines have reached the most alarming proportion.

Many deaths in the recent months have occurred in the recent months. These deaths have become the source of worries as a day hardly passed without someone loosing his or her precious lives. Some of the deaths are are caused due to business competition. A number of riders have been killed by their own passengers and their motorbikes stolen by passenger – turned thug.

The residents have also appealed to the government to ensure that the boda boda riders operates only during working hours and strictly not after darkness. Two riders had their throats sit open and killed within a week after the smartly dressed passengers who hired them after darkness turned thugs and killed them in grisly and cold blooded murder.

The two incident took places within SAKWA central. In the first incident, a motorbike rider was hired by a passenger art Dede Market and who wanted to be taken to Ranjira area. But the rider never saw the next light of the day. He was found dead the next day by the roadside with hid motorbike missing.

Two prominent sugar farmers and business have died as the result of motorbike accidents. The first who died was Mzee Nahashon Nyandiga Aloo of Ng’ong’a village in Sakwa South who met his end while traveling from his home to Awendo town.

Mzee Washington Ogweno Otata, a retired medic from Rinya village in Waware sub-location Sakwa East, was killed by a motorbike rider a month ago. Gun toting criminal thugs have also been reported as being ferried into the villages at night by boda boda motor cyclists with intention of committing a felonies..Quite often the motorbike riders whose numbers have tripled in the recent months.

In most cases these riders have no driving licenses and not qualified to ride their machines on the highway. Police traffic manning the feeder and access roads from the rural locations into the town normally allows the riders to ferry extra passengers so that they could earn 100 ij bribes money. Most of the boda boda who are licensed to carry only one passenger do carry between town and three passengers, putting their lives to a great risk. The riders overload their bike, and even some times carrying up two or three passengers instead of one while traffic police only demand 100 for their bribe money.

There are several access and feeder roads which are linking Awendo town with the surrounding rural locations and villages. They included Awendo-Rapogi-Road, Awendo-Mariwa-road, Awendo Kanyimach-road and the Kisii-Migori highway which passes through.On Market days, the traffic policemen mount road barriers and road blocks on these roads as early as 7.30 A.M ,but all these for the purpose of collection but no traffic offenders are booked.

It has been confirmed that close to 500 motorcyclists are operating inside this small farming town and this has become the source of insecurity



From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Adede Omondi writes via email: “I read one of your blogs on corruption and I would wish you share your ideas with me on these questions: one-is parliament now immune from manipulations of transactions like Goldenberg International limited? Two- compare the parliament that existed before the 2010 constitution and the parliament after the 2010 constitution. I would be grateful for your help”.

Yes, you are absolutely right Adede Omondi and the reason why parliament is immune from manipulations of transactions like Goldenberg International Limited is because Goldenberg refers to a series of monumental financial scandal involving chains of very important and influential officials in the government.

The firm, according to testimony during the Goldenberg Commission of Inquiry (2004 – 2005) was co-owned by Pattni, former President Daniel arap Moi and the chief of intelligence at the time, the late James Kanyottu.

When Goldenberg money corrupted the political system during the 1992 General Elections, involving the launch of a new currency note to deal with unprecedented inflation in its aftermath, there was a youthful movement known as Kanu for youth 92 (YK92) to campaign for Moi come back.

One of the members in the movement was William Ruto who is currently the deputy president for the Republic of Kenya. In its wake Goldenberg caused the collapse of dozens of banks precipitating a banking crisis.

The careers of civil servants who helped expose Goldenberg were ruined. Journalists who exposed the story disappeared into oblivion. Chief executives of companies doing business with Goldenberg either fled into exile or died quietly.

During the scandal, former minister for Internal Security, Prof George Saitoti was Finance Minister. Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi was appointed to the Finance Ministry in 1993 while payments to Goldenberg continued.

Kalonzo Musyoka was a minister in the Moi government while this was happening at that time and he knows very well about the scandals. Raila’s father, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, confessed in 1993 that his political party received Goldenberg money.

Because it involves untouchables, is why the 2004 Commission of Inquiry into Goldenberg set by Mwai kibaki has since been accused of ignoring evidence in order to protect powerful personalities such as ex-President Moi and his cronies.

According to evidence presented before the Goldenberg Inquiry, Mr Pattni formed Goldenberg International with Moi and Kanyottu for the purpose of making money from gold and diamonds smuggled from the Congo (at the time called Zaire).

When Kibaki came under pressure from the opposition party to form yet another commission in July 2008 to investigate the sale of Grand Regency Hotel, the Commission comprising of five members led by Justice (rtd) Majid Cockar, Charles Kirui and Kathurima M’ Inoti as commissioners while Messrs Anthony Oteng’o Ombwayo and Wilfred Nyamu Mati as the secretary and counsel to the Commission, Kibaki was accused by the opposition party leaders that he formed his team to cover up.

The Commission was mandated to recommend any legal and administrative measures that it may deem necessary with regard to the case and hold the inquiry in public or conduct private hearings where necessary.

The hotel was allegedly sold for about $45 million instead of its recorded valued of $115 million. This took place shortly Kibaki had signed an exclusive trade pact with the Libyan government, which gave its companies a head start over other investors when competing for lucrative government contracts.

The trade pact was signed after a meeting between President Mwai Kibaki and his host Muammar Gadaffi. The Grand Regency was recovered from Kamlesh Pattni, the man behind the Goldenberg scandal, in which the government compensated him millions of dollars in a fake gold export scheme.

Recently The Kenyan Daily Post reported that Laico Regency (originally Grand regency Hotel) was reportedly bought by Mwai Kibaki at a throw away price. The hotel which was initially owned by Kamlesh Paul Pattni, was taken by Central Bank of Kenya after Pattni negotiated immunity from prosecution for his role in Golden berg in exchange for the transfer of the Grand regency to the Central Bank of Kenya.

It is said Amos Kimunya colluded with Central Bank Governor, Njuguna Ndungu, in selling the hotel to alleged “foreign investors” who will be later established to be Kibaki’s proxies.

Goldenberg cost the country over Ksh 158 billion according to a Judicial Commission of Inquiry appointed by President Kibaki in 2003. Although George Saitoti was named as one of the beneficiaries, instead of asking his aside from his ministry pending investigation, in 2008 he was promoted from the Ministry of Education to take over as Minister for Internal Security. He was in the same PNU party with Kibaki.

This can answer your second question whether there is different from 2010 parliament and current one when it comes to corruption and impunity. They are the same people who were there since Moi was removed from power in 2002- So what next?

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Fred from Molo would like to know whether Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohamed will this time succeed in her lobby mission to push for amendment of the Rome Statutes to provide for immunity from prosecution to sitting heads of state and government.

She says AU was confident of garnering the support of a two-thirds majority of the states’ parties necessary to effect the amendment in the interest of peace and reconciliation in Kenya.

Fred I don’t think this is going to be possible to get two thirds support given that nine of the African states supporting the amendments may be blocked from voting as they are in arrears of the ICC court’s budget.

Nine out of its 122 members are in arrears and will therefore lose their voting rights at the Assembly of State Parties meeting to be held in The Hague November 20, 2013. Only 34 countries from Africa are members of the court.

According to financial report as of September 13, 2013, many African countries are heavily indebted to the court. They include Tanzania, Senegal, Niger, Ghana, Gabon, Djibouti, Comoros, Guinea and Liberia.

Since Kenya is heavily counting on African countries to push through amendments to Article 27 to grant immunity to sitting heads of governments, this mission is almost impossible.

According to article 112, paragraph 8 of the Rome Statute, “a State Party which is in arrears in the payment of its financial contributions toward the costs of the Court shall have no vote in the Assembly and in the Bureau if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years.”

Assuming all 122 members will be present at The Hague, Kenya will need 81 members to support its proposed amendments. With 34 African states supporting, Kenya will be forced to look out for another 47 states to support its proposals which is not going to be easy.

If the eight African countries are barred from voting due to their indebtedness, Kenya will need to get the support of 56 other countries to meet the requisite support from 81 members’ states for any of the proposed amendments to succeed, which is still not going to be as possible as that.

In Kenya, the ICC case was taken up when the government failed to meet a deadline to establish a domestic tribunal to try suspected perpetrators of the 2007 post-election violence.

The AU has asked its members who are parties to the ICC to push for an amendment to the Rome Statute — the 1998 treaty that established the tribunal — that would bar heads of state from being tried during their terms in office.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

Black Kenyans Empowerment Movement

From: j.ammbbaassaahDEJUOLS


black Kenyans make about 95% of the population yet they only own less than 15% of Kenyan Manufacturing Industries, less than 10 % of Telecommunication Industry, less the 5% of Banking industries, get less than 30 % of government tenders & contracts, the list unending, i.e., look at KEPSA, KAM and the others


Look at all the Private Sector Organizations Management and Organizational Structure composition, the rot runs even deep with less than 15 % blacks in their ranks and file,



Lastly insecurity is for the black as the rest own over 90 % of guns in private hands, truly is Kenya an independent Country?


Join the Black Kenyans Empowerment Movement – For Kenyan True Emancipation!!!!!!!!!

Launch on 12th December 2013,

Poet J. O. Ammbbaassaah DEJUOLS


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Kenya’s top leadership to snub western markets

From: Gordon Teti

The top Kenyan leadership needs western markets more than the western markets need them. They are playing politics with the livelihood of Kenyans. I dare them to implement their threat as this will be the beginning of the end of a dying donkey. Those who claim that Uhuru Kenyatta is fighting terrorism in the horn of Africa are misguided fellows who don’t realize that Western intelligence gathering have facts on who were the architects of Westgate Mall terrorist attack in Kenya. The world has details on how and why the attack happened and those who thought they would hoodwink the world by using the Westgate massacre of innocent people for the deferral of ICC trials now know after the UN Security Council rejected the deferral bid that you can fool some people all the time but you cannot fool all the people all the time. I have always wondered who advises these people or to say the least if they understand the dynamics of international politics. Laurent Kabila lost power within 6 months after turning his back on
Western powers that sponsored his rebellion against Mobutu Sese Seko. The same Rwanda and Uganda, the two countries that are now taking Uhuru to the top of a political cliff before abandoning him there are the same two countries that were used to put Laurent Kabila in power and out of power. Uhuru has made the deadliest and costly political mistake by threatening the economic interest of the Western nations and by doing so his days are numbered. History is full of lessons of leaders from the South who made the same political miscalculations that Uhuru Kenyatta has made by chest thumping and acting tough against “Western imperialism” and all of them ended up with nothing to write home about. Saddam Hussein of Iraq who was more powerful than Uhuru Kenyatta dug a hole to hide into from where he was pulled out like a rat and exposed to the whole world looking a shadow of himself. What about Moamar Ghadaffi? The same scenario. He was found hiding in a tunnel despite the many bomb-proof palace bankers that he used
billions of the Libyan oil money to build for himself. Those who are still shouting threats against Western governments following the UN Security Council resolution that rejected deferral of ICC cases against Uhuru and refused to support impunity are digging a deeper hole for Uhuru Kenyatta.

Kenya: Why Is Uhuru Doggedly Pursuing ICC Deferral?

From: Samuel Omwenga

Former president Mwai Kibaki flagged off the first shuttle diplomacy in early 2011 intended to have the Kenyan ICC cases deferred.

These efforts were led by now former vice president Kalonzo Musyoka and as we know, the efforts failed.

That was Round I.

Round II got underway a few months ago this time flagged off by President Uhuru Kenyatta but headed by Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs Amina Mohamed, an accomplished career diplomat before assuming the portfolio unlike Kalonzo who mostly learned the intricacies of the trade on the job as minister for foreign affairs, save for a stint as a participant in the Sudan peace process.

With her background, and in particular Amina having worked at the UN Security Council as Legal Advisor, it was expected that a different outcome would yield to this second effort to obtain a deferral.

Unfortunately–or fortunately, depending on who’s talking, Amina’s efforts to secure a deferral, too, have not been successful on a very interesting UNSC vote: 7 members voted in the affirmative, 8, including the US, abstained.

I mention the US by name because if Kenya or any country seeking a deferral were to succeed, they must have the US on their side.

France and Britain will always follow the US lead and vote accordingly; Russia and China, the other two permanent members of the council with veto power will usually go along unless it’s something that directly or indirectly threatens their strategic and business interests.

The rest of the 15 member states of the UNSC will usually follow whichever country they have closer strategic ties with among the permanent members.

One needs the support of 9 members of the 15 UNSC members to have a resolution passed but only if no member with veto power votes no.

With the US having always taken a very hostile stance against anything favoring the Ocampo Six and and now Bensouda 3, it was inevitable even our fine and accomplished Amina could not pull this one to the win column but the potential was and still remains there; well some aspect of it as I noted in my Star column this week.

Why then, even against these odds, does Kenya continue to pursue the deferral and/or termination of these cases?

I have my theories and think I know to near certainty but let me keep those to myself for now as I hear what others have to say.

I will say by way of hinting it can’t be for naught neither is it an exercise in futility nor one being naively pursued.

In my column this weekend, I’ll address part of this question and provide a complete analysis in a future column.

Peace, Unity and Truth

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Kenya: Cartels have taken over Lands ministry, Ngilu warns

From: Judy Miriga

Ehe ! Let the talking begin………..ati, the land ministry is a Company taken over by the Cartels and that, Land is not a State Office…..Yeah, did I hear right???

Then, who are the cartels…….and if you cant see them, who warned Ngilu, may be we can start from that point……………because we want to know and we are determined to know who these Cartels who owned Land’s State Department in Kenya are, and how they came to own these Kenyas Public Land that are held in Trust Custody of People’s Government Employee ???

Ngilu must try to make herself clear and her clarity will help save a situation it is a serious concern that peoples livelihood depends on land in a great deal to be taken for granted.

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

– - – - – - – - – - –

Cartels have taken over Lands ministry, Ngilu warns

Updated Friday, November 15th 2013 at 23:12 GMT +3

During her first day at the office, Lands Cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu now recalls, she was warned that ending corruption and entrenched land cartels at the ministry would not be as easy.

Still, the Cabinet Secretary who had served as a minister in the past two parliaments vowed to root them out.

“There is corruption of all kinds at the Lands ministry,” Ngilu told The Standard on Saturday in an exclusive interview.

“I was warned that the lands office was a company and not a State office. I want to return it to Kenyans and this is not going down well with those who are involved in the shady land deals. They (cartels) are here… they are everywhere but you can’t see them.”

The delay of issuing title deeds was her first encounter with the reality of how the process had been tampered to favour the land barons who include the lands officials at her ministry, right from the headquarters to the district land officers.

The officers, according to Ngilu, were working with influential businessmen, politicians and government officials in falsifying land registration documents that resulted in the issuance of more than one title deed in most parts of the country, especially at the Coast.

Soon after her surprise appointment, Ngilu was tasked with ensuring that some 100,000 titles were ready to be issued at the Coast in line with Jubilee’s 100-days-in-office pledge to the people of Coast.

Ngilu appointed Peter Kahuho as the director of lands, a post she later revoked following outcry from MPs that the office was unconstitutional.

She got a reprieve after Jubilee alliance leaders opposed a planned censure motion against her.

Asked why she had appointed Kahuho for the post that almost cost her a cabinet post, Ngilu said she wanted change and sanity at the Lands office. “In the transition period there are bound to be challenges faced by all of us. And to err is human. What surprises me is how this matter was pounced on certain people. Was it about the appointment which I corrected by revoking or there was more?”

According to Ngilu, the drive to change the people who have been involved in land administration for long triggered off panic among the cartels and their masters fought back.

“Many of these cartels have planted themselves in every corner and they are always faceless to the public. They operate through brokers. They could be your friends by day and enemies at night,” she said when asked if she knew any of the said cartels.

She said her plans to digitise the ministry’s systems where unexpected and had the cartels worried.

The digitisation plan is expected to replace files and long queues that characterise the Lands Registry. She said: “The current system has fuelled corruption and delays in land transactions. .”

She said the ministry deals with matters of land ownership through records and files which are in manual form giving room for manipulation. “Many parcels of land have more than one file. File tracking is still very manual and tedious and we want to end this through digitisation.”

She said currently, the Lands ministry is faced with over 7,000 cases arising out of land transactions.

“I have been directed to ensure that no one benefits from irregular allocation of lands and title deeds that were issued irregularly be revoked,” she said.

She said some powerful forces who have served in the past and current governments had strategically placed their people in almost all sectors at Ardhi House where many are informers and act as conveyer belts in the illegal land deals.

“Some have been here long enough and their masters don’t want them touched. I am determined to bring this to end at whatever the cost,” she said.

She said she is facing resistance from the people who have benefitted from the illegal land allocations but promised to soldier on until this is reversed.

She urged prominent people who grabbed or were irregularly allocated land to surrender it to the government or risk being named and shamed.


Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Homa-Bay

THE Homa-Bay County government has envisages a plan to have the road from Mbita Point crossing to Rusinga Island termacked in order to give tourists and other visitors easy access to Tom Mboya Mausoleum, which is located at the late freedom fighter’s home near Matenga beach at Kamasengre, Rusinga West Location.

This was disclosed by the Homa-Bay governor Cypria. Otieno Awit. He further explained that ather road network earmarked from future improvement included Oyugis Kendu-Bay road and Rangwe-Rodi-Kopany Oyugis road. These roads are so important not only for easy communication, but would also facilitate easy travelling for traders and formers to access markets in the hinterland.

Other projects which are in the pipeline included tarmarcking the road which is traversing Mfangano, another fishing island which is also potential for tourist attractions.

Plans are also a foot for improving Kadongo-Gendia road and and the road that branches off at Kanyadhiang on the main Kendu-Bay-Homa-Bay rod and traversing Homa Hills via Pala as well as Kadel-Kowuor Pier road.

Prior to independence in 1963 Mboya used to walk from Mbita Point to his Kmasengre home on Rusinga Island.a distant of about eight miles. He used to cross Mbita Channel using a Dingy while leaving his car on the mainland, but this was later replaced by Ferry servicerr and after Mboya’s death in 1969, a Coasway was constructed. A permanent bridge is currently under construction The KENYA Museium services has since taken over the management of Tom Mboya Mausoleum.

Mboya, the most brilliant politician Kenya, has ever had is widely acknowledge as an uncompressed freedom fighter at the same time the architect of Kenya’s independence, died in hails of bullets fired by an assassin in a Nairobi street on July 5, 1969. HE HAD BEEN THE Secretary General of the independence party KANU ever since its inception in June 1960 up to his death while serving as Kenya’s MINISTER FOR Economic Planning and Development.

Governor AWITI said his government is busy initiating many socio-economic projects with far reaching to the electorate in the region. These projects are well spread in all seven parliamentary constituencies.



Writes Leo Odera Omolo

KISUMU City has lost its old glory, credibility and reputation as one of the cleanest towns in Kenya and is now soaking in filthiness with waste paper littered everywhere.

Refuse collection is something of the past. Rubbish is heaped in almost every street giving stinking smell. Brief walks through the Central Business District {CBD} confirm that the town is in a total mess if not neglect. Street lights go off quite often giving leeway to gangs of criminal elements to harass pedestrians walking home.

Petty kiosks are mushrooming everywhere wherever there is a small piece of land space, and most of these kiosks turns out to be the hideout for criminal thugs.

The shortage of water is one of the most worrying subjects, which the residents have to contend with. This is so despite of the fact that the beautiful City stands next to the eastern shoreline of Lake Victoria.

The current pathetic situation, according to residents is being attributed to the recent change of the town’s administration from the former Municipal Council to the County government under the new devolution brought about by the new constitution.

The County government is being accused for having allegedly removed nearly all the former chief officers of the defunct municipality and replaced them with ex-civil servants former NGO”s employees with no experience for managing an urban centre of Kisumu size.

Members of the Kisumu County assembly are said to have developed the love for frequent flight to foreign capitals, holding of endless seminars and workshops with no bearing to the services to the people. Upon their returns from such fruitless trips the County leaders goes home quietly without briefing the residents about the experience and new methods gained from such trip. The residents see such foreign trips as the sources of money minting and fleecing the county resources.

Car Washings is the latest most booming business in Kisumu, an those This is where NEMA stands accused of sleeping on its duties and mandate of ensuring that such businesses are conducted in an environmental friendly manner.

The town is also experiencing frequent sewerage blockade. At time sewerage bursts goes unrepaired for weeks while spilling dirty waters through the residential estates. Fears now persist that should there be an outbreak of cholera epidemic many people will would suffer. The town has the history of experiencing of frequent outbreaks, especially during the heavy rain seasons.

Members of the County cabinet or executive are mostly ex-civil servants and men and women from Diasporas whose qualification cannot be verified, but are known top be related or friendly to the top officials. Many interviewed residents see the current members of the County executive as spent forces which could not turn the City around to reclaim its old glory.

Traffic signs are nowhere to warn motorists of the danger ahead., and motorists now drivers their vehicles anywhere because most of the roads in the City center had no warning sign such as one way traffic, major road ahead etc, and now wonder there is sharp increases of cases whereby frequent head-ob collision between motorists and motorbike riders.

Matatu drivers, particularly those operating ferrying passengers from the town’s center to places like Kondele and Manyatta peri urban areas often stop anywhere in the middle of the roads while picking up passengers. This includs round-abouts. There are matatu terminals in every street whereas the town’s by-laws requires Matatu to pick up passengers in designated spots including the main bus terminal. At time these vehicles stops just in the middle of round-about, even during busy hours. Disaster is in the waiting, but this could be avoided if the town\ administration could collaborate well with police traffic section in Kisumu to ensure that no vehicle is allowed to pick up passengers at the round-about.

Kisumu Town Clerk Christopher Rungana could not be reached for his immediate comment. The County governor Jack Ranguma was nowhere to be reached for comments.

Residents fear that the City might not succeed in attracting investors. No sensible investor would risk his money investing in a town where there is inadequate basic services such as water supplies and town street lights.

It appears as if the refuse collection gangs previously working for the Municipality have been disbanded and the business of reuse collection contracted to private businesses.



from: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Corruption cannot end in Kenya because it takes form of cartel, a formal (explicit) “agreement” among competing politicians. This is a condition where you use certain ethnic communities to help you ascend to power with promise that you will award and protect them.

In economic terminology, a cartel is a formal organization of producers and manufacturers that agree to fix prices, marketing, and production, especially in an oligopolistic industry, where the number of sellers is small (usually because barriers to entry, most notably startup costs, are high) and the products being traded are usually homogenous.

In Mexico for example, Mexican narcos are using Twitter, Facebook and other online tools to run drug business campaigns, post selfies, brag about their wealth and even target rivals.

Like any burgeoning business, Mexico’s drug cartels are using the web to conduct very successful public relations campaigns that put those of their counterparts in Colombia and Myanmar in the 1980s to shame.

They advertise their activities, they conduct public relations initiatives, and they have basically turned themselves into their own media company,” Antoine Nouvet from the SecDev Foundation.

It is very difficult to prevent because cartels are often systematic, deliberate and most importantly, covert. It involves high ranking people in the government. Kenya is ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world because of cartel.

Ministry of Defence tops this year Ethics and Anti-Corruption list of most corrupt state departments because of cartel. The Immigrations Department is on the spot again because of cartel.

For as little as Sh100,000 corrupt officials are promising that anyone, even people of dubious character, can get a birth certificate, a school leaving certificate, an identification card, a driving license and a Kenyan passport.

With this type of business, is why even though Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph ole Lenku sacking of 15 senior and middle-level Immigration officers for issuing IDs to illegal immigrants, this will never end corruption in this department.

That is why terrorists, drug traffickers, bogus traders and despots fleeing from justice in their countries or other jurisdictions can easily find their way in Kenya. That is why Kenya has been a victim of terror attacks on several occasions, often orchestrated by individuals with Kenyan identification documents.

Another example and indeed shameful scenario was the shadowy Artur brothers who spread their version of terror during former President Kibaki’s government. The duo reportedly carried documents identifying them as senior police officers.

Kibaki government knew this but because the deal had a connection with high ranking officials in government he could do nothing but to allow the brothers to operate deadly business in Kenya.

That is also why the Port of Mombasa is operating under the manipulation of vicious cartels which enjoyed levels of high political patronage which has made the Jubilee government’s struggle against corruption a daunting task in vain.

The cartels were honed into shape through years of one party patronage under President Moi where tenders at the port were awarded to businessmen who had contributed to the ruling party’s awesome war chest.

Even though today panic has gripped the cartels which succeeded the Moi networks, President Uhuru cannot crackdown on them because like Moi and Kibaki, he needs ther political support.

Uhuru cannot because many of them metamorphosed into the present ones whose loyalty until the March 4 General Election was to players in Kibaki government. The cartels, which were predominantly Asian, later mutated into indigenous networks that use their proximity to State House.

The cartels do not operate alone but bring on board senior managers at the Kenya Ports Authority who handle their paperwork by influence peddling and paying off any stubborn middle level managers who are at times dismissed from their jobs if they insist on due process.

The elevation of the Managing Director Mr Gichiri Ndua to the helm was a direct result of the power play in Kibaki government to continue the business and also to conceal any dubious deals within the port authority department.

It explains how at one point during the Kanu days, one of the leaders of one of the biggest cartels who operated as President Moi’s point man in the region was appointed Executive Chairman in a shameless strategy to raise funds for the party which was then reeling under the threat of opposition pressure.

Another cartel business is in land ministry. This is where land officers, lawyers, real estate agents and brokers are duping innocent Kenyans into buying non-existent land. It is where the well-organised fraudsters use existing deed plans — documents showing location and divisions on land — to tamper with records at the Lands ministry.

The cartel is behind the runaway cases of people buying land belonging to other people. The best example is that of the Syokimau demolitions that saw Kenyans lose millions of shillings in investments that never existed.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.comFacebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.
-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

Kenya: Share Latest Siaya news

From: Judy Miriga

Good people of Siaya,

Greetings to all,

I am compelled to say that, Education, Science and Technology, job creation with Communities Co-op Partnership Development on Natural Minerals and Agricultural industrial prospects should be given 1st priority involving collective participation of the Siaya People shared fairly. This should involve both the local people and those in Diaspora to have an opportunity to engage effectively and profitably in sustainable worthy endeavor that will stimulate economic growth in diversity from marginalization and stagnation that inflicted the City 50 years down the line. We shall all be pleased and delighted that, this will give the City a facelift with improved lost glory we look forward for Siaya County, the City of the People, to generate momentum moving forward in Progressive Development and not retrogrising………

Now that elections are over, and Rasanga has extended an olive branch to his opponent, people must work in a united front irrespective of Party affiliation for a purpose of developing the region without looking back. It must be known that politics is a game of competition that are full of challenges, but those who work and engage for common good of all, focusing on peoples service delivery without short-changing or discrimination, shall win public interest in the process.

People must descern backwardness but must involve collective opinions and commit to achievements and success that bring peace and happiness to all !!!
Cheers !!!

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,


Kidero promises to work with leaders to develop Nyanza
PLEDGE: Nairobi Governor Evans Kidero and his Kisii counterpart James Ongwae in Ongwae’s office yesterday. Photo/BENSON NYAGESIBA South Nyanza residents yesterday blocked the Kisii-Migori highway demanding to be addressed by Nairobi Governor Evans …The Star (Kenya), 3 days ago
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Kenya Kidero Education standards in Nyanza worrying
Kidero said it is unfortunate that the area that consistently led in terms of education 20 years ago now lags behind. “We as leaders have to get back and see where we missed something,” he said. The governor said out of the 51,000 students …Big News Network, 2 days ago

Siaya to Use Sh3.6 Million to Swear-in Rasanga
by Ricky Otieno
Nov 06, 2013 (The Star/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) –

SIAYA county government has allocated Sh3.6 million for the Friday swearing-in-ceremony of governor-elect Cornel Rasanga. Speaking to the Star on the phone yesterday, county interim Transition Authority secretary Caleb Ongoma said Sh90,000 has been set aside for transporting 360 party officials.

He said the provisional estimate is set to be reviewed after a final budget committee meeting to be held today at the county commissioner’s office. “The budget might upscale to Sh4 million depending on the resolution of both budget teams from Transition Authority and the governor’s,” Ongoma said.

He said Hon Judge Hillary Chemetei is likely to preside over the legal bit during the ceremony to be held at the Siaya Municipal Stadium. Ongoma said security has been bolstered ahead of the function. He said guests will be thoroughly screened before getting into the stadium.

“Following the recent Westgate saga we cannot take chances on security,” Ongoma said. He said former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the chairman of the Council of Governors Isaac Rutto and other governors are expected to attend the function.

After the swearing in session, guests will be invited to three separate luncheons: one at Rasanga’s home in Segere, a second at the late Amoth Owira’s home and a third at Siaya Institute of Technology.

Copyright The Star. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (


Propaganda cost Oduol seat

Monday, October 21, 2013 – 00:00 — BY JUSTUS OCHIENG

THE camp alied to the Siaya governor loser William Oduol has claimed propaganda orchestrated by top ODM brigade led to their defeat.

Former Alego Usonga MP Sammy Weya, who was Oduol’s chief campaigner, said ODM sustained a campaign, which depicted Oduol as a Jubilee sympathiser in a Cord-dominated region.

He said this sank well with the voters who believed the false assertions against the National Agenda Party of Kenya candidate and rejected him at the ballot.

During the campaigns, some ODM leaders said the contest between the party candidate, Cornel Rasanga, and Oduol was a race between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Cord leader Raila Odinga.

Rasanga garnered 107,737 votes against Oduol’s 64,106 while independent candidate Noah Migudo managed 1,446 votes.

Oduol conceded defeat on Thursday night at Chezz Albert Hotel in Siaya town. He thanked his supporters for standing with him in the campaigns and election.

Rasanga’s win enabled ODM to stamp its authority in Siaya, which is Raila’s home county.

The county has six constituencies, Alego Usonga, Gem, Ugenya, Ugunja, Rarieda and Bondo.

Rasanga beat Oduol in all the constituencies.

Kenya Rasanga extends olive branch
Newly sworn-in Siaya County Governor Cornel Rasanga (pictured) has promised to work with his political opponents to develop the county. Speaking after being sworn-in yesterday, Mr Rasanga said his first priority will be to reunite the people of …Big News Network, 3 days ago

Siaya boss dismisses funds report

Siaya acting governor George Okode has dismissed reports that the county is among those that have underutilised funds disbursed to them. Okode was reacting to a financial report released by the Treasury Cabinet Secretary Henry Rotich. …The Star (Kenya), last month

Speaker to act as governor for Siaya- The Star (Kenya), 2 months ago

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Kenya: What Raila did not tell you in his new book

From: Judy Miriga

Dr. Joyce,

Well, in my view, the book deserves criticism and maybe Raila may consider a Review from peoples critics. This is because he deserves to have a book in the international shelves of statesmen along those who struggled for Reform for Kenya. Although unfortunately down the line, Raila diverted course and got out of track where created more enemies and bad blood with many, mostly his own tribesmen the Luos……….this means, if any member of a Luo community fail to subscribe to Railas ways, you are doomed, you are forever an enemy, unless you kneel down to him and beg for forgivement…………for which, some of us have suffered scars and the pain of rejecting sycophancy, intimidation and freedom for justice and truth.


The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya……….and the Democratic space for Reform in Kenya. Where shall we put the likes of Tom Mboya for example, the part which have trace for real history for Kenya ???

This part is true and therefore the book is misleading to gain any credibility in the Institution of learning in the world…………

No one can succeed alone without a team. Life is all about appreciating each others efforts and give credit where credit is due……….What spoils for Raila is greed and selfishness, otherwise, he can change and Reform if he wants to. I am concerned because, lives on earth, our behavior and characters lives long after we are all gone. People shall be remembered by the good they did for others and it is up to individuals to choose how they wish to be remembered.
Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

– - – - – - – - – - –

Friday, November 8, 2013
What Raila did not tell you in his new book

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles? A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”. PHOTO/FILE


In Summary
It’s one of the best written autobiographies by a Kenyan, but the book is structured in a way that spares the writer censure over his contentious choices, argues our writer in this no-holds-barred review of The Flame of Freedom.
So Raila was never a child of material want, nor one lacking in privilege. His capacity for protest, though selfless, is nonetheless curious.
In February 2008 when Kofi Annan expressed his horror at the goings-on in the Rift Valley, which he visited, Raila coldly responded, “Clashes are not new. It is not the first time. We have seen them since 1991, and in 1997 and 2002”.
Raila’s detractors come in for unflattering description—“the bellicose Michuki”; “Patrick Shaw, a grotesque giant of a man”, “gargantuan reserve officer”; “unpredictable [George] Githii”; “the combative Nassir”; “Idi Amin…the unpredictable and murderous buffoon”—among many others. The tone is often so condescending!
Surprisingly, Raila does not recount the events of October 29, 2005 when Raphael Tuju tried to hold a rally in Kisumu in support of the Wako Draft Constitution, yet the incident mirrors closely the events of New Nyanza 1969.


Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles?

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya.

Raila’s story gives clear justification for the constitutional changes that this country finally made.

It is a must read for those who never experienced — and those who would so carelessly forget — the terror of a dictatorship where sycophancy, fear and silence reigned supreme.

A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”.

But for all the evidence that Raila mounts to prove this point, he simultaneously supplies enough information to refute the truth of his tumeonewa refrain. A few examples suffice.


With his father out in the political cold, Raila was employed at the University of Nairobi, a government institution headed by Dr Josephat Karanja.

Raila’s consulting firm, Franz Schinies and Partners, got a contract to “install a liquid petroleum gas tank at [Jomo] Kenyatta’s farm in Gatundu”.

Raila and Franz registered Standard Processing Equipment Construction and Erection (Spectre), got a loan and premises from the Kenya Industrial Estates, a wholly owned government body.

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles?

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya.

Raila’s story gives clear justification for the constitutional changes that this country finally made.

It is a must read for those who never experienced — and those who would so carelessly forget — the terror of a dictatorship where sycophancy, fear and silence reigned supreme.

A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”.

But for all the evidence that Raila mounts to prove this point, he simultaneously supplies enough information to refute the truth of his tumeonewa refrain. A few examples suffice.


With his father out in the political cold, Raila was employed at the University of Nairobi, a government institution headed by Dr Josephat Karanja.

Raila’s consulting firm, Franz Schinies and Partners, got a contract to “install a liquid petroleum gas tank at [Jomo] Kenyatta’s farm in Gatundu”.

Raila and Franz registered Standard Processing Equipment Construction and Erection (Spectre), got a loan and premises from the Kenya Industrial Estates, a wholly owned government body.

After his first detention Raila negotiated funding from Industrial Development Bank, another government institution.

Through Kenya Railways and the Ministry of Works, the government facilitated the testing of Spectre’s gas cylinders, leveraging their acceptance by international oil companies.

Raila says the idea of setting up a local standards body was his, driven by the challenge of getting Spectre’s LPG cylinders certified in the UK.

The Jomo government embraced the idea, appointed Raila to the position of Group Standards Manager in the newly formed Kenya Bureau of Standards.

He rose to be Deputy Director in 1978, a job he held until 1982 when the Moi government detained him over his role in the coup.

Raila served as secretary and later vice-chairman of the Nairobi Branch of Kenya Amateur Athletics Association (p.334) and he travelled abroad many times with national teams, representing Kenya.

In the Jomo years, when Jaramogi had problems servicing a foreign currency loan from TAW Leasing International for the purchase of 12 buses for his Lolwe Road Services, he obtained a shilling-based loan to pay off TAW from National Bank of Kenya then headed by Stanley Githunguri.

Dr Oburu Odinga was employed in the Ministry of Planning in the Jomo era. By 1994, he had risen to be the Provincial Planning Officer in Western.

The acquisition of the Kisumu Molasses Plant gave Raila 283 acres in Kisumu town for a well-below market rate of Sh13,100 per acre.

Maybe the Kenyatta and the Moi governments facilitated the commercial ventures of the Odingas to keep them from aspiring for high political office.

Still, the reality of all these opportunities negates the argument of government waging an all-out vendetta.


The position of the Odingas on the land question is logically inconsistent.

In the 1950s, Jaramogi donated land for the building of Nyamira Primary and Nyamira Girls schools in Bondo.

Though Raila is vague about the exact purchase dates and the distinctions between the properties, he nonetheless mentions several tracts of land owned by Jaramogi aside from his Bondo home—150 acres at Opoda Farm, 550 acres in Tinderet purchased through an Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC) loan after independence, 700 acres at Soba River Farm and an undisclosed acreage at Great Oroba River Farm in Muhoroni.

And then there is the sketchy matter of the Lumumba Institute in Ruaraka. Jaramogi and Jomo were joint trustees.

Bildad Kaggia, Achieng’ Oneko, Pio Gama Pinto and others were board members. Funded by Russia, the institute functioned for just one year before closing in 1965, a victim of Jomo’s pro-west politics.

How did the property end up in the Odinga portfolio? Raila just says, “we still had the premises…which we rented out, though the returns were paltry”.

Raila emphasises that Jaramogi left Kanu to form KPU because he was “increasingly critical of the widespread land-grabbing that characterised the first independent Kenya government’s activities”.

But Raila’s knowledge on the land question is dogged by fundamental factual errors.

He says, “[w]ell connected families acquired land in the early 1960s through the Settlement Transfer Fund Scheme, a brainchild of Kenyatta and his cronies soon after Independence”.

No such fund existed. The Land Development and Settlement Board was established in January 1961, a precursor of the Settlement Fund Trustees (SFT) launched on June 1, 1963.

Alfred Nyairo has repeatedly demonstrated that discussions over the sale of the White Highlands commenced while Kenyatta was still restricted in Maralal.

Nyairo adds, “the first African allottees were settled at the ex-Luckhurst farm at Dundori on 27th March 1961. By Madaraka Day in 1963, 356,255 acres had been purchased on which 6,668 African farmers and their families had been settled”.

Jaramogi was in Mombasa in 1981 when he called Jomo a “land-grabber”. Though he apologised later, that comment angered Moi so much that Jaramogi was shut out of that year’s Bondo by-election, the 1983 and 1988 General Elections.

So what makes one a land-grabber? Is it the extent of the acreage, the manner of purchase, location outside your “ancestral” home, the source of the funding, the time of purchase (pre-versus post-independence) or a varied mixture of all these factors?

The Flame of Freedom gives many insights into Raila’s character.


At his birth in 1945, Jaramogi was Principal of Maseno Veterinary School, a thrifty businessman running a trading company and distributing East African Industries products all over Nyanza.

Later, Jaramogi ran a printing press, a construction company and a bus company. Raila had a choice of homes between Kisumu Town and the rural Bondo.

At 17, he was sent to high school in Germany taking a flight to Cairo from Dar es Salaam at a time when few Africans had seen a car, let alone in an aeroplane!

So Raila was never a child of material want, nor one lacking in privilege. His capacity for protest, though selfless, is nonetheless curious.

He narrates a stunning example of this reflexive defiance.

On a visit to Romania in 1968, Raila landed in Bucharest without a visa. Immigration officers allowed him to leave the airport terminal building so that he could go to a bank, cash his traveller’s cheques and return to buy a visa using US dollars.


“I walked out of the airport, now an illegal immigrant, saw people getting on a bus and joined them for an uneventful journey to town”.

Why violate the trust of an immigration officer?

Raila shows no care for the Kenyan student leaders who had gone to meet him at the airport and could not locate him.

This example of pointless lawlessness ties into another disturbing aspect of character.

In detention, Raila encountered many cruel warders and was subjected to vile brutality.

But there were also kind-hearted warders, who facilitated his communication with fellow detainees like George Anyona and with his wife, Ida.

When a smuggled letter from Ida was found, Deputy Police Commissioner Philip Kilonzo was furious to the extent of having Ida arrested and locked up.

The search for the facilitating warder landed on an innocent man, one who had never been kind to Raila. He was promptly “removed”.

Raila does not see the injustice of a man being punished for a “crime” he never committed. Instead he gloats, “I felt that ‘divine justice’ had intervened to help rid me of one of the unsympathetic askaris”.

This warped sense of justice carries over to Raila’s later defence of Mungiki.

Though Raila boldly stood up for them in 2008 offering to mediate between their leader Maina Njenga and the coalition government, he had previously displayed absolutely no compassion for the conditions of Mungiki’s making.

In February 2008 when Kofi Annan expressed his horror at the goings-on in the Rift Valley, which he visited, Raila coldly responded, “Clashes are not new. It is not the first time. We have seen them since 1991, and in 1997 and 2002”.

Anyone who would fight for the right of Mungiki to be and to assemble should first fight to eradicate the conditions of cyclical violence and forced eviction that radicalise disillusioned youth!

Raila is emphatic in stating, “I am not a tribalist”.

But the structure and style of his narrative makes it hard to believe that he does not single out Kikuyus and blame them for all of his suffering.


His chronology of post-election violence is deliberately blurred and elliptical, avoiding dates so that he never has to use the term “retaliatory violence”.

He gives blatant misinformation about the events in Kisumu where he claims there was no “inter-community fight”, yet Kisii and Kikuyu properties were openly torched.

Raila distorts events in Eldoret, especially the Kiambaa church inferno, for which he refuses to state the ethnic identity of the victims — yet he keeps talking of “our boys” and “our people” in reference to killings in Nairobi and Kisumu.

He understates the death toll and makes no mention of his disastrous BBC interview aired on January 17, 2008 and carried verbatim in The Nairobi Star. That interview had a catalogue of factual errors and appeared to defend the church fire.

Victims of the worst of post-poll violence, regardless of how they had voted, will be comforted to learn from Raila’s story that when lives and property were being traded as collateral to gain high political office for some, there were some wise voices who cautioned the warring factions against the anger that was welling up against politicians.

Former Mozambique president Joachim Chissano said: “Those who have lost loved ones have a spirit of hatred towards those they think are guilty of causing their suffering”.

Indeed. He doesn’t mention placards and slogans, but nothing was more damaging to Raila’s cause than the chants, “No Raila, No peace” and “No peace without justice”.

Whose justice? The one whose votes were stolen or the one with an arrow in his head presumably because votes were stolen?

Raila’s earlier account of the events preceding the 1992 election dwell on the ethnic clashes in Muhoroni and Tinderet, but never mention the purge of Kikuyus in Molo, Burnt Forest and Turbo.

Similarly, he makes no reference to the 2005 Referendum victory speech that triggered the “41 against 1” doctrine.


Aside from his systematic and sustained disavowal of Kikuyu suffering, Raila (sub)consciously employs a style that profiles any Kikuyu in a position of authority, for instance, “Finance’s Kikuyu editor Njehu Gatabaki”.

The same ethnic profiling is not used in references to Pius Nyamora or Philip Ochieng’ no matter how nefarious their editorial activities were.

Qualifying Asman Kamama and Samuel Pogisho as “ethnic Pokot” raises their profiles as worthy minorities but references to the Kikuyu stress their dangerous over-representation.

Interestingly, Raila never sees his own proclivity for congregating with Luos in ethnic terms—during his stint at UoN and in the organisation of the 1982 coup.

This book is structured in a way that spares Raila censure over his contentious choices. The acquisition of the Kisumu molasses factory and co-operation with Moi’s Kanu provide two apt examples.

The chapter on the acquisition of molasses is strategically sandwiched between the Ouko Inquiry and the 1992 General Election so that our shock and fears over the heinous murder of Ouko influence us to see the resuscitation of the molasses factory as a just cause.

Raila does not tell us that he acquired this factory as he took NDP to Kanu and Moi appointed him Minister for Energy.


Raila employs a similar technique of blurred chronology to introduce co-operation.

He begins by tracing “Jaramogi’s ideas [which] were sound and well-intentioned”.

Before we can interrogate this statement, we are plunged into Jaramogi’s death and what is possibly the most endearing chapter in the book.

By the time Raila resumes the story of co-operation — which happened eight years after Jaramogi’s death –— we are still reeling from the profound sorrow and sympathy over the senior patriarch’s passing.

Raila’s sequence lends logic and coherence to political events that were probably never planned that way or that far back.

The (co-)author of this book, Sarah Elderkin, is incapable of writing a bad sentence. This makes for a compelling 959-page read. Typos are at a minimum — mostly of ethnic words like Shamakhokho and Kaguthi—and the editing has been thorough.

It is tempting to call this monumental work a gracious account, but Elderkin’s studied penchant for colourful invective makes such praise difficult.

Raila’s detractors come in for unflattering description—“the bellicose Michuki”; “Patrick Shaw, a grotesque giant of a man”, “gargantuan reserve officer”; “unpredictable [George] Githii”; “the combative Nassir”; “Idi Amin…the unpredictable and murderous buffoon”—among many others. The tone is often so condescending!

One looks for the engineering and football metaphors that will distinguish the telling as Raila’s. There are hardly any.

The story is dominated by Elderkin’s distinctly English—rather than Kenyan—idioms. For instance, the phrase “champing at the bit”.

But there is a more fundamental reason why Elderkin is an obtrusive biographer. Raila states at the opening that this “is a collection of memories, and memory is, of course, imperfect”.

But because he tries to capture the whole story of Kenya’s pro-democracy struggles, Raila is forced to narrate events that he could not have witnessed when he was detained on and off for close to a decade between 1982 and 1991.


When does a work cease to be a memoir and become an autobiography?

A memoir allows you to operate at the level of feeling, narrating things as you remember them, perhaps about a single event or period and with no need to qualify a sentiment.

Raila does this many times, like when he relates the fall-out in Ford-Kenya by glibly saying “it remains my conviction that Wamalwa’s bodyguard and personal assistant were drafted in and also that 12 delegates …were switched”.

He borders on rumour and hearsay with the frequent “we were told”, “I had received information”.

Autobiography compels you to do the homework and give us the facts. To tell the story of Luo genealogy; of KPU’s emergence when he was studying in Germany and of events during his detention and exile years, Raila’s biographer does the research. She relies heavily on press accounts for the period 1982-1992.

Aside from these tensions between remembering and researching, this work raises an even bigger question on the politics of memory.

Memory is as much collective as it is individual. People in positions of authority—politicians, academics, and cultural workers including the media—shape and reinforce the ways in which society remembers.

Raila’s memory often fits into a well-honed collective position. His account of Jomo’s October 1969 visit to open New Nyanza Hospital in Kisumu strikes one as the familiar provincial version, different from the State’s (sub)version of that day.

Raila arrived in Kisumu from Europe via Uganda the day before Jomo’s scheduled visit. Before going to the hospital, he went to Kondele “getting a feeling of the atmosphere as the crowds awaited Kenyatta’s arrival”.

He remembers the crowds shouting the KPU slogan “dume” as Jomo waved his flywhisk and then he started hearing gunshots and screams.

By other accounts in the press, Jomo was met by “organised gangs of youth shouting ndume…stones were lobbed at the presidential dais…the presidential bodyguards opened fire …a stampede ensued and many were trampled”.

This was a defining moment of rupture from government for the people of Kisumu who lived under a dawn-to-dusk curfew and bore the pain of an official death toll of 11 that contradicted their own account of 100 dead, including children.

The event clearly shaped the discourse of exclusion and victimisation among the Luo.

Surprisingly, Raila does not recount the events of October 29, 2005 when Raphael Tuju tried to hold a rally in Kisumu in support of the Wako Draft Constitution, yet the incident mirrors closely the events of New Nyanza 1969.

Officially, four people died from gunshots, 30 were wounded.

Raila outlines the power of the Odingas in determining elections in Luo Nyanza.

Even when they have had serious doubts about the integrity of a person, as in the case of their in-law Otieno Ambala, they have never shied away from using their clout to get someone elected.


But the more startling revelation is of the safe haven, later guerilla camp, that Raila and his father run on their Opoda Farm in 1979 when they trained the soldiers who invaded Uganda to aid Milton Obote’s return.

The clout of the Odingas in the region is seen again in Raila’s 1991 flight into exile when he escaped Moi’s dragnet by crossing over into Uganda on a boat.

Before that exile, Jaramogi too was said to have Ugandan support when he was reportedly spotted at Entebbe airport after the failed 1982 coup.

Raila refuses to discuss his role in that coup saying “[t]he full explanation of our efforts to bring about popular change will have to wait for another, freer, time in our country”.

This silence is unfortunate because there are numerous accounts from coup perpetrators who implicate Raila and Jaramogi in the funding and planning of the putsch.

A recent account taken from the statements of Joseph Ogidi Obuon was published in the Daily Nation on August 3. Ogidi said that in the planning stages, Raila had informed them that there would be “some help from neighbouring countries”.

Though Raila refuses to discuss the details, his account of his travel from Nairobi on the night of August 1 and his arrival at a vantage point on August 2 from where he confirmed that a military aircraft was parked at the Kisumu Airport, speaks volumes!


The last two chapters of Raila’s story are important for two reasons.

First, they allow Raila to finish his story on a note of victory.

Second, they give us substantial details on his achievements in the Office of the Prime Minister, a worthy thing because there are many who were convinced that his was the laggardly side of mseto, a cantankerous and disagreeable union that tired the populace with its trickster narratives and cries of “I was not consulted”.

Still, it is rare to come across a biography like this one that relates no regrets, no pensive second thoughts on old choices.

Where there have been mis-steps or dodgy decisions, they are swiftly blamed on others.

A particularly amusing example is the failed cheaper maize flour scheme for those with low income. Raila says “government officials spoiled it” instead of admitting to its illogical socio-economics or, with the benefit of hindsight, debating how the scheme might have been run differently.


It is easy to conclude that Raila takes credit for far too many things, not least the famous “Kibaki Tosha” which, truly, came at a time when Raila and his group of New Kanu rebels had nowhere else to go and no choice but to endorse a decision that Wamalwa, Kibaki and Ngilu had already arrived at.

By their very definition, autobiographies are about making the subject the centre of gravity.

Raila, therefore, dims the contributions of party leaders like Mboya, Fred Gumo, Mwai Kibaki and Ronald Ngala all of whom represented constituencies outside their ancestral homes long before Raila did so in Langata.

He diminishes the ideas of his colleagues at the Kenya Bureau of Standards; of Ufungamano and other actors in the constitution-making process, and by-passes the genius of the technocrats who turned his Lapsset, Prime-Minister’s Round Table Forum and Special Economic Zones into memorable successes.

He is a rare lecturer who has no memory of a single one of his former students and a hard-hearted friend who seems to deal too casually with the disappearance of his business partner, Franz, with whom he had a disagreement.

This is a story of courage and determination but in the end, it fills one with an overwhelming sense of pity.

The humiliation that Raila has suffered is partly in the brutality of detention, so he gives very few details of his second and third stints therein.

Understandably, there is an even more harrowing pain. You hear it in the number of times Raila reports, “[they] attacked Jaramogi”.


The weight of his father’s unfulfilled dreams is evidently on Raila’s shoulders as he leaves out the revelations of Jaramogi’s confidant, Odinge Odera, about Jaramogi’s “sulking” reaction to Moi’s ascension to the throne upon Jomo’s death in 1978.

Similarly, Raila does not recount the sad public plea Jaramogi made to Moi in Bondo shortly before his death when he asked Moi to leave him the president’s seat for just one day.

Though Raila’s book ends with a bold vision for high Pan-African ideals, it is still the story of a man (and his father) who has lit so many fires, but one who has yet to warm himself at the ultimate hearth in State House.

So I echo Obasanjo’s Foreword in saying, “I am looking forward to reading the rest of the Raila story”.

Dr Nyairo is a cultural analyst. (



AFTER receiving a tip from good citizens that a wanted notorious criminal thug was planning to stage a night robbery in his district, the D.C., George Lagat in the company of two armed AP decided to lay an ambush to the heavily armed thug.

The D.C and his team drove from his residence at Rapogi Centre in the evening and stopped by toad side on the Awendo-Migori road. And at around 8.30 PM the notorious criminal thug while armed with an AK47 assault rifle pulled up from Migori direction. He was riding a motorbike and carrying two of his companions. UPON SEEING THE GK vehicle parked by the roadside, the notorious criminal thug made a sharp about-turn and rode back towards Migori town. Upon seeing the D.C. and his team getting closer to him while he run on foot, the thug opened fire aimed at the group. The policemen returned the fire hitting hitting him in the abdomen. The gangster fell down in the bush and threw his gun away. He also dropped a mobile phone handset, which the police took with them for further analysis to assist them in their investigation to unearth and establish the identities the thug’s contacts and accomplices.

The notorious thug died in a hails of bullets and his two companion fled on foot an disappeared inside sugar plantation.

It was later discovered that the firearm this thug was carrying is the same which had been used in killing a police officer in Awendo town a couple of months ago. As it was in darkness the D.C. sent for reinforcement of more policemen from the nearby Awendo, Rongo and Migori police stations.

It was policemen from Migori who arrived at the scene and recognized the felled criminal as Otieno, a notorious an wanted criminal thug, who has been terrorizing business people in Migori Town and its environs where he conducted day and night raids against businessmen.

It was established that Otieno hails from Ka-min-Olewe area in Central Kanyamkago location, Uriri district in Migori County. After staging a series of night robberies in the district he relocated to Migori town when he realized that the police were looking for him.

Otieno is said to have been the leader of a gang of notorious criminals in Migori which for the past four to five years gave the police sleepless nights. His body was taken to Ma Mortuary in Migori district hospital while the police were still pursuing his two companions who had escaped.

The shootout occurred only a kilometer from Urirri Centre and the market. It was not immediately established as the destination of the slained criminal thugs. It could have been Awendo, Ranen ,Mariwa or Rapogi trading centers,



Writes Leo Odera Omolo

REPORTS emerging from the Arusha based secretariat of the EAST African Community says that top Ugandan traders operating inside the Republic of South Sudan have moved to the East African Court of Justice and filed a legal suit asking the court to block the impending admission of that country into the East African Community as its sixth member.

The newest African nation had applied to join the regional trading unit. Its application for the entry into the Eac is expected to be top on agenda for the next summit of the EAC Heads of state and government, which is scheduled for April next year.

The businessmen have cited bad governance, lack of democracy, arbitrary and illegal arrests of its members and detention, rape, maiming and confiscation of merchant goods belonging to its members and confiscation of vehicles.

The legal suit is filed by members of the Uganda Traders Association comprising mainly Ugandans who are doing business in South Sudan. The Ugandans claimed that that country does not meet the criteria and lad down the rules stipulating by the EAC Treaty for admission of its membership. Their objection is on the ground that the juba regime does not met the prerequisite condition and requirements for admission into the EAC membership.

South Sudan government, they claimed has failed the test of good governance, democracy, the rule of law, observance of human rights and social justice. They further accused the Juba regime of failing to satisfy foreign investors operating businesses and trade in that country. Their members are allegedly being killed, maimed, raped and brutally beaten up by that country’s primitive and untrained security personnel. They laid claim of approximately 4.9 US dollars owed to them by South Sudan authorities related to unpaid bill on credit line and compensation for financial losses incurred due to the said violation of universally acceptable trade deals.

However, the Ugandan Minister in-charge of the East African Community Affairs Shem Rugena blamed the traders for having rushed to court, saying that they should have forwarded their claims to the EAC Council of Ministers before fling the court cases.

Meanwhile Kenyans arriving home from South Sudan alleged that close to ten Kenyans have died in that country under very mysterious circumstances. Some of them have disappeared without trace suspected of either held in illegal detention camps of killed.

Kenyans, they claimed, expect bare faced mass deportation and are being asked to finance the cost of their deportation. This is sometime exaggerated by the police, put at Kshs 200,200. Whereas the cost of travelling from Juba to the Kenya South Sudan border posts does not exceed Kshs 30,000 . Those under arrests or placed in police custody are tortured and at the same time being asked to pay colossal amounts of money to buy their freedom.


ICC judge tells Germany that UHURU and RUTO cases were a big mistake – BENSOUDA should end the cases pronto.

From: maina ndiritu

Saturday November 9, 2013 – One of the International Criminal Court (ICC) judges has told a Berlin conference that the ICC made a big mistake when they indicted President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Deputy, William Ruto.

Speaking during a conference about Presidents on Trial and the straining relations between the ICC and the African Union on Wednesday, Judge Hans-Peter Kaul, the German judge who dissented at the pre-trial stage, expressed his dissenting voice because the crimes committed during the 2007-08 post election violence were grave crimes against the laws of Kenya, but they were not crimes against humanity.

“I was and I remain convinced that these trials are a mistake.” Judge Kaul said.

He said former ICC prosecutor, Moreno Ocampo had initially confessed that he made a few mistakes on the Kenyan cases but his successor Fatou Bensouda instead of rectifying them, she made a big mistake which has now threatened the existence of the Hague based court.

Judge Peter Kaul said President Uhuru’s trial has been deferred to February 5 2014 and Fatou Bensouda has time to reflect and drop the case or keep going.

He said the two Kenyans cases may build or destroy the credibility of the court.

The forum was attended by German Minister for Justice.

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From: dick.aduonga@ . . .


Happy Jubilee to all fellow citizens. I was recently in Kenya and just came back in the last two weeks. The country is beautiful and has made meaningful infrastructural changes. I noticed that individuals are making very concerted efforts to invest and strive to create investment and employment opportunities in the country.

However, there is a real serious issue worth of national discourse. Runaway insecurity in Kenya is worrying and leaders must act now. The security agencies are somehow complicity in the deteriorating security situation in the country. There was this case where some local thugs hacked a security guard to death at Usenge market in Bondo and the following day the police begun their investigations. But at the same time the family decided to hire the services of a sorcerer which surprised many given the fact that the police already took the case up. But then I concluded that they did this for there was lack of confidence in the police to carry out a robust and conclusive investigation that would confidently secure successful prosecution in a court of law.

It means the public have no confidence in the security agencies enforcing the law and the thugs know it. So where are the leaders who normally make a lot of noise for the wrong reasons yet on security they are unable to challenge the government to not only beef up security but to also ensure right persons are put in charge and faithfully discharge their duties without political interference from powers high above. Something must be done now and not tomorrow. God bless Kenya.

By Dickson Aduonga

Kenya: Kambas cry – ‘Spare One of our Own’

From: Maurice Oduor

At this rate, I don’t think Kenya will get anywhere with reforms. If no one that breaks the law can ever be censored or punished, then we’re doomed.

Here, it’s clear that Charity Ngilu has violated the Constitution. For once our useless parliament has decided to do the right thing by taking steps to address the situation.

What happens next?

She runs back to Ukambani for help and screams, “We Kambas are being finished !!!”.

The Kamba MPs come to her rescue with a call that “Mama Ngilu should be allowed to do her job; it’s time to set aside petty politics”

What petty politics? The lady broke the law !!! People face punishment when they break the law !!!!! That’s not petty politics !!!!

Sometimes I think I’m a character in George Orwell’s book, 1984, and that everything that is right real life is wrong but everything that is wrong in real life is right.

– - – - – - – - – -

Human is to era, Ukambani MPs tell President Uhuru Kenyatta over Ngilu
Updated Saturday, November 9th 2013 at 13:55 GMT +3


MACHAKOS, KENYA: Members of Parliament from Ukambani have come to the rescue of embattled lands cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu who faces possible sacking for violating the Constitution after parliament censured her.

The MPs, during the launch of the Machakos City, petitioned President Uhuru Kenyatta to pardon Ngilu over the ‘gross misconduct’ allegations leveled against her by the parliamentarians.

“Human is to error. If Ngilu erroneously made a decision that did not please many, she should be forgiven and allowed to perform her duties. No one is an Angel,” said Mavoko MP Patrick Makau.

“Mavoko residents and all Kenyans would like to be issued with title deeds. We should allow the Cabinet Secretary to perform her duties and stop petty politics,” Makau said.

Masinga MP Itwiku Mbai besieged the President to ensure Ngilu is protected from the MPs who are baying for her blood, saying the Cabinet Secretary is being hounded for her firm stand to clean the lands ministry dogged by corruption and massive land grabbing.

“We know mama is able and should be left to go on with her duties. We want Ngilu protected,” said Mbai.

Kangundo MP Katatha Maweu urged all Kamba politicians to unite for the sake of the region’s development, saying divisive politics will continue to plunge the region in poverty.

MPs wanted Ngilu fired for unconstitutional, irregular and un-procedural acts of creating offices and making arbitrary appointments, promotions and transfers of staff in the lands ministry.

This, could be a sign that Ngilu, who has been lobbying MPs to let her off the hook is winning the fight.


from: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

The Vice Chancellor of the Catholic University of Eastern Africa (CUEA) Rev Dr Pius Rutechura has made an appeal that President Uhuru Kenyatta should heed to. Rutechura has requested Uhuru to waive the Tax on ICT equipment and materials for learning institutions so as to enable the institutions run this course at lower cost and makes it more accessible.

CUEA is not only among the institutions of higher learning that value the importance of ICT but has also launched the first IBM commercial technology research facility in Africa at CUEA on November 8, 2013.

Fr Rutechura is not the first to make the appeal. Education Cabinet secretary Jacob Kaimenyi had made similar appeal to President Kenyatta to issue a directive including a tax waiver to kick-start supply of 1.3 million Class One laptops.

Prof Kaimenyi argued that it was possible for the ministry to supply about 600,000 laptops in the first term with the balance supplied by the beginning of second term next year if taxes were waived.

The laptop project is a key part of the Jubilee manifesto and is supposed to be implemented by ministries including ICT, Education and Energy which will supply power to primary schools. This cannot kick off due to heavy taxes on ICT. It means that children will not get access to laptop next year.

Government terminated the tender after the lowest bidder quoted Sh32 billion against a budget of Sh12 billion. Had taxes been waived the Government would be in position of purchasing the laptops. Click here to read: Ministry throws out all bids for supply of laptops.

Prof Kaimenyi said that a tax waiver would help bring down the cost of the laptops, thereby making the computers available to pupils by the first quarter of next year.

Even when Uhuru Keyatta was the Finance Minister the same issue was raised, especially with mobile communication popularity which was on the rise at the time he was the minister.

All eyes were on Kenyatta to see if he would reduce or waive taxes on airtime and mobile phones. The aim was to enable middle class Kenyans to easily get access to mobile phones.

Stakeholders had told Kenyatta that high cost of communication prohibited growth in the telecommunications sector, especially in rural areas where majority of middle class people use mobile phones for easier communications.

That time mobile phone companies were paying 10 per cent excise duty and 16 per cent VAT on air time. Kenyatta did not consider this in his 2009/2010 budget and up to now mobile phone communications have become the most expensive commodities to use in Kenya.

Since then the custom duty on mobile phones and accessories has also seen prices of handsets remain high and out of reach for some Kenyans, especially in rural areas.

If taxes were to be waived ordinary Kenyans would find mobile phones affordable and this would empower them in carrying out their activities, including small scale business that use internet to search for cheaper commodities.

For many people in Kenya, including students, their first Internet experience will be with a mobile device as laptops and PCs are too costly or impractical. Most students use internet for their research works.

Currently the Internet penetration in Kenya is about 33.6 per cent. It explains why the high cost of mobile phones is also partly to blame for the increased shipping of counterfeits cell phones to the country.

Kenyatta could not waive taxes because the high budget the government was using to run its affairs. For example the total cost of the President Kibaki’s household and the press service was Ksh888.5 million.

The cost of maintaining the official residences of President Kibaki (6 State Lodges and State House Nairobi) was Ksh823 million. The President’s Press Unit (comprising 37 staff) was Ksh65 million. The President had 388 staff employed in all the State residences and the use of 149 cars.

The total cost of the Vice-President Kalonso Musyioka’s household and the press service was Ksh230.7 million. The Vice-President’s household and press unit was costing the Kenyan taxpayer Ksh185.3 million.

The amount provided did not include the VP’s house allowance of Ksh2.4 million (Ksh200,000 per month). The Vice President’s household has an annual budget of Ksh4.3 million for hospitality – about Ksh358 000 per month.

Over Ksh30 million was budgeted for rent under the VP’s Household budget line. The household could consume Ksh14 million per year on fuel and stay within budget, while also spending Ksh11 million on routine maintenance of vehicles, and a further Ksh6.5 million on maintenance of other assets in the households.

Over Ksh75 million had been allocated to the VP’s household for domestic and foreign travel. The Vice President’s official household comprised of 57 staff and there were 12 cars.

The total cost of the Prime Minister’s household and the press service is Ksh110.6 million. The Prime Minister’s household and catering budget Ksh36.9 million annually. This included Ksh5 million for utilities-water and electricity, Ksh1.2 million for advertising, Ksh26.5 million for hospitality and Ksh2.2 million for purchase of household furniture.

Additionally, the Prime Minister had a house allowance of 4.8 million in one financial year (about Ksh400,000 per month). The Prime Minister also had a dedicated press unit whose budget was Ksh68.9 million per annum.
This explains partly why the Jubilee government is walking a tight rope of balancing between delivering its ambitious election pledges and prioritizing economic demands for national development, as stipulated in the Constitution.

Uhuru’s plan to abolishing maternity charges at all public hospitals and access fees at dispensaries and health centers cannot work effectively because the government has no enough money.

It explains further why Uhuru’s immediate option is to re-introduce the Value Added Tax (VAT) Bill. VAT is expected to bring immediate short-term revenue of Ksh11 billion to make government affairs run effectively.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.comFacebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.
-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Moses from Kilgoris, Kenya writes: “Omolo Beste you have really mastered Kenyan politics. In your article entitled, will arrogance of mama Ngilu save her this time? You said that even though in Kenya democracy is defined in terms of numbers, the fact that Ngilu has fallen out with sections of Jubilee leadership, she may not get enough number to defend her.

The fall out came about after Ngilu accused some Jubilee leaders of betrayal and plotting her downfall. This did not go very well, particularly with the leader of majority in parliament, Aden Duale, the one Uhuru listens than any other Jubilee member.

You also mentioned that because of that fall out with Jubilee, Ngilu’s effort to corrupt her way by meeting the President and Deputy separately to state her case was not fruitful either. This is after Uhuru and Ruto also met officials from the PSC led by chair Margaret Kobia and NLC led by Chair Muhamad Swazuri to independently verify the claims against her.

Your conclusion was categorical, the because of this loop hole Members of Parliament would definitely adopt a parliamentary report touching on the conduct of Cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu at the Lands ministry and this time along Ngilu must be shown the door”.

Thank you Moses for raising this issue-tyranny of numbers still exist in Kenyan politics, that is why, even though the amendment was introduced by Ugunja MP Opiyo Wandai and Busia County MP Florence Mwikali Mutua who urged the House to overcome political, tribal and regional interests and punish impunity, in the case of Ngilu is not.

It is not because the Jubilee MPs united with CORD to adopt parliamentary report touching on the conduct of Ngilu at the Lands ministry due to fall out and not because they want to end tribal and regional interests and punish impunity.

Tyranny of numbers is used according to the interest. Jubilee MPs used it to pass controversial media bill because it exposed them demanding that their salaries must be increased. Media exposed how MPs are compared with pigs because they are greedy.

The demand for salaries increments was spearheaded by Jubilee leader of majority Aden Duale. Before the bill they were to hurriedly pass another bill which barred media from parliament.

Another reason is because of Mohamed Ali Jicho Pevu exposure of how KDF looted from Westgate shopping mall. This is after the Jubilee had categorically denied that no soldier looted- also the exposure of white widow terrorist who has been staying in Kenya for almost 8 months without security agents noticing, just to mention a few.

The contentious Media Bill seeks to impose strict controls on radio and TV broadcasts and huge fines against journalists and media houses that violate the government’s set code of conduct.

Then came the VAT Act 2013 that was passed by Jubilee legislators against the wishes of most Kenyans- Then the removal of Kenya from Rome Statute because the ICC cases are involving President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto.

The move by Jubilee Alliance to unite against foreign interference though politically attractive has been perceived to be in bad faith by many locally and internationally. The Jubilee coalition arrogantly supported this motion in both houses and outnumbered there CORD counterparts who sensing defeat walked out in both instances when the motion was tabled in both houses. Jubilee Coalition has the majority in both National Assembly and the Senate.

The media become a threat here because it has demonstrated that organised groups can fend off onslaughts from the tyranny of numbers. The Jubilee MPs’ primary aim here was to punish the media for exposing their greed for power.

The problem of Jubilee and media began with Mutahi Ngunyi’s “Tyranny of Numbers” article in which he exposed how Uhuru Kenyatta would merge the winner of March 4 presidential election.

Mutahi Ngunyi said that the Jubilee Alliance of Uhuru Kenyatta was going to win the 2013 presidential election in the first round with a substantial majority over the Cord Coalition of Raila Odinga.

This inevitable victory he said was going to come from the Jubilee Coalition’s “bankable” ethnic vote of 6.2 Million (or 43.2% of the total vote). This number he said was basically a totting up of the registered GEMA and the Kalenjin voters. On that same ethnic logic, Mutahi reckons that CORD Coalition starts off with 19.2% of the vote or 2.74 million votes.

For CORD to win, he said, they needed to double their support. Or as he put it, for CORD to catch up with Jubilee, it must multiply each of its Kamba and Luo vote by 2.3. Virtually impossible was the implication.

If Ngilu were to stop her arrogance and trade well with Jubilee MPs she would have not been in this problem since the tyrant of numbers would have saved her. The argument that Ngilu is on the spot for contravening the Lands Act by creating the director general’s position and further appointing an office holder would mean absolutely nothing to Jubilee MPs.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Members of Parliament are today (Tuesday) expected to adopt a parliamentary report touching on the conduct of Cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu at the Lands ministry. This is the very Ngilu I had written to President Uhuru not to consider among his cabinet secretaries.

I wrote to the president not because I hate mama Ngilu, I wrote to him not to consider her because of corruption allegations she had been tinted with in all the governments she served in.

When she was Health Minister she made headlines when a conference held in Nairobi in 2004, ostensibly for people living with HIV/Aids, turned chaotic over misappropriation of funds, courtesy of Ngilu’s daughter who had been contracted to organise it.

Ngilu appointed a tainted Dr Florence Musau as the director of Kenyatta National Hospital. Musau was eventually kicked out in 2009 over corruption allegations. But the Government paid her a total of Sh1.5 million for one year, even as it paid Dr John Kibosia, who had been appointed to act in her place.

Musau’s departure was hastened by investigations of the Efficiency Monitoring Unit that revealed she had been involved in irregularities involving a Sh224 million tender for the procurement of equipment for life support, the Intensive Care Unit and the High Dependency Units.

Even when the corruption allegations were referred to Kenya Anti Corruption Agency for prosecution, Ngilu stood by the director, describing her performance at KNH as “exemplary”, and accused some unnamed enemies of undermining her at the ministry.

No sooner, when Ngilu was later moved to Minister of Water and Irrigation, the trickle of controversies grew into a torrent yet again. In 2007, reportedly she raided the Central Police Station and secured her activist friend Anne Njogu from lawful custody. Ngilu took the law into her hand.

Later in September 2010, Ngilu and Trade Assistant Minister Wavinya Ndeti were at it again, storming Machakos Police Station to demand the release of 12 of her supporters who had been charged for invading a private property in Athi River.

Ngilu’s next moment of disgrace came in November 2011 after eight of her family members were sucked in yet another corruption scandal. Four companies linked to her close relatives and children were accused of minting millions of shillings after they supplied goods to Tanathi Water Board, which was under Ngilu’s ministry, at grossly exaggerated rates, and without competitive bidding.

One of the companies, Kat Michaels, where the minister’s second daughter Mwende Keteithia Mwendwa was a director, was awarded lucrative contracts. Prime Minister Raila Odinga defended her and that saved her from being sacked.

The company, which was founded in May 2008, had been given a Sh1.8 million contract to supply polo t-shirts, caps, executive pens and carrier bags. The company was also paid Sh800,000 to supply “big diaries” sold to the Board at Sh2,500 each, while the “small” diaries fetched Sh1,500 each.

Enacting a similar script, another firm, Broad Visions Utilities Limited, was founded in April 2008. One of the company’s directors was Billy Indeche, husband to Ngilu’s first-born daughter, Jemi Mwendwa. They too got supply contracts.

Other kin of the minister have been involved. Ngotho Kasyoki Ithumbuti was a director of Timetrax Limited, where he served together with a cousin Patrice Mnene Munguti. This company won a tender to supply GI pipes at Sh23,815 per piece and ultimately supplied 65 pieces.

When the hour of reckoning came, eight people, among them the minister’s son in law, Indeche, and Tourism assistant minister Cecily Mbarire’s husband, Denis Apaa, were arraigned in court charged with a series of corruption offences.

The suspects were alleged to have defrauded the Ministry of Water and Irrigation of Sh26 million after violating the procurement procedures. Others who were charged included Lawrence Simitu, Isaiah Amwanzo Benjamin, Samuel Alouch Otieno, Robert Mati, Joseph Mucuku and Mwagambo Mwangombe.

Besides getting money through fraudulent means from the Government, Indeche and Apaa were accused of committing economic crimes by jointly conspiring to defraud the Water ministry by purporting to qualify for a tender to sink five boreholes in drought-stricken Machakos and Makueni districts at a time the residents were being by drought.

Apart from recording statements with anti-corruption agents, Ngilu had also to appear before the Parliament’s Committee on Equal Opportunities over allegations that she had violated the principle of equitable distribution of resources by favouring certain regions, especially her home area.

Now that Jubilee MPs have been advised to support the Motion by the joint committees of Lands and Delegated Legislation, which reverses contentious appointments by the Lands Cabinet Secretary, and because President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Deputy William Ruto have reportedly declined to intervene on behalf of besieged Ngilu, citing ‘non-interference’ with the legislature under the doctrine of separation of powers, will her arrogance help her this time along?

Because the action is tacit approval to express displeasure with the conduct of Ngilu, I don’t see it forthcoming. Ngilu is to go given the adoption of the report whose findings include an accusation that Ngilu breached the Constitution – one of the grounds for removal from the Cabinet.

Even though in Kenya democracy is defined in terms of numbers, the fact that Ngilu havs fallen out with sections of Jubilee leadership, she may not get enough number to defend her.

The fall out came about after Ngilu accused some Jubilee leaders of betrayal and plotting her downfall. This did not go very well, particularly with the leader of majority in parliament, Aden Duale, the one Uhuru listens than any other Jubilee member.

The report accuses Ngilu of violating the law by usurping powers of the Public Service Commission and failing to consult the National Lands Commission while appointing Peter Kahuho as Director General of Lands.

Ngilu’s effort to corrupt her way by meeting the President and Deputy separately to state her case was not fruitful either. This is after Uhuru and Ruto also met officials from the PSC led by chair Margaret Kobia and NLC led by Chair Muhamad Swazuri to independently verify the claims against her.

It gives the reason why Uhuru and Ruto have avoided commenting on the saga. The matter is not that simple this time as Ngilu always thought. To make the matter worse, when the question was raised by Kirinyaga Central MP Joseph Gitari last week, Duale categorically said Ngilu’s actions cannot be helped because it bordered on breaking the law.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002