Category Archives: Kenya

Kenya: You’re invited to Nairobi StorySema (Dec 10, 2013)

From: Africa Live Art
Date: Thu, Nov 21, 2013 at 6:52 AM
Subject: You’re invited to Nairobi StorySema (Dec 10, 2013)

You are invited to the following event:

Nairobi StorySema

You are invited to the following event:

Nairobi StorySema

Event to be held at the following time, date, and location:

Tuesday, December 10, 2013 from 7:30 PM to 10:30 PM (EAT) The Blues Restaurant
Argwings Kodhek Rd
Nairobi, 00100

Nairobi SemaStory SemaStory is an open mic event where the audience shares and appreciates a real life story. This is an oral story event, with each event featuring a new theme so the stories are always fresh and entertaining. SemaStory is a trade of spoken word of personal touching stories. Your story could be humorous, sad, touching, encouraging, witty, heartbreaking, weird; as long as it…

We hope you can make it!

Africa Live Art

This invitation was sent to by Africa Live Art the organizer. To stop receiving invitations from this organizer, you can unsubscribe.

Eventbrite | 651 Brannan St. Suite 110 | San Francisco, CA 94107


Commentary By Leo Odera Omolo

ANYONE reading through the columns of the Kenyan newspapers will not escape from reading malice and deliberate distortion and concoction of the the country’s political history, especially in regards to the role of those gallant freedom fighters of the past. I was so disgusted, perturbed and dismayed when I read the stories of Kenyan heroes of the yester-years

The photographs which were lined up as those of the freedom fighters during the hero’s day celebrations were mostly of former Home-Guards and boot lickers of the colonialists. I am particularly concerned with the several supplements carried out by some of the dailies.

Our papers showed only those who were well-known as the blue-eyed agents of the colonialists and white settlers, and the photos with dubious contributions to the real task for liberation war.

The list of the pseudo heroes were published either by design or malice that excluded the portrait of Mzee Harry Thuku, the fonder of the Kikuyu Central Kenya Association, which was later to became the mother of the defunct Kenya African Union {KAU}

The late Thuku, is arguably is the father of African nationalists uprising against the British colonial rulers in this country and their associates, the white settlers, Indian business moguls, and the Arabs. In the list of the past heroes of the independent struggle,the writers deliberately excluded the photo and name of Ronald Gideon Ngala, James Smuel Gichuru,Ex-Senior Chief Koinnange Wa Mbiyu, Wokesha Mengu of Taita/Taveta, Fred Kubai, Makan Singh, Walter Fanuel Odede,Daniel Ojijo Oteko of Karachuonyo, John Paul Olola from Alego, Jalmaya Okaka Rabala of Seme, of the Kavirondo Taxpayers Association { Piny Owacho}, John Kebaso of Kisii, JOHN andala of Bunyore, Lumadede Kisala of Maragoli, Elijah Masinde of Bukhusu, Rev Canon Awori , W.W.W.Awori, Eliud Wambu Mathu, Benard Mate , J.jeremiah Nyagah and Francis J.Khamisi.

Other freedom fighters who had the colonialists and their white settlers friends sleepless nights included Arap Koilagen the head of laibons in Kericho and the descendant of Kipnyige and Koitalel Arap Samoei. Arap K Mfangano Island after his entire Talai Laibon clan} Talai were forcefully evicted from their fertile ancestral land to pave thew way for the white settlers tea plantation in Keriucho and Bomet aregions and driven to the remote Gwassi Hills in the then South Nyanza in 1934. Koilagen died in 1956 and was buried on Mfangano Island while his two other cousins died in Nyeri prison where they were detained by the colonial government

The second regent generation of freedom fighters included Lawrence Gerald Oguda,Taaitta Araap Toweett, John Marie Seroney Josef Stanley Mathenge of Nyeri, Ambalal Patel [Ambu} , V.V. Patel.Daniel Moss oF Mt Elgot Congress, Kondit Ole Tiis, Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano, J.D. Kali

Back to JAMES Samuel Gichuru, it was the latter who prior to the return of Jommo Kenyatta from Europe in 1948 became the first President of KAU. He relinquished this position and stood down for Kenyatta to resume the party leadership.,.

Again for the second time in 1941 Gichuru stood down as the President of KANU to give way to Commn Kenyatta to resume the party”s leadership after the latter”s release from the colonial jails in 1961,

About ODEDE, The Makerere trained veterinarian had stepped into Kenyatta shoes and resumed the presidency of KAU late in October 1951 only a week after Kenyatta and other top leaders of the party were rounded up by the colonial security personnel on the night of October 20. Kenyatta and five other were vanished in the remotest part of the NORTHERN Kenya before they were charged before a court in Kapenguria and jailed with hard labour on the framed charges of managing Mau Mau. Before the end of the same month, Odede hiukself was arrested while visiting South Nyanza and vanquished into detention camp in Maralal, Samburu from where he remained in the colonial detention and restriction camps until 1960s.

It would be good for the young writers to visit libraries before penning about history and they should stop sycophantic outbursts in which people whose contributions to the independence struggle are very insignificant.

The younger journalists must stop turning the history of this country upside down



From: Adede Owalla

source; Adede Owalla ( RE_DEFINING LUO HISTORY)

Luos have a complex migration history that cannot be blindly linked to the upper Eastern Africa. The reality is that Bar_el_gazel region of southern Sudan was just one of the several stop_overs that luos got in quest to trace and re_trace their direction. The present Palestine was in around 800 BC Known as the land of the black, presumably because it was populated by black people. Fosil analysis reveals that these ancient inhabitants were more of nilotic than any group. Luos are believed to be part of the group. Migration started as long as human history can be told.

A good number of the original luos, travelled to Africa, westwards toward the present day Nigeria and Ghana. These groups got assimilated by more bigger communities that they met on migration routes and luoism in them faded away. Mark that by around 16 BC, the luo community formed part of a language group known as TIHEAK , which existed as unified group until around 20AD When interclan violence tore them apart. Simon The siren who helped Jesus carry the cross was a member of a splinter community of the TIHEAK…………..

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From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Next Sunday November 24, 2013 is the Feast of Christ the King, established by Pope Pius XI in 1925 as an antidote to secularism, a way of life which leaves God out of man’s thinking and living and organizes his life as if God did not exist.

The feast demonstrates the fact that Jesus came to serve all humankind. His kingship spells out a kingdom of justice and judgment balanced with radical love, mercy, peace, and forgiveness.

Though he died, like other kings, he died willingly to save his people, and his death was not a result of a battle lost or a plan gone awry, but of a glorious victory. He rode into Jerusalem, announcing his kingship on a borrowed donkey. He had no palace or statehouse, much less a place to lay his head, and lacked a transportation service.

Although the day was established as an antidote to secularism, today in Kenya there are some people who still believe that there is no God, that science and the scientific process have made God obsolete. They believe on things you can touch, feel, prove, or study.

One of their major beliefs is based on wealth. That man is an evolving creature who will become capable of planning the perfect economy. Man, who must “save himself,” must be in absolute control of all aspects of his universe, and that government must be granted authority over man’s economic affairs. Read Pope Pius XI’s encyclical Quas primas (On the Feast of Christ the King) which shows that secularism is the direct denial of Christ’s Kingship.

Another challenge is of post-election violence victims who are still traumatized. As Pope Francis says, we must continue in our efforts to bring healing to the wounded and be more merciful them.

We must admit that as a church in Kenya we have not done a lot to show balance and “heal wounds” of the victims. We have not found a new balance because most often, especially as pastors we think that only few of the suspects of post-election violence need our prayers and healing.

Pope Francis says if we think this is how the church should operate, then even the moral edifice of the church is likely to fall like a house of cards, losing the freshness and fragrance of the Gospel.

There are those who lost their income, job, or displacement due to the event, still housed by relatives or friends. They are not only homeless, they are landless and jobless. Ethnic communities in Kenya have not been healed and reconciled. People of different ethnic communities are still bitter and wonder justice would prevail one day.

Children have been adversely affected economically, socially, physically and psychologically. They saw their mothers and sisters being gang raped, their fathers stripped naked and forcefully circumcised. These children have never healed from this trauma.

Physically some children have dropped out of school, some were also raped as their parents watched and some were injured. Psychologically children are still traumatized from the orgies they witnessed. They have nightmares and no one is thinking about them.

The Waki commission mandated to recommend legal, political and administrative measures to prevent violence in future and to ensure that those involved in the violence are brought to justice as individuals. To date the victims are still crying for that justice.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


From: Nyambok, Thomas
Date: Wed, Nov 20, 2013 at 3:01 PM
Subject: KENYANS.docx
To: “”



KENYANS: What would you like to know about your President? Why the president and the jubilee MPs want to frustrate the Media industries? There are so many questions pending that need to be addressed and answered by His Excellency the president of the Republic of Kenya Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta himself.

REMEMBER: That as the Jubilee government and the AU hope for the proposed amendment to the Rome Statute, which established the ICC to block the Kenyan Inductees trial at The Hague. This will not happen and it is foolish, and it makes Africans look foolish.

WARRANT OF AREST: The Kenyan inductees’ warrant of arrest still stands. The Kenyans’ warrants are different from the one of the Sudan’s President El-Bashir because Bashir never went to the ICC to sign any Affidavit for a warrant of arrest in advance in case he failed to appear in court.

UHURU KENYATTA: Kenyatta went to The Hague and agreed with the ICC‘s conditions and signed for the warrant of arrest in advance in case he changed his mind. The President of Sudan El-Bashir did not. With Kenyans cases, they have been trying to avoid going to The Hague. Secondly, the inductees have been abusing the privilege’s that were given to them by the ICC.

As they signed to adhere and abide by the courts orders, if they changed their minds to not attend the courts, then they will be in trouble with the ICC courts, they will be picked up from any country, at any International AirPort without resistance. Note that they all signed and agreed with the condition at The Hague.

JUSTICE FOR THE DEAD: There shall be no healing and reconciliation before delivering justice to the dead and the victims. We must find these rich human beings who turned into goons?

The poor Kenyan citizens and the voters don’t want to bring back the ICC courts to Africa, it will not work for the poor citizens but for the rich goons. The EACJ wouldn’t provide the poor citizens with clear justice. They have never, ever been cohesive mechanisms to deal with cases like those before the ICC today.

THE UNSC’s: The UNSC’s doesn’t work for the EALA members as AU. EAU and Kenya alone proposed the postponement of the ICC cases facing the Kenyans inductees. They will not bring back our dead including children and there will be no justice for the victims as well. The EALA are still sleeping on their ears. We shall let them know that we know more than what they may think they know about the ICC.

Is there any African President who has faced the court of law after they killed innocent citizens like Mr. ARAP MOI and Mr. MWAI KIBAKI? Their administration should face justice. Kenyans must now demand for the previous two Presidents to be taken to courts before they fall sick or die.

KENYANS: Kenyans and the opposition parties should not relent, and they should not give up. Kenyans want all the goons to be in one place. They belong to the jails that are outside of the African continent. Does the EALA know the meaning of the one year deferral of the ICC cases to Africa?

It is just away to start killing innocent Kenyans and to demise with documents and play around with Kenyans intelligence – not again. These African Presidents have misused power. ICC is going nowhere, we fought for it and it must remain in place. AU will get a shock of the2% they are looking up to.


These are the people who make Uhuru Kenyatta fear to go to The Hague because the truth is there with all their Identities on board with every thing that should be known. If by any chance he steps in there, he will not be released because he has been the most expensive inductee president in Africa at large.

(A)As far as the State House budget is concerned, how much were they paying Mungiki’s Army per month, per hire or as per individual with different responsibilities? What did it cost to buy the tools, weapons, machetes, arrows and many crude weapons?

The general service unit (GSU) at gate” A’’ at the State House came to set the goons by recording the events they knew. They know everything as they well recorded the Mungiki’s officials. Those who went to State House Nairobi for the strategies to get ready for the rigging matters were not spared. Their pictures, audio and date and time were recorded accordingly.

(B)The world would like to know from His Excellency President Uhuru Kenyatta to address the public personally and clear the air about his sexuality. We need to know if he has ever been part of the homosexuality community before and after being in the United States for further Education.

It is high time he let the truth prevailed about his life in Kenya and in the United States. Kenyans will accept the truth as it is no matter what.

(c) Terrorists invaded Nairobi – Did the President and the Commander of the Armed Forces of Kenya know about the coming of the terrorists to attack Kenyans on the Kenyan soil? He was at home in Kenya at State House Nairobi where he never tried to prevent the killings as it happened. He was in Nairobi, not at The Hague. He was in the capital city of the Republic of Kenya.

Kenyans do not trust their President together with the Jubilee government because Mr. Uhuru’s god father Mr. Arap Moi is still ruling Kenya with dirty games jointly with Mama Ngina Kenyatta.

(D)WHY IS THE SITTING President Uhuru Kenyatta afraid to go to The Hague? Kenyans and the World want to know from Uhuru Kenyatta about his behavior? He likes taking lame excuses about the security of the country yet other dirty things are happening around his leadership now.

Matters are still not coming out clear about his commanding in chief of the armed forces to the country. I propose and recommend that the opposition parties and Kenyans at large take these matters seriously. The inquiry should be instituted to find out who did what and who knew what and when did they know about it and why did they let it get to live killings? The whole West Gate Mall killing was like a clip out of a Will Smith movie.

(E) KENYANS: The sitting president Uhuru Kenyatta will not go to The Hague Courts – count it on me. The truth always set every individual free and if Uhuru Kenyatta is not found guilty then he will be a free man and he will be at Peace. Remember one of my articles I wrote about 13 people who were in the Mwai Kabaki’s administration who should be called to tell the truth because we have the evidence. I said only 10 will be available but now they have started poisoning others who could be helpful to the inquiry as staunch witnesses.

REMEMBER FEW DAYS AGO: Some Kenyan newspapers tried to give the same information I had tried to alert the Kenyan authorities before about the Westgate Mall attack but they never took it seriously, instead it was left for ritual matters. Can Uhuru Kenyatta remove the band marked with the Kenya flag colors around his left hand next to the wristwatch. These are charm matters which will not last.

(F)KENYANS: Do you all know that Mama Ngina Kenyatta and the former President Daniel Arap Moi are working together to make sure that Kenya go back to the old darkness. They will not let Uhuru Kenyatta be prosecuted at The Hague’s courts no matter what and a good man must have a wife next to him – isn’t it?

(G) Westgate mall becomes the ritual set up for the Jubilee and KANU government to proceed with the ruling? Remember the Westgate scandal has come to be the ICC matter for deferring the cases back to Kenya? How many African presidents have ever been taken to Courts of Law in their own county? The AU is making a big mistake for the deferral matters. As far as we know, it will not work and again ICC is not a market you walk in as you may – it is the Worlds’ justice Court for the Dead and the Victims.

(H)THE IDPs: The timing is not right for giving Land title deeds in Rift Valley while the ICC Court is still in its initial process. The reconciliation should be done by Kenyans through referendum. There is still tension and fear because there is nothing binding the IDPs and other victims. You can’t live in Peace with a neighbor who lost his wife, children, husband and members of their families while in the same neighborhood, other people never did because they were protected. The MPs, the voters and the Churches must come together for repentance, and cleansing by prayers (Gods Prayers and repentance)

(I)Why were the police officers transferred after the Westgate footage was being asked about the truth from the government? President Kenyatta authorized Police Chief to be in commanding before the Army Commander Come on board.

His Excellency the President did a good job to have commanded the head of police forces to be in command, but unfortunately, the president never thought about the Army commander with his commandos coming on board, the two could not work together. The President could have advised all forces to meet and agree on the best strategy that would make them succeed.

There were no consultations on the ground unfortunately. That is why the forces killed one another, there was no ground communication.

I wish Mr. Ruto would know that to resign from the office asap would pave him a way for a better future without going through chest thumping because he still has a string on his neck no matter what.

Uhuru Kenyatta had their own strategy with Kibaki’ administration at the State House and that was their secrete for fixing Ruto. Ruto also had his own strategies that brought Kenya to where it is today. If I were Mr. Ruto, I would live the office and continue with the ICC cases. After that, Kenyans may realize that he is a great man worth being the future president of Kenya with good leadership.

I would wish that Uhuru Kenyatta resigns from the office too asap with honor to become an ordinary Kenyan. It will give him enough time to deal with ICC cases and clear his name first.


Cc. State House Nairobi
Cc. Kenyan Embassy US.
Cc. All Kenyans in the World.

Thanks Yours: Tom Nyambok
11/20/2013 200:00pm

Kenya: urgent attention needed on the attached letter

From: Bishop Dr. Washington Ogonyo Ngede

P.O BOX 7693 – 00200,

I Bishop Dr. Washington Ogonyo Ngede the Head of Power of Jesus Around the World Church do categorically states that I am surprised and dismayed by the article with the headline “Strange Sms lands Kisumu Pastor in Court”. As the head of the Power of Jesus Around the World Church, I strongly refute the Story which is very much untrue, malicious and damaging to the Church which is aforementioned in the story falsely. Our Church has no Pastor with the said name Erick Osewe alias Domnic Oloo and none of our Pastors have been arraigned in Court of Law as falsely stated in your story. I therefore demand to know where your news paper got this untrue story touching on me, my family and the Church which has defamed me together with the Church and fraternity.

Your Citizen Reporters also put a false Statement on November 11, 2013 that Church Members gang up against me that I am not sincere by forcing them to raise money for purchasing for me a vehicle, that matter was an unanimous decision for the whole Church to buy for me a vehicle. Neither did our Church Board of Administration nor the Committee Chairman and the Members complained, and they are still raising money upto this moment for paying the balance. You mentioned in your Citizen edition that Voice of Salvation and Healing Church under Archbishop Dr. Silas Owiti gave Kshs. 500,000, that is not true. During the fundraising August 18, 2013, Bishop Dr. Winnie Owiti gave Kshs. 10,000 only.

I have done a lot to our Community and Kenya since 1994 upto date, I have never taken money from anybody by false pretense. My record is clear and I fail to understand why your Reporters decided to destroy my name which I have build for years Domestically and Internationally.

Finally, I demand an apology to be carried out in the front page of the your news paper within a period of Seven days from the day and date of receiving this letter failure to which , the Church will institute legal action against the news paper ( Weekly Citizen). I also demand an acknowledgement letter from you assuring me that they have agreed to carry out the apology over this story which has so far cost serious embarrassment to me, my family, friends and the Church Community. Finally I am interested in the following, please state why I should not file the following claims against you: –

1. Criminal libel

2. General damage for defamation of both myself and the Church fraternity

3. The report was widely read locally and all over the Universe, therefore kindly furnish me with the audited figures of your news paper circulation per week. As audited by Competent and reputable firm of registered auditors.

4. Could you kindly give me the name of your Reporter who authored the Articles? Thank you.

Bishop Dr. Washington Ogonyo Ngede, H.S.C.


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Denis from Nairobi says I did not come out clear on the 2nd question asked by Adede Omondi because right from the onset we saw the parliamentarians ask for increased salaries even threatening to disband the Salaries Commission, at the end of it all the Ksh. 5 m car grants to MPs and Senators cost Kenyans. It would have made sense like in the past when they were given loans. It is all about impunity. Seemingly they are worse off, cutting on the gains already made.

While Denis’ observation is genuine that politicians in Kenya are among the highest paid on earth, despite the fact that many of their constituents are poor, unemployed and undernourished, corruption is one of the country’s most serious problems historically, with both taxes and international aid often lining private pockets instead of filling public coffers.

The never-ending corruption in the land ministry that just last few weeks ago saw Cabinet Secretary of Lands, Housing and Urban Areas, Charity Ngilu, unilaterally create an office without the authority of the Kenya Constitution or that of Kenya Parliament is just one example to demonstrate that corruption is real in Kenya.

Denis is right to argue that all these is to do with impunity and that is why President Uhuru Kenyatta defended Ngilu a day after Parliament pressed for her sacking for violating the Constitution. Ngilu was awarded the ministry by Kenyatta for having tirelessly campaigned for his presidential bid.

Parliament wanted Ngilu to be sacked for disregarding the constitution in making illegal appointments. Defending her therefore, is condoning corruption and impunity of the first class degree.

The creation of the post of Director General for Lands who is a trustee can only be done by the National Lands Commission or through a bill passed by Kenya Parliament.

Adede Omondi raised the issue of 2010 parliament because this is the parliament corruption was real, open and went unchallenged. It was the year Amos Kimunya as Transport Minister was accused as the most corrupt cabinet minister.

Kimunya who was also the Kipipiri MP topped the list due to some mega scandals which put him on the spotlight. Among the scandals involved was Sh 2.8 billion Grand regency Hotel, Sh4.6 billion money printing scandals and the Sh 56 billion airport tender scandal.

It was the same year Prof Anyang Nyong’o was on the headlines over the National Hospital Insurance Fund. It was alleged that he wired Sh 900 million to his personal accounts in Jersey and Gayman islands.

He was followed by Otieno Kajwang’ whose tender deals on passport and identity cards were questionable. It was alleged that the minister was god father of the corruption dogma in immigration ministry. Billions of shillings were alleged to have passed on his hands through issuance of illegal passports and citizenship.

The next was Soita Shitanda who was accused of illegally allocating government houses to then PS Francis Kimemia and Starehe MP Margaret Wanjiru. Shitanda was also accused of giving the government houses to his wife and relatives.

Another cabinet minister who made the headline news was Moses Wetangula. He was involved in Tokyo scandal where the Kenyan taxpayer lost over 1.2 billion. Wetangula by then was Foreign Affairs minister. His firm was also involved in the Turkana oil saga where he was accused to have made over a billion for himself.

He was followed by Kiraitu Muringi in that category. Kiraitu was involved in series of scandals from Aglo Leasing, which raked in billions from illegal tender processes.

The next minister in this category was Prof Sam Ongeri, a key confidante of President Mwai Kibaki, was involved in the massive plunderof billions of shillings meant for free education kitty which jeopardised the free primary education programme.

The year 2010 was also the year that nepotism topped the list. While Prime Minister Raila Odinga was accused of favoring his elder brother Oburu Odinga as Assistant Minister for Finance, cousin Jakoyo Midiwo as Joint Govt. Chief Whip (essentially a full Cabinet position), his sister Akinyi Wenwa for diplomatic post in Los Angeles, Kibaki was being crucified on the same.

Raila was also accused of favoring his sister Beryl Achieng as chairperson of Railways Workers Pension Board, his cousin Carey Orege as PS Ministry of Regional Development, Elkanah Odembo (Midiwo’s brother-in-law) Ambassador to USA, his cousin Paul Gondi as Executive Chairmsan Geothermal Development Company.

Others were distance cousin from Sakwa in South Nyanza, Ochillo Ayacko as Executive Chairman Kenya Nuclear Electricity Project, his cousin from Sakwa in Bondo, Joe Ager as Senior Officer in Kenya Power among others.

At that time Kibaki had been accused of favoring his relatives and tribesmen from Mt Kenya region. They included Muchemi Wanjuki as Solicitor General, Deputy Solicitor General, Muthoni Kimani, Registrar of Political Parties Lucy Ndung’u, Deputy registrar-general, F M Ng’ang’a, and Registrar General Bernice Gachegu.

Others were Permanent secretary Francis Kimemia, CID Director Ndegwa Muhoro, AP Commandant K. Mbugua, Commissioner of Police Matthew Iteere, GSU boss Munga Nyale, Police spokesman Eric Kiraithe, NSC Peace and Conflict Management Mr. S.K. Maina, Government Printer: Andrew Rukaria, and Senior Director Administration/Internal Security Iringo Mutea among others.

Now Uhuru is being accused on the same by appointing Njee Muturi as the new Solicitor General, because Njee is a son to the late Muturi Njee from Nyeri County, who also served as the private Secretary to the country’s founding President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.

While Jomo Kenyatta died in 1978, the older Muturi died much later when Njee was already serving as Uhuru’s Personal assistant. The high level of confidence between Uhuru and Njee saw the lawyer serve as the Jubilee Presidential Chief Agent during the March 4 General Election at the national tallying centre at the Bomas of Kenya.

Njee had also served as the Kanu Executive Director between 2006 and 2009 when Uhuru was the national chairman of the party, further demonstrating their close working relationship. As a Solicitor General, he will be playing the key role of assisting the Attorney General in the performance of his duties as Principal Legal Adviser to the Government.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


By our special correspondent

The sentiment expressed by a section of Western Kenyan leaders who have asked the Kenya Sugar Boards Chief Executive Rosemary Mkok to Resign has received the backing of sugar cane farmers in Nyanza.

A cross section of farmers in the sugar cane farming fraternity there is a teaching that the KSB CEO should pack and go home due to what they termed as “incompetency, inefficiency and poor management style.

Western province Mp who included Kakamega senator Bonny Khalwale, Mwingi West MP Benjamin Wachiali, Mumias West Johnson Nakoccaa an Lugari MP Ayub Savula in a joint statement released in Kakmega last Friday called on the KSB CEO to take responsibility for the problem taking the Sugar Industry in this country.

The \Western leaders were speaking during the stakeholders meeting held at Mumias Sugar Company Guest House.

The team warned that “Sugar Industry was on the verge of fatal collapse because of Mkok’s poor leadership”.

The KSB which is the regulatory body in the sugar industry had irregulsrlym licensed millers to operate in various parts of their region without meeting the mandatory requirements which stipulated in the law and that is why the sector is in the present mess.

The regulation guiding the establishment of new sugar mills have been ignored and violated with impunity hence the source of intensive scrambling for the raw cane.

It stipulates that the new mills might be located about 40 kilometers from the existing for the purpose of maintaining smooth supplies of raw cane.

The regulation was flagrantly violated by the KSB when it licensed both West Kenya and Butali Sugar Mills very close to each other.

In Southern Nyanza the Sukari Limited at Wachara in Ndhiwa is only 10 km from the Awendo based Sony Sugar while at the same time another Sugar factory in Trans Mara is less than 20km from each. This has been the source of excessive cane poaching.

Meanwhile workers within the Sugar Industry in Western Kenya have placed the blame about the woes in the sugar sub-sector of the economy on the unrealistic policy and practice of Cotu (k)

The workers blame the Secretary General Francis Atwoli for having failed the workers in the sugar industry in particular and in the agriculture sector as a whole. Atwoli is fond of double speaking and has contributed largely towards the workers endless problems in this country.

Atwoli is the secretary at the Kenya Union of Agriculture and plantation. He has clandestine interest in the Kenya Union of Sugar Plantation Workers (KUSPW) whose secretary general is Francis Wagara while the union chairperson is Mrs Roslida Atwoli. It has become a family business.

Atwoli has failed to kick out foreign workers from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh who now forms the best part of staff in the Sugar Mills. All the sugar Mills owned by Indian Investors have imported hundreds of foreign workers. Some not even justified for the farm jobs they are holding can be filed by the local Kenyans.

These Mills included Butali, West Kenya, Kibos Sugar and Allied Industries , Sukari industry in Ndhiwa and Trans Mara Sugar. Factory in Narok Countty.

Foreigners are engaged on petty subordinate jobs general office clerks, time keepers, store – keepers, junior clerks, account clerks, messengers, cleaners, mechanics, electricians e.t.c. these categories of jobs can be filled by Kenyans.

The attack on COTU (K) and Atwoli came as realization to his support for the de-regeneration of Buteli at West Kenya Sugar Companies in Kakamega County.

Speaking during a fundraising meeting at Chekalini Secondary School in Lugari Constituency where he supported the blamed move by members of the National Assembly to de-register Butali out then key as saying that some of then licenses to the millers were uncalled for..

Anyone supporting the existence of the two factories is encouraging corruption, he said, abutting Mumias Sugar Man can employ and support over 200,000 people it allowed to thrive without competition.

Atwoli also came in to time for having failed miserably from his vain attempt to block the introduction of mechanized tea plucking machine in Kericho, Bomet, Bituli and Nandi Hills, tea growing regions. These machines were introduced a couple of years ago hence rendering close to 20,000 workers who plucked tea manually further deep then Atwoli vehement opposition to the man, which included a failed strike.

The COTU (K) should stop the mechanized tea plucking machine that instead of interfering with the workers in the Tea industry first before poking his nose into the sugar industry



Reports Leo Odera Omolo In Awendo TOWN

RESIDENTS of Awendo Town in Migori County have raised complaints against the increased number of Motorcyclists boda Boda operating in the area which have become the source of insecurity and many accidental deaths. They are demanding for the quick intervention of the Prov9ncial Administration and the police authorities because the numbers of deaths caused by these machines have reached the most alarming proportion.

Many deaths in the recent months have occurred in the recent months. These deaths have become the source of worries as a day hardly passed without someone loosing his or her precious lives. Some of the deaths are are caused due to business competition. A number of riders have been killed by their own passengers and their motorbikes stolen by passenger – turned thug.

The residents have also appealed to the government to ensure that the boda boda riders operates only during working hours and strictly not after darkness. Two riders had their throats sit open and killed within a week after the smartly dressed passengers who hired them after darkness turned thugs and killed them in grisly and cold blooded murder.

The two incident took places within SAKWA central. In the first incident, a motorbike rider was hired by a passenger art Dede Market and who wanted to be taken to Ranjira area. But the rider never saw the next light of the day. He was found dead the next day by the roadside with hid motorbike missing.

Two prominent sugar farmers and business have died as the result of motorbike accidents. The first who died was Mzee Nahashon Nyandiga Aloo of Ng’ong’a village in Sakwa South who met his end while traveling from his home to Awendo town.

Mzee Washington Ogweno Otata, a retired medic from Rinya village in Waware sub-location Sakwa East, was killed by a motorbike rider a month ago. Gun toting criminal thugs have also been reported as being ferried into the villages at night by boda boda motor cyclists with intention of committing a felonies..Quite often the motorbike riders whose numbers have tripled in the recent months.

In most cases these riders have no driving licenses and not qualified to ride their machines on the highway. Police traffic manning the feeder and access roads from the rural locations into the town normally allows the riders to ferry extra passengers so that they could earn 100 ij bribes money. Most of the boda boda who are licensed to carry only one passenger do carry between town and three passengers, putting their lives to a great risk. The riders overload their bike, and even some times carrying up two or three passengers instead of one while traffic police only demand 100 for their bribe money.

There are several access and feeder roads which are linking Awendo town with the surrounding rural locations and villages. They included Awendo-Rapogi-Road, Awendo-Mariwa-road, Awendo Kanyimach-road and the Kisii-Migori highway which passes through.On Market days, the traffic policemen mount road barriers and road blocks on these roads as early as 7.30 A.M ,but all these for the purpose of collection but no traffic offenders are booked.

It has been confirmed that close to 500 motorcyclists are operating inside this small farming town and this has become the source of insecurity



From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Adede Omondi writes via email: “I read one of your blogs on corruption and I would wish you share your ideas with me on these questions: one-is parliament now immune from manipulations of transactions like Goldenberg International limited? Two- compare the parliament that existed before the 2010 constitution and the parliament after the 2010 constitution. I would be grateful for your help”.

Yes, you are absolutely right Adede Omondi and the reason why parliament is immune from manipulations of transactions like Goldenberg International Limited is because Goldenberg refers to a series of monumental financial scandal involving chains of very important and influential officials in the government.

The firm, according to testimony during the Goldenberg Commission of Inquiry (2004 – 2005) was co-owned by Pattni, former President Daniel arap Moi and the chief of intelligence at the time, the late James Kanyottu.

When Goldenberg money corrupted the political system during the 1992 General Elections, involving the launch of a new currency note to deal with unprecedented inflation in its aftermath, there was a youthful movement known as Kanu for youth 92 (YK92) to campaign for Moi come back.

One of the members in the movement was William Ruto who is currently the deputy president for the Republic of Kenya. In its wake Goldenberg caused the collapse of dozens of banks precipitating a banking crisis.

The careers of civil servants who helped expose Goldenberg were ruined. Journalists who exposed the story disappeared into oblivion. Chief executives of companies doing business with Goldenberg either fled into exile or died quietly.

During the scandal, former minister for Internal Security, Prof George Saitoti was Finance Minister. Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi was appointed to the Finance Ministry in 1993 while payments to Goldenberg continued.

Kalonzo Musyoka was a minister in the Moi government while this was happening at that time and he knows very well about the scandals. Raila’s father, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, confessed in 1993 that his political party received Goldenberg money.

Because it involves untouchables, is why the 2004 Commission of Inquiry into Goldenberg set by Mwai kibaki has since been accused of ignoring evidence in order to protect powerful personalities such as ex-President Moi and his cronies.

According to evidence presented before the Goldenberg Inquiry, Mr Pattni formed Goldenberg International with Moi and Kanyottu for the purpose of making money from gold and diamonds smuggled from the Congo (at the time called Zaire).

When Kibaki came under pressure from the opposition party to form yet another commission in July 2008 to investigate the sale of Grand Regency Hotel, the Commission comprising of five members led by Justice (rtd) Majid Cockar, Charles Kirui and Kathurima M’ Inoti as commissioners while Messrs Anthony Oteng’o Ombwayo and Wilfred Nyamu Mati as the secretary and counsel to the Commission, Kibaki was accused by the opposition party leaders that he formed his team to cover up.

The Commission was mandated to recommend any legal and administrative measures that it may deem necessary with regard to the case and hold the inquiry in public or conduct private hearings where necessary.

The hotel was allegedly sold for about $45 million instead of its recorded valued of $115 million. This took place shortly Kibaki had signed an exclusive trade pact with the Libyan government, which gave its companies a head start over other investors when competing for lucrative government contracts.

The trade pact was signed after a meeting between President Mwai Kibaki and his host Muammar Gadaffi. The Grand Regency was recovered from Kamlesh Pattni, the man behind the Goldenberg scandal, in which the government compensated him millions of dollars in a fake gold export scheme.

Recently The Kenyan Daily Post reported that Laico Regency (originally Grand regency Hotel) was reportedly bought by Mwai Kibaki at a throw away price. The hotel which was initially owned by Kamlesh Paul Pattni, was taken by Central Bank of Kenya after Pattni negotiated immunity from prosecution for his role in Golden berg in exchange for the transfer of the Grand regency to the Central Bank of Kenya.

It is said Amos Kimunya colluded with Central Bank Governor, Njuguna Ndungu, in selling the hotel to alleged “foreign investors” who will be later established to be Kibaki’s proxies.

Goldenberg cost the country over Ksh 158 billion according to a Judicial Commission of Inquiry appointed by President Kibaki in 2003. Although George Saitoti was named as one of the beneficiaries, instead of asking his aside from his ministry pending investigation, in 2008 he was promoted from the Ministry of Education to take over as Minister for Internal Security. He was in the same PNU party with Kibaki.

This can answer your second question whether there is different from 2010 parliament and current one when it comes to corruption and impunity. They are the same people who were there since Moi was removed from power in 2002- So what next?

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Fred from Molo would like to know whether Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohamed will this time succeed in her lobby mission to push for amendment of the Rome Statutes to provide for immunity from prosecution to sitting heads of state and government.

She says AU was confident of garnering the support of a two-thirds majority of the states’ parties necessary to effect the amendment in the interest of peace and reconciliation in Kenya.

Fred I don’t think this is going to be possible to get two thirds support given that nine of the African states supporting the amendments may be blocked from voting as they are in arrears of the ICC court’s budget.

Nine out of its 122 members are in arrears and will therefore lose their voting rights at the Assembly of State Parties meeting to be held in The Hague November 20, 2013. Only 34 countries from Africa are members of the court.

According to financial report as of September 13, 2013, many African countries are heavily indebted to the court. They include Tanzania, Senegal, Niger, Ghana, Gabon, Djibouti, Comoros, Guinea and Liberia.

Since Kenya is heavily counting on African countries to push through amendments to Article 27 to grant immunity to sitting heads of governments, this mission is almost impossible.

According to article 112, paragraph 8 of the Rome Statute, “a State Party which is in arrears in the payment of its financial contributions toward the costs of the Court shall have no vote in the Assembly and in the Bureau if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years.”

Assuming all 122 members will be present at The Hague, Kenya will need 81 members to support its proposed amendments. With 34 African states supporting, Kenya will be forced to look out for another 47 states to support its proposals which is not going to be easy.

If the eight African countries are barred from voting due to their indebtedness, Kenya will need to get the support of 56 other countries to meet the requisite support from 81 members’ states for any of the proposed amendments to succeed, which is still not going to be as possible as that.

In Kenya, the ICC case was taken up when the government failed to meet a deadline to establish a domestic tribunal to try suspected perpetrators of the 2007 post-election violence.

The AU has asked its members who are parties to the ICC to push for an amendment to the Rome Statute — the 1998 treaty that established the tribunal — that would bar heads of state from being tried during their terms in office.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

Black Kenyans Empowerment Movement

From: j.ammbbaassaahDEJUOLS


black Kenyans make about 95% of the population yet they only own less than 15% of Kenyan Manufacturing Industries, less than 10 % of Telecommunication Industry, less the 5% of Banking industries, get less than 30 % of government tenders & contracts, the list unending, i.e., look at KEPSA, KAM and the others


Look at all the Private Sector Organizations Management and Organizational Structure composition, the rot runs even deep with less than 15 % blacks in their ranks and file,



Lastly insecurity is for the black as the rest own over 90 % of guns in private hands, truly is Kenya an independent Country?


Join the Black Kenyans Empowerment Movement – For Kenyan True Emancipation!!!!!!!!!

Launch on 12th December 2013,

Poet J. O. Ammbbaassaah DEJUOLS


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Kenya’s top leadership to snub western markets

From: Gordon Teti

The top Kenyan leadership needs western markets more than the western markets need them. They are playing politics with the livelihood of Kenyans. I dare them to implement their threat as this will be the beginning of the end of a dying donkey. Those who claim that Uhuru Kenyatta is fighting terrorism in the horn of Africa are misguided fellows who don’t realize that Western intelligence gathering have facts on who were the architects of Westgate Mall terrorist attack in Kenya. The world has details on how and why the attack happened and those who thought they would hoodwink the world by using the Westgate massacre of innocent people for the deferral of ICC trials now know after the UN Security Council rejected the deferral bid that you can fool some people all the time but you cannot fool all the people all the time. I have always wondered who advises these people or to say the least if they understand the dynamics of international politics. Laurent Kabila lost power within 6 months after turning his back on
Western powers that sponsored his rebellion against Mobutu Sese Seko. The same Rwanda and Uganda, the two countries that are now taking Uhuru to the top of a political cliff before abandoning him there are the same two countries that were used to put Laurent Kabila in power and out of power. Uhuru has made the deadliest and costly political mistake by threatening the economic interest of the Western nations and by doing so his days are numbered. History is full of lessons of leaders from the South who made the same political miscalculations that Uhuru Kenyatta has made by chest thumping and acting tough against “Western imperialism” and all of them ended up with nothing to write home about. Saddam Hussein of Iraq who was more powerful than Uhuru Kenyatta dug a hole to hide into from where he was pulled out like a rat and exposed to the whole world looking a shadow of himself. What about Moamar Ghadaffi? The same scenario. He was found hiding in a tunnel despite the many bomb-proof palace bankers that he used
billions of the Libyan oil money to build for himself. Those who are still shouting threats against Western governments following the UN Security Council resolution that rejected deferral of ICC cases against Uhuru and refused to support impunity are digging a deeper hole for Uhuru Kenyatta.

Kenya: Why Is Uhuru Doggedly Pursuing ICC Deferral?

From: Samuel Omwenga

Former president Mwai Kibaki flagged off the first shuttle diplomacy in early 2011 intended to have the Kenyan ICC cases deferred.

These efforts were led by now former vice president Kalonzo Musyoka and as we know, the efforts failed.

That was Round I.

Round II got underway a few months ago this time flagged off by President Uhuru Kenyatta but headed by Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs Amina Mohamed, an accomplished career diplomat before assuming the portfolio unlike Kalonzo who mostly learned the intricacies of the trade on the job as minister for foreign affairs, save for a stint as a participant in the Sudan peace process.

With her background, and in particular Amina having worked at the UN Security Council as Legal Advisor, it was expected that a different outcome would yield to this second effort to obtain a deferral.

Unfortunately–or fortunately, depending on who’s talking, Amina’s efforts to secure a deferral, too, have not been successful on a very interesting UNSC vote: 7 members voted in the affirmative, 8, including the US, abstained.

I mention the US by name because if Kenya or any country seeking a deferral were to succeed, they must have the US on their side.

France and Britain will always follow the US lead and vote accordingly; Russia and China, the other two permanent members of the council with veto power will usually go along unless it’s something that directly or indirectly threatens their strategic and business interests.

The rest of the 15 member states of the UNSC will usually follow whichever country they have closer strategic ties with among the permanent members.

One needs the support of 9 members of the 15 UNSC members to have a resolution passed but only if no member with veto power votes no.

With the US having always taken a very hostile stance against anything favoring the Ocampo Six and and now Bensouda 3, it was inevitable even our fine and accomplished Amina could not pull this one to the win column but the potential was and still remains there; well some aspect of it as I noted in my Star column this week.

Why then, even against these odds, does Kenya continue to pursue the deferral and/or termination of these cases?

I have my theories and think I know to near certainty but let me keep those to myself for now as I hear what others have to say.

I will say by way of hinting it can’t be for naught neither is it an exercise in futility nor one being naively pursued.

In my column this weekend, I’ll address part of this question and provide a complete analysis in a future column.

Peace, Unity and Truth

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Kenya: Cartels have taken over Lands ministry, Ngilu warns

From: Judy Miriga

Ehe ! Let the talking begin………..ati, the land ministry is a Company taken over by the Cartels and that, Land is not a State Office…..Yeah, did I hear right???

Then, who are the cartels…….and if you cant see them, who warned Ngilu, may be we can start from that point……………because we want to know and we are determined to know who these Cartels who owned Land’s State Department in Kenya are, and how they came to own these Kenyas Public Land that are held in Trust Custody of People’s Government Employee ???

Ngilu must try to make herself clear and her clarity will help save a situation it is a serious concern that peoples livelihood depends on land in a great deal to be taken for granted.

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

– – – – – – – – – – –

Cartels have taken over Lands ministry, Ngilu warns

Updated Friday, November 15th 2013 at 23:12 GMT +3

During her first day at the office, Lands Cabinet Secretary Charity Ngilu now recalls, she was warned that ending corruption and entrenched land cartels at the ministry would not be as easy.

Still, the Cabinet Secretary who had served as a minister in the past two parliaments vowed to root them out.

“There is corruption of all kinds at the Lands ministry,” Ngilu told The Standard on Saturday in an exclusive interview.

“I was warned that the lands office was a company and not a State office. I want to return it to Kenyans and this is not going down well with those who are involved in the shady land deals. They (cartels) are here… they are everywhere but you can’t see them.”

The delay of issuing title deeds was her first encounter with the reality of how the process had been tampered to favour the land barons who include the lands officials at her ministry, right from the headquarters to the district land officers.

The officers, according to Ngilu, were working with influential businessmen, politicians and government officials in falsifying land registration documents that resulted in the issuance of more than one title deed in most parts of the country, especially at the Coast.

Soon after her surprise appointment, Ngilu was tasked with ensuring that some 100,000 titles were ready to be issued at the Coast in line with Jubilee’s 100-days-in-office pledge to the people of Coast.

Ngilu appointed Peter Kahuho as the director of lands, a post she later revoked following outcry from MPs that the office was unconstitutional.

She got a reprieve after Jubilee alliance leaders opposed a planned censure motion against her.

Asked why she had appointed Kahuho for the post that almost cost her a cabinet post, Ngilu said she wanted change and sanity at the Lands office. “In the transition period there are bound to be challenges faced by all of us. And to err is human. What surprises me is how this matter was pounced on certain people. Was it about the appointment which I corrected by revoking or there was more?”

According to Ngilu, the drive to change the people who have been involved in land administration for long triggered off panic among the cartels and their masters fought back.

“Many of these cartels have planted themselves in every corner and they are always faceless to the public. They operate through brokers. They could be your friends by day and enemies at night,” she said when asked if she knew any of the said cartels.

She said her plans to digitise the ministry’s systems where unexpected and had the cartels worried.

The digitisation plan is expected to replace files and long queues that characterise the Lands Registry. She said: “The current system has fuelled corruption and delays in land transactions. .”

She said the ministry deals with matters of land ownership through records and files which are in manual form giving room for manipulation. “Many parcels of land have more than one file. File tracking is still very manual and tedious and we want to end this through digitisation.”

She said currently, the Lands ministry is faced with over 7,000 cases arising out of land transactions.

“I have been directed to ensure that no one benefits from irregular allocation of lands and title deeds that were issued irregularly be revoked,” she said.

She said some powerful forces who have served in the past and current governments had strategically placed their people in almost all sectors at Ardhi House where many are informers and act as conveyer belts in the illegal land deals.

“Some have been here long enough and their masters don’t want them touched. I am determined to bring this to end at whatever the cost,” she said.

She said she is facing resistance from the people who have benefitted from the illegal land allocations but promised to soldier on until this is reversed.

She urged prominent people who grabbed or were irregularly allocated land to surrender it to the government or risk being named and shamed.


Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Homa-Bay

THE Homa-Bay County government has envisages a plan to have the road from Mbita Point crossing to Rusinga Island termacked in order to give tourists and other visitors easy access to Tom Mboya Mausoleum, which is located at the late freedom fighter’s home near Matenga beach at Kamasengre, Rusinga West Location.

This was disclosed by the Homa-Bay governor Cypria. Otieno Awit. He further explained that ather road network earmarked from future improvement included Oyugis Kendu-Bay road and Rangwe-Rodi-Kopany Oyugis road. These roads are so important not only for easy communication, but would also facilitate easy travelling for traders and formers to access markets in the hinterland.

Other projects which are in the pipeline included tarmarcking the road which is traversing Mfangano, another fishing island which is also potential for tourist attractions.

Plans are also a foot for improving Kadongo-Gendia road and and the road that branches off at Kanyadhiang on the main Kendu-Bay-Homa-Bay rod and traversing Homa Hills via Pala as well as Kadel-Kowuor Pier road.

Prior to independence in 1963 Mboya used to walk from Mbita Point to his Kmasengre home on Rusinga Island.a distant of about eight miles. He used to cross Mbita Channel using a Dingy while leaving his car on the mainland, but this was later replaced by Ferry servicerr and after Mboya’s death in 1969, a Coasway was constructed. A permanent bridge is currently under construction The KENYA Museium services has since taken over the management of Tom Mboya Mausoleum.

Mboya, the most brilliant politician Kenya, has ever had is widely acknowledge as an uncompressed freedom fighter at the same time the architect of Kenya’s independence, died in hails of bullets fired by an assassin in a Nairobi street on July 5, 1969. HE HAD BEEN THE Secretary General of the independence party KANU ever since its inception in June 1960 up to his death while serving as Kenya’s MINISTER FOR Economic Planning and Development.

Governor AWITI said his government is busy initiating many socio-economic projects with far reaching to the electorate in the region. These projects are well spread in all seven parliamentary constituencies.



Writes Leo Odera Omolo

KISUMU City has lost its old glory, credibility and reputation as one of the cleanest towns in Kenya and is now soaking in filthiness with waste paper littered everywhere.

Refuse collection is something of the past. Rubbish is heaped in almost every street giving stinking smell. Brief walks through the Central Business District {CBD} confirm that the town is in a total mess if not neglect. Street lights go off quite often giving leeway to gangs of criminal elements to harass pedestrians walking home.

Petty kiosks are mushrooming everywhere wherever there is a small piece of land space, and most of these kiosks turns out to be the hideout for criminal thugs.

The shortage of water is one of the most worrying subjects, which the residents have to contend with. This is so despite of the fact that the beautiful City stands next to the eastern shoreline of Lake Victoria.

The current pathetic situation, according to residents is being attributed to the recent change of the town’s administration from the former Municipal Council to the County government under the new devolution brought about by the new constitution.

The County government is being accused for having allegedly removed nearly all the former chief officers of the defunct municipality and replaced them with ex-civil servants former NGO”s employees with no experience for managing an urban centre of Kisumu size.

Members of the Kisumu County assembly are said to have developed the love for frequent flight to foreign capitals, holding of endless seminars and workshops with no bearing to the services to the people. Upon their returns from such fruitless trips the County leaders goes home quietly without briefing the residents about the experience and new methods gained from such trip. The residents see such foreign trips as the sources of money minting and fleecing the county resources.

Car Washings is the latest most booming business in Kisumu, an those This is where NEMA stands accused of sleeping on its duties and mandate of ensuring that such businesses are conducted in an environmental friendly manner.

The town is also experiencing frequent sewerage blockade. At time sewerage bursts goes unrepaired for weeks while spilling dirty waters through the residential estates. Fears now persist that should there be an outbreak of cholera epidemic many people will would suffer. The town has the history of experiencing of frequent outbreaks, especially during the heavy rain seasons.

Members of the County cabinet or executive are mostly ex-civil servants and men and women from Diasporas whose qualification cannot be verified, but are known top be related or friendly to the top officials. Many interviewed residents see the current members of the County executive as spent forces which could not turn the City around to reclaim its old glory.

Traffic signs are nowhere to warn motorists of the danger ahead., and motorists now drivers their vehicles anywhere because most of the roads in the City center had no warning sign such as one way traffic, major road ahead etc, and now wonder there is sharp increases of cases whereby frequent head-ob collision between motorists and motorbike riders.

Matatu drivers, particularly those operating ferrying passengers from the town’s center to places like Kondele and Manyatta peri urban areas often stop anywhere in the middle of the roads while picking up passengers. This includs round-abouts. There are matatu terminals in every street whereas the town’s by-laws requires Matatu to pick up passengers in designated spots including the main bus terminal. At time these vehicles stops just in the middle of round-about, even during busy hours. Disaster is in the waiting, but this could be avoided if the town\ administration could collaborate well with police traffic section in Kisumu to ensure that no vehicle is allowed to pick up passengers at the round-about.

Kisumu Town Clerk Christopher Rungana could not be reached for his immediate comment. The County governor Jack Ranguma was nowhere to be reached for comments.

Residents fear that the City might not succeed in attracting investors. No sensible investor would risk his money investing in a town where there is inadequate basic services such as water supplies and town street lights.

It appears as if the refuse collection gangs previously working for the Municipality have been disbanded and the business of reuse collection contracted to private businesses.



from: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

Corruption cannot end in Kenya because it takes form of cartel, a formal (explicit) “agreement” among competing politicians. This is a condition where you use certain ethnic communities to help you ascend to power with promise that you will award and protect them.

In economic terminology, a cartel is a formal organization of producers and manufacturers that agree to fix prices, marketing, and production, especially in an oligopolistic industry, where the number of sellers is small (usually because barriers to entry, most notably startup costs, are high) and the products being traded are usually homogenous.

In Mexico for example, Mexican narcos are using Twitter, Facebook and other online tools to run drug business campaigns, post selfies, brag about their wealth and even target rivals.

Like any burgeoning business, Mexico’s drug cartels are using the web to conduct very successful public relations campaigns that put those of their counterparts in Colombia and Myanmar in the 1980s to shame.

They advertise their activities, they conduct public relations initiatives, and they have basically turned themselves into their own media company,” Antoine Nouvet from the SecDev Foundation.

It is very difficult to prevent because cartels are often systematic, deliberate and most importantly, covert. It involves high ranking people in the government. Kenya is ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world because of cartel.

Ministry of Defence tops this year Ethics and Anti-Corruption list of most corrupt state departments because of cartel. The Immigrations Department is on the spot again because of cartel.

For as little as Sh100,000 corrupt officials are promising that anyone, even people of dubious character, can get a birth certificate, a school leaving certificate, an identification card, a driving license and a Kenyan passport.

With this type of business, is why even though Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph ole Lenku sacking of 15 senior and middle-level Immigration officers for issuing IDs to illegal immigrants, this will never end corruption in this department.

That is why terrorists, drug traffickers, bogus traders and despots fleeing from justice in their countries or other jurisdictions can easily find their way in Kenya. That is why Kenya has been a victim of terror attacks on several occasions, often orchestrated by individuals with Kenyan identification documents.

Another example and indeed shameful scenario was the shadowy Artur brothers who spread their version of terror during former President Kibaki’s government. The duo reportedly carried documents identifying them as senior police officers.

Kibaki government knew this but because the deal had a connection with high ranking officials in government he could do nothing but to allow the brothers to operate deadly business in Kenya.

That is also why the Port of Mombasa is operating under the manipulation of vicious cartels which enjoyed levels of high political patronage which has made the Jubilee government’s struggle against corruption a daunting task in vain.

The cartels were honed into shape through years of one party patronage under President Moi where tenders at the port were awarded to businessmen who had contributed to the ruling party’s awesome war chest.

Even though today panic has gripped the cartels which succeeded the Moi networks, President Uhuru cannot crackdown on them because like Moi and Kibaki, he needs ther political support.

Uhuru cannot because many of them metamorphosed into the present ones whose loyalty until the March 4 General Election was to players in Kibaki government. The cartels, which were predominantly Asian, later mutated into indigenous networks that use their proximity to State House.

The cartels do not operate alone but bring on board senior managers at the Kenya Ports Authority who handle their paperwork by influence peddling and paying off any stubborn middle level managers who are at times dismissed from their jobs if they insist on due process.

The elevation of the Managing Director Mr Gichiri Ndua to the helm was a direct result of the power play in Kibaki government to continue the business and also to conceal any dubious deals within the port authority department.

It explains how at one point during the Kanu days, one of the leaders of one of the biggest cartels who operated as President Moi’s point man in the region was appointed Executive Chairman in a shameless strategy to raise funds for the party which was then reeling under the threat of opposition pressure.

Another cartel business is in land ministry. This is where land officers, lawyers, real estate agents and brokers are duping innocent Kenyans into buying non-existent land. It is where the well-organised fraudsters use existing deed plans — documents showing location and divisions on land — to tamper with records at the Lands ministry.

The cartel is behind the runaway cases of people buying land belonging to other people. The best example is that of the Syokimau demolitions that saw Kenyans lose millions of shillings in investments that never existed.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.comFacebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.
-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

Kenya: Share Latest Siaya news

From: Judy Miriga

Good people of Siaya,

Greetings to all,

I am compelled to say that, Education, Science and Technology, job creation with Communities Co-op Partnership Development on Natural Minerals and Agricultural industrial prospects should be given 1st priority involving collective participation of the Siaya People shared fairly. This should involve both the local people and those in Diaspora to have an opportunity to engage effectively and profitably in sustainable worthy endeavor that will stimulate economic growth in diversity from marginalization and stagnation that inflicted the City 50 years down the line. We shall all be pleased and delighted that, this will give the City a facelift with improved lost glory we look forward for Siaya County, the City of the People, to generate momentum moving forward in Progressive Development and not retrogrising………

Now that elections are over, and Rasanga has extended an olive branch to his opponent, people must work in a united front irrespective of Party affiliation for a purpose of developing the region without looking back. It must be known that politics is a game of competition that are full of challenges, but those who work and engage for common good of all, focusing on peoples service delivery without short-changing or discrimination, shall win public interest in the process.

People must descern backwardness but must involve collective opinions and commit to achievements and success that bring peace and happiness to all !!!
Cheers !!!

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,


Kidero promises to work with leaders to develop Nyanza
PLEDGE: Nairobi Governor Evans Kidero and his Kisii counterpart James Ongwae in Ongwae’s office yesterday. Photo/BENSON NYAGESIBA South Nyanza residents yesterday blocked the Kisii-Migori highway demanding to be addressed by Nairobi Governor Evans …The Star (Kenya), 3 days ago
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Kenya Kidero Education standards in Nyanza worrying
Kidero said it is unfortunate that the area that consistently led in terms of education 20 years ago now lags behind. “We as leaders have to get back and see where we missed something,” he said. The governor said out of the 51,000 students …Big News Network, 2 days ago

Siaya to Use Sh3.6 Million to Swear-in Rasanga
by Ricky Otieno
Nov 06, 2013 (The Star/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) —

SIAYA county government has allocated Sh3.6 million for the Friday swearing-in-ceremony of governor-elect Cornel Rasanga. Speaking to the Star on the phone yesterday, county interim Transition Authority secretary Caleb Ongoma said Sh90,000 has been set aside for transporting 360 party officials.

He said the provisional estimate is set to be reviewed after a final budget committee meeting to be held today at the county commissioner’s office. “The budget might upscale to Sh4 million depending on the resolution of both budget teams from Transition Authority and the governor’s,” Ongoma said.

He said Hon Judge Hillary Chemetei is likely to preside over the legal bit during the ceremony to be held at the Siaya Municipal Stadium. Ongoma said security has been bolstered ahead of the function. He said guests will be thoroughly screened before getting into the stadium.

“Following the recent Westgate saga we cannot take chances on security,” Ongoma said. He said former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the chairman of the Council of Governors Isaac Rutto and other governors are expected to attend the function.

After the swearing in session, guests will be invited to three separate luncheons: one at Rasanga’s home in Segere, a second at the late Amoth Owira’s home and a third at Siaya Institute of Technology.

Copyright The Star. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (


Propaganda cost Oduol seat

Monday, October 21, 2013 – 00:00 — BY JUSTUS OCHIENG

THE camp alied to the Siaya governor loser William Oduol has claimed propaganda orchestrated by top ODM brigade led to their defeat.

Former Alego Usonga MP Sammy Weya, who was Oduol’s chief campaigner, said ODM sustained a campaign, which depicted Oduol as a Jubilee sympathiser in a Cord-dominated region.

He said this sank well with the voters who believed the false assertions against the National Agenda Party of Kenya candidate and rejected him at the ballot.

During the campaigns, some ODM leaders said the contest between the party candidate, Cornel Rasanga, and Oduol was a race between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Cord leader Raila Odinga.

Rasanga garnered 107,737 votes against Oduol’s 64,106 while independent candidate Noah Migudo managed 1,446 votes.

Oduol conceded defeat on Thursday night at Chezz Albert Hotel in Siaya town. He thanked his supporters for standing with him in the campaigns and election.

Rasanga’s win enabled ODM to stamp its authority in Siaya, which is Raila’s home county.

The county has six constituencies, Alego Usonga, Gem, Ugenya, Ugunja, Rarieda and Bondo.

Rasanga beat Oduol in all the constituencies.

Kenya Rasanga extends olive branch
Newly sworn-in Siaya County Governor Cornel Rasanga (pictured) has promised to work with his political opponents to develop the county. Speaking after being sworn-in yesterday, Mr Rasanga said his first priority will be to reunite the people of …Big News Network, 3 days ago

Siaya boss dismisses funds report

Siaya acting governor George Okode has dismissed reports that the county is among those that have underutilised funds disbursed to them. Okode was reacting to a financial report released by the Treasury Cabinet Secretary Henry Rotich. …The Star (Kenya), last month

Speaker to act as governor for Siaya- The Star (Kenya), 2 months ago

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Kenya: What Raila did not tell you in his new book

From: Judy Miriga

Dr. Joyce,

Well, in my view, the book deserves criticism and maybe Raila may consider a Review from peoples critics. This is because he deserves to have a book in the international shelves of statesmen along those who struggled for Reform for Kenya. Although unfortunately down the line, Raila diverted course and got out of track where created more enemies and bad blood with many, mostly his own tribesmen the Luos……….this means, if any member of a Luo community fail to subscribe to Railas ways, you are doomed, you are forever an enemy, unless you kneel down to him and beg for forgivement…………for which, some of us have suffered scars and the pain of rejecting sycophancy, intimidation and freedom for justice and truth.


The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya……….and the Democratic space for Reform in Kenya. Where shall we put the likes of Tom Mboya for example, the part which have trace for real history for Kenya ???

This part is true and therefore the book is misleading to gain any credibility in the Institution of learning in the world…………

No one can succeed alone without a team. Life is all about appreciating each others efforts and give credit where credit is due……….What spoils for Raila is greed and selfishness, otherwise, he can change and Reform if he wants to. I am concerned because, lives on earth, our behavior and characters lives long after we are all gone. People shall be remembered by the good they did for others and it is up to individuals to choose how they wish to be remembered.
Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

– – – – – – – – – – –

Friday, November 8, 2013
What Raila did not tell you in his new book

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles? A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”. PHOTO/FILE


In Summary
It’s one of the best written autobiographies by a Kenyan, but the book is structured in a way that spares the writer censure over his contentious choices, argues our writer in this no-holds-barred review of The Flame of Freedom.
So Raila was never a child of material want, nor one lacking in privilege. His capacity for protest, though selfless, is nonetheless curious.
In February 2008 when Kofi Annan expressed his horror at the goings-on in the Rift Valley, which he visited, Raila coldly responded, “Clashes are not new. It is not the first time. We have seen them since 1991, and in 1997 and 2002”.
Raila’s detractors come in for unflattering description—“the bellicose Michuki”; “Patrick Shaw, a grotesque giant of a man”, “gargantuan reserve officer”; “unpredictable [George] Githii”; “the combative Nassir”; “Idi Amin…the unpredictable and murderous buffoon”—among many others. The tone is often so condescending!
Surprisingly, Raila does not recount the events of October 29, 2005 when Raphael Tuju tried to hold a rally in Kisumu in support of the Wako Draft Constitution, yet the incident mirrors closely the events of New Nyanza 1969.


Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles?

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya.

Raila’s story gives clear justification for the constitutional changes that this country finally made.

It is a must read for those who never experienced — and those who would so carelessly forget — the terror of a dictatorship where sycophancy, fear and silence reigned supreme.

A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”.

But for all the evidence that Raila mounts to prove this point, he simultaneously supplies enough information to refute the truth of his tumeonewa refrain. A few examples suffice.


With his father out in the political cold, Raila was employed at the University of Nairobi, a government institution headed by Dr Josephat Karanja.

Raila’s consulting firm, Franz Schinies and Partners, got a contract to “install a liquid petroleum gas tank at [Jomo] Kenyatta’s farm in Gatundu”.

Raila and Franz registered Standard Processing Equipment Construction and Erection (Spectre), got a loan and premises from the Kenya Industrial Estates, a wholly owned government body.

Was The Flame of Freedom intended to (re)brand Raila Odinga as the intellectual custodian of our nation’s pro-democracy struggles?

The photographs he selects, the stories he tells, the way he tells them and the stories that he does not tell, seem to establish Raila as the authority on the making of Kenya.

Raila’s story gives clear justification for the constitutional changes that this country finally made.

It is a must read for those who never experienced — and those who would so carelessly forget — the terror of a dictatorship where sycophancy, fear and silence reigned supreme.

A key theme in the book is, “the government’s long vendetta against the Odingas”.

But for all the evidence that Raila mounts to prove this point, he simultaneously supplies enough information to refute the truth of his tumeonewa refrain. A few examples suffice.


With his father out in the political cold, Raila was employed at the University of Nairobi, a government institution headed by Dr Josephat Karanja.

Raila’s consulting firm, Franz Schinies and Partners, got a contract to “install a liquid petroleum gas tank at [Jomo] Kenyatta’s farm in Gatundu”.

Raila and Franz registered Standard Processing Equipment Construction and Erection (Spectre), got a loan and premises from the Kenya Industrial Estates, a wholly owned government body.

After his first detention Raila negotiated funding from Industrial Development Bank, another government institution.

Through Kenya Railways and the Ministry of Works, the government facilitated the testing of Spectre’s gas cylinders, leveraging their acceptance by international oil companies.

Raila says the idea of setting up a local standards body was his, driven by the challenge of getting Spectre’s LPG cylinders certified in the UK.

The Jomo government embraced the idea, appointed Raila to the position of Group Standards Manager in the newly formed Kenya Bureau of Standards.

He rose to be Deputy Director in 1978, a job he held until 1982 when the Moi government detained him over his role in the coup.

Raila served as secretary and later vice-chairman of the Nairobi Branch of Kenya Amateur Athletics Association (p.334) and he travelled abroad many times with national teams, representing Kenya.

In the Jomo years, when Jaramogi had problems servicing a foreign currency loan from TAW Leasing International for the purchase of 12 buses for his Lolwe Road Services, he obtained a shilling-based loan to pay off TAW from National Bank of Kenya then headed by Stanley Githunguri.

Dr Oburu Odinga was employed in the Ministry of Planning in the Jomo era. By 1994, he had risen to be the Provincial Planning Officer in Western.

The acquisition of the Kisumu Molasses Plant gave Raila 283 acres in Kisumu town for a well-below market rate of Sh13,100 per acre.

Maybe the Kenyatta and the Moi governments facilitated the commercial ventures of the Odingas to keep them from aspiring for high political office.

Still, the reality of all these opportunities negates the argument of government waging an all-out vendetta.


The position of the Odingas on the land question is logically inconsistent.

In the 1950s, Jaramogi donated land for the building of Nyamira Primary and Nyamira Girls schools in Bondo.

Though Raila is vague about the exact purchase dates and the distinctions between the properties, he nonetheless mentions several tracts of land owned by Jaramogi aside from his Bondo home—150 acres at Opoda Farm, 550 acres in Tinderet purchased through an Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC) loan after independence, 700 acres at Soba River Farm and an undisclosed acreage at Great Oroba River Farm in Muhoroni.

And then there is the sketchy matter of the Lumumba Institute in Ruaraka. Jaramogi and Jomo were joint trustees.

Bildad Kaggia, Achieng’ Oneko, Pio Gama Pinto and others were board members. Funded by Russia, the institute functioned for just one year before closing in 1965, a victim of Jomo’s pro-west politics.

How did the property end up in the Odinga portfolio? Raila just says, “we still had the premises…which we rented out, though the returns were paltry”.

Raila emphasises that Jaramogi left Kanu to form KPU because he was “increasingly critical of the widespread land-grabbing that characterised the first independent Kenya government’s activities”.

But Raila’s knowledge on the land question is dogged by fundamental factual errors.

He says, “[w]ell connected families acquired land in the early 1960s through the Settlement Transfer Fund Scheme, a brainchild of Kenyatta and his cronies soon after Independence”.

No such fund existed. The Land Development and Settlement Board was established in January 1961, a precursor of the Settlement Fund Trustees (SFT) launched on June 1, 1963.

Alfred Nyairo has repeatedly demonstrated that discussions over the sale of the White Highlands commenced while Kenyatta was still restricted in Maralal.

Nyairo adds, “the first African allottees were settled at the ex-Luckhurst farm at Dundori on 27th March 1961. By Madaraka Day in 1963, 356,255 acres had been purchased on which 6,668 African farmers and their families had been settled”.

Jaramogi was in Mombasa in 1981 when he called Jomo a “land-grabber”. Though he apologised later, that comment angered Moi so much that Jaramogi was shut out of that year’s Bondo by-election, the 1983 and 1988 General Elections.

So what makes one a land-grabber? Is it the extent of the acreage, the manner of purchase, location outside your “ancestral” home, the source of the funding, the time of purchase (pre-versus post-independence) or a varied mixture of all these factors?

The Flame of Freedom gives many insights into Raila’s character.


At his birth in 1945, Jaramogi was Principal of Maseno Veterinary School, a thrifty businessman running a trading company and distributing East African Industries products all over Nyanza.

Later, Jaramogi ran a printing press, a construction company and a bus company. Raila had a choice of homes between Kisumu Town and the rural Bondo.

At 17, he was sent to high school in Germany taking a flight to Cairo from Dar es Salaam at a time when few Africans had seen a car, let alone in an aeroplane!

So Raila was never a child of material want, nor one lacking in privilege. His capacity for protest, though selfless, is nonetheless curious.

He narrates a stunning example of this reflexive defiance.

On a visit to Romania in 1968, Raila landed in Bucharest without a visa. Immigration officers allowed him to leave the airport terminal building so that he could go to a bank, cash his traveller’s cheques and return to buy a visa using US dollars.


“I walked out of the airport, now an illegal immigrant, saw people getting on a bus and joined them for an uneventful journey to town”.

Why violate the trust of an immigration officer?

Raila shows no care for the Kenyan student leaders who had gone to meet him at the airport and could not locate him.

This example of pointless lawlessness ties into another disturbing aspect of character.

In detention, Raila encountered many cruel warders and was subjected to vile brutality.

But there were also kind-hearted warders, who facilitated his communication with fellow detainees like George Anyona and with his wife, Ida.

When a smuggled letter from Ida was found, Deputy Police Commissioner Philip Kilonzo was furious to the extent of having Ida arrested and locked up.

The search for the facilitating warder landed on an innocent man, one who had never been kind to Raila. He was promptly “removed”.

Raila does not see the injustice of a man being punished for a “crime” he never committed. Instead he gloats, “I felt that ‘divine justice’ had intervened to help rid me of one of the unsympathetic askaris”.

This warped sense of justice carries over to Raila’s later defence of Mungiki.

Though Raila boldly stood up for them in 2008 offering to mediate between their leader Maina Njenga and the coalition government, he had previously displayed absolutely no compassion for the conditions of Mungiki’s making.

In February 2008 when Kofi Annan expressed his horror at the goings-on in the Rift Valley, which he visited, Raila coldly responded, “Clashes are not new. It is not the first time. We have seen them since 1991, and in 1997 and 2002”.

Anyone who would fight for the right of Mungiki to be and to assemble should first fight to eradicate the conditions of cyclical violence and forced eviction that radicalise disillusioned youth!

Raila is emphatic in stating, “I am not a tribalist”.

But the structure and style of his narrative makes it hard to believe that he does not single out Kikuyus and blame them for all of his suffering.


His chronology of post-election violence is deliberately blurred and elliptical, avoiding dates so that he never has to use the term “retaliatory violence”.

He gives blatant misinformation about the events in Kisumu where he claims there was no “inter-community fight”, yet Kisii and Kikuyu properties were openly torched.

Raila distorts events in Eldoret, especially the Kiambaa church inferno, for which he refuses to state the ethnic identity of the victims — yet he keeps talking of “our boys” and “our people” in reference to killings in Nairobi and Kisumu.

He understates the death toll and makes no mention of his disastrous BBC interview aired on January 17, 2008 and carried verbatim in The Nairobi Star. That interview had a catalogue of factual errors and appeared to defend the church fire.

Victims of the worst of post-poll violence, regardless of how they had voted, will be comforted to learn from Raila’s story that when lives and property were being traded as collateral to gain high political office for some, there were some wise voices who cautioned the warring factions against the anger that was welling up against politicians.

Former Mozambique president Joachim Chissano said: “Those who have lost loved ones have a spirit of hatred towards those they think are guilty of causing their suffering”.

Indeed. He doesn’t mention placards and slogans, but nothing was more damaging to Raila’s cause than the chants, “No Raila, No peace” and “No peace without justice”.

Whose justice? The one whose votes were stolen or the one with an arrow in his head presumably because votes were stolen?

Raila’s earlier account of the events preceding the 1992 election dwell on the ethnic clashes in Muhoroni and Tinderet, but never mention the purge of Kikuyus in Molo, Burnt Forest and Turbo.

Similarly, he makes no reference to the 2005 Referendum victory speech that triggered the “41 against 1” doctrine.


Aside from his systematic and sustained disavowal of Kikuyu suffering, Raila (sub)consciously employs a style that profiles any Kikuyu in a position of authority, for instance, “Finance’s Kikuyu editor Njehu Gatabaki”.

The same ethnic profiling is not used in references to Pius Nyamora or Philip Ochieng’ no matter how nefarious their editorial activities were.

Qualifying Asman Kamama and Samuel Pogisho as “ethnic Pokot” raises their profiles as worthy minorities but references to the Kikuyu stress their dangerous over-representation.

Interestingly, Raila never sees his own proclivity for congregating with Luos in ethnic terms—during his stint at UoN and in the organisation of the 1982 coup.

This book is structured in a way that spares Raila censure over his contentious choices. The acquisition of the Kisumu molasses factory and co-operation with Moi’s Kanu provide two apt examples.

The chapter on the acquisition of molasses is strategically sandwiched between the Ouko Inquiry and the 1992 General Election so that our shock and fears over the heinous murder of Ouko influence us to see the resuscitation of the molasses factory as a just cause.

Raila does not tell us that he acquired this factory as he took NDP to Kanu and Moi appointed him Minister for Energy.


Raila employs a similar technique of blurred chronology to introduce co-operation.

He begins by tracing “Jaramogi’s ideas [which] were sound and well-intentioned”.

Before we can interrogate this statement, we are plunged into Jaramogi’s death and what is possibly the most endearing chapter in the book.

By the time Raila resumes the story of co-operation — which happened eight years after Jaramogi’s death –— we are still reeling from the profound sorrow and sympathy over the senior patriarch’s passing.

Raila’s sequence lends logic and coherence to political events that were probably never planned that way or that far back.

The (co-)author of this book, Sarah Elderkin, is incapable of writing a bad sentence. This makes for a compelling 959-page read. Typos are at a minimum — mostly of ethnic words like Shamakhokho and Kaguthi—and the editing has been thorough.

It is tempting to call this monumental work a gracious account, but Elderkin’s studied penchant for colourful invective makes such praise difficult.

Raila’s detractors come in for unflattering description—“the bellicose Michuki”; “Patrick Shaw, a grotesque giant of a man”, “gargantuan reserve officer”; “unpredictable [George] Githii”; “the combative Nassir”; “Idi Amin…the unpredictable and murderous buffoon”—among many others. The tone is often so condescending!

One looks for the engineering and football metaphors that will distinguish the telling as Raila’s. There are hardly any.

The story is dominated by Elderkin’s distinctly English—rather than Kenyan—idioms. For instance, the phrase “champing at the bit”.

But there is a more fundamental reason why Elderkin is an obtrusive biographer. Raila states at the opening that this “is a collection of memories, and memory is, of course, imperfect”.

But because he tries to capture the whole story of Kenya’s pro-democracy struggles, Raila is forced to narrate events that he could not have witnessed when he was detained on and off for close to a decade between 1982 and 1991.


When does a work cease to be a memoir and become an autobiography?

A memoir allows you to operate at the level of feeling, narrating things as you remember them, perhaps about a single event or period and with no need to qualify a sentiment.

Raila does this many times, like when he relates the fall-out in Ford-Kenya by glibly saying “it remains my conviction that Wamalwa’s bodyguard and personal assistant were drafted in and also that 12 delegates …were switched”.

He borders on rumour and hearsay with the frequent “we were told”, “I had received information”.

Autobiography compels you to do the homework and give us the facts. To tell the story of Luo genealogy; of KPU’s emergence when he was studying in Germany and of events during his detention and exile years, Raila’s biographer does the research. She relies heavily on press accounts for the period 1982-1992.

Aside from these tensions between remembering and researching, this work raises an even bigger question on the politics of memory.

Memory is as much collective as it is individual. People in positions of authority—politicians, academics, and cultural workers including the media—shape and reinforce the ways in which society remembers.

Raila’s memory often fits into a well-honed collective position. His account of Jomo’s October 1969 visit to open New Nyanza Hospital in Kisumu strikes one as the familiar provincial version, different from the State’s (sub)version of that day.

Raila arrived in Kisumu from Europe via Uganda the day before Jomo’s scheduled visit. Before going to the hospital, he went to Kondele “getting a feeling of the atmosphere as the crowds awaited Kenyatta’s arrival”.

He remembers the crowds shouting the KPU slogan “dume” as Jomo waved his flywhisk and then he started hearing gunshots and screams.

By other accounts in the press, Jomo was met by “organised gangs of youth shouting ndume…stones were lobbed at the presidential dais…the presidential bodyguards opened fire …a stampede ensued and many were trampled”.

This was a defining moment of rupture from government for the people of Kisumu who lived under a dawn-to-dusk curfew and bore the pain of an official death toll of 11 that contradicted their own account of 100 dead, including children.

The event clearly shaped the discourse of exclusion and victimisation among the Luo.

Surprisingly, Raila does not recount the events of October 29, 2005 when Raphael Tuju tried to hold a rally in Kisumu in support of the Wako Draft Constitution, yet the incident mirrors closely the events of New Nyanza 1969.

Officially, four people died from gunshots, 30 were wounded.

Raila outlines the power of the Odingas in determining elections in Luo Nyanza.

Even when they have had serious doubts about the integrity of a person, as in the case of their in-law Otieno Ambala, they have never shied away from using their clout to get someone elected.


But the more startling revelation is of the safe haven, later guerilla camp, that Raila and his father run on their Opoda Farm in 1979 when they trained the soldiers who invaded Uganda to aid Milton Obote’s return.

The clout of the Odingas in the region is seen again in Raila’s 1991 flight into exile when he escaped Moi’s dragnet by crossing over into Uganda on a boat.

Before that exile, Jaramogi too was said to have Ugandan support when he was reportedly spotted at Entebbe airport after the failed 1982 coup.

Raila refuses to discuss his role in that coup saying “[t]he full explanation of our efforts to bring about popular change will have to wait for another, freer, time in our country”.

This silence is unfortunate because there are numerous accounts from coup perpetrators who implicate Raila and Jaramogi in the funding and planning of the putsch.

A recent account taken from the statements of Joseph Ogidi Obuon was published in the Daily Nation on August 3. Ogidi said that in the planning stages, Raila had informed them that there would be “some help from neighbouring countries”.

Though Raila refuses to discuss the details, his account of his travel from Nairobi on the night of August 1 and his arrival at a vantage point on August 2 from where he confirmed that a military aircraft was parked at the Kisumu Airport, speaks volumes!


The last two chapters of Raila’s story are important for two reasons.

First, they allow Raila to finish his story on a note of victory.

Second, they give us substantial details on his achievements in the Office of the Prime Minister, a worthy thing because there are many who were convinced that his was the laggardly side of mseto, a cantankerous and disagreeable union that tired the populace with its trickster narratives and cries of “I was not consulted”.

Still, it is rare to come across a biography like this one that relates no regrets, no pensive second thoughts on old choices.

Where there have been mis-steps or dodgy decisions, they are swiftly blamed on others.

A particularly amusing example is the failed cheaper maize flour scheme for those with low income. Raila says “government officials spoiled it” instead of admitting to its illogical socio-economics or, with the benefit of hindsight, debating how the scheme might have been run differently.


It is easy to conclude that Raila takes credit for far too many things, not least the famous “Kibaki Tosha” which, truly, came at a time when Raila and his group of New Kanu rebels had nowhere else to go and no choice but to endorse a decision that Wamalwa, Kibaki and Ngilu had already arrived at.

By their very definition, autobiographies are about making the subject the centre of gravity.

Raila, therefore, dims the contributions of party leaders like Mboya, Fred Gumo, Mwai Kibaki and Ronald Ngala all of whom represented constituencies outside their ancestral homes long before Raila did so in Langata.

He diminishes the ideas of his colleagues at the Kenya Bureau of Standards; of Ufungamano and other actors in the constitution-making process, and by-passes the genius of the technocrats who turned his Lapsset, Prime-Minister’s Round Table Forum and Special Economic Zones into memorable successes.

He is a rare lecturer who has no memory of a single one of his former students and a hard-hearted friend who seems to deal too casually with the disappearance of his business partner, Franz, with whom he had a disagreement.

This is a story of courage and determination but in the end, it fills one with an overwhelming sense of pity.

The humiliation that Raila has suffered is partly in the brutality of detention, so he gives very few details of his second and third stints therein.

Understandably, there is an even more harrowing pain. You hear it in the number of times Raila reports, “[they] attacked Jaramogi”.


The weight of his father’s unfulfilled dreams is evidently on Raila’s shoulders as he leaves out the revelations of Jaramogi’s confidant, Odinge Odera, about Jaramogi’s “sulking” reaction to Moi’s ascension to the throne upon Jomo’s death in 1978.

Similarly, Raila does not recount the sad public plea Jaramogi made to Moi in Bondo shortly before his death when he asked Moi to leave him the president’s seat for just one day.

Though Raila’s book ends with a bold vision for high Pan-African ideals, it is still the story of a man (and his father) who has lit so many fires, but one who has yet to warm himself at the ultimate hearth in State House.

So I echo Obasanjo’s Foreword in saying, “I am looking forward to reading the rest of the Raila story”.

Dr Nyairo is a cultural analyst. (