Category Archives: Sudan

Kenya: Daher ngeyo

From: Joshua Otieno

An pod wach mar gund Luo ema Chanda. Ka wachako gi pinje luo, ma anyalo temo ndiko kaka Kadem, Kanyamkakago, Kwabwai, Kanyada, Kanyamwa, Karungu, Sakws, Kamagambo, Kanyidoto, Karachuonyo, Kano, Nyakach, Imbo, Alego, Ugenya, Gem, Kisumo, Seme, Suba, kod maok aketo.

Adwaro ngeyo kaka ne giwuotho ka gi ayo Sudan. Agombo ngeyo ni
– wach mane darogi en ango?
– to ne far ebwo tello aina mane?
– negikao thuolo Maromo nade mondo gichop

Warring S.Sudan leaders accept ‘responsibility’ for civil war

From: Yona Maro

SOUTH Sudan President Salva Kiir and his arch-rival rebel chief Riek Machar said Monday they accepted mutual responsibility for a 10-month civil war in which thousands of people have been killed.

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Africa: Legislation Under Consideration by the Government of South Sudan

From: U.S. Department of State
Press Statement
Jen Psaki
Department Spokesperson
Washington, DC
October 3, 2014

The United States government urges the Government of South Sudan to engage in an inclusive consultation process on draft legislation aimed at regulating Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) operations and the National Security Services (NSS).

We are deeply concerned that the current NGO bill, as drafted, could restrict civil society space and hinder the formation and operation of NGOs. As the leading donor of humanitarian and development assistance in South Sudan, we are particularly concerned that this bill would further restrict the delivery of life-saving humanitarian assistance and limit the important work that NGOs are doing to promote health, education, and overall development. We are also concerned that the NSS bill appears to curtail due process and is at odds with freedoms enshrined in South Sudan’s Transitional Constitution and international norms. Regulation and codification can be appropriate, but should be done in a manner that preserves freedoms of association, assembly, and speech and protects civil liberties.

We welcome previous engagement by the Government of South Sudan with civil society on the NGO bill, and urge it to continue the dialogue with the legislature and civil society on both draft bills. Strengthening the rule of law and ensuring that a vibrant civil society can contribute to social, economic, and political development, in partnership with the Government, will best ensure stability, prosperity, and peace for all of South Sudan’s people.
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Africa: Counselor Shannon and Special Envoy Booth To Attend IGAD Summit on South Sudan

From: U.S. Department of State
06/09/2014 07:21 PM EDT

Counselor Shannon and Special Envoy Booth To Attend IGAD Summit on South Sudan

Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
June 9, 2014

Counselor of the Department Thomas A. Shannon Jr. and Special Envoy to Sudan and South Sudan Donald E. Booth will attend the Heads of State Summit for the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) on Tuesday, June 10, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The summit will follow a meeting between South Sudan President Salva Kiir and opposition leader Riek Machar and will focus on the next steps toward ending the conflict in South Sudan. The summit is being held in advance of the resumption of IGAD-led negotiations later this week to find a political solution to the ongoing conflict.

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External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views or privacy policies contained therein.

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South Sudan: Open Letter to the Troika

From: South Sudan Press

Mr. Barack Obama
President of the United States of America,
The Rt. Hon David Cameron MP
The Prime Minister of United Kingdom,
Mrs. Erna Solberg
The Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Norway

Your Excellences:

June 7, 2014 (SSNA) — It is with heavily saddened hearts that we, the Concerned South Sudanese in the United Kingdom, reach to you for assistance in stopping the ongoing carnage in South Sudan.

We remain appreciative of the roles played by your countries in the realization of South Sudan the Right to Self-Determination, an achievement if not for your continuous endeavours would have not been easy to accomplish.

It is unfortunate that the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) which brought an end to the previous two decades of war and enabled the people of South Sudan to vote for the country of their own in the 2011 referendum, did not do much in the way of a democratic transformation.

Today South Sudan is once again caught up in a war that pits its two largest ethnic communities against one another. Although the crisis in the country might have begun as a political disagreement within the ruling SPLM/A, the reality on the ground today significantly portrays an indiscriminate killings between the Dinka and the Nuer. In some instances other tribal groups like the Chollo (Shilluk) were too caught up in the midst of these killings and suffered some worse losses of lives to target killings, displacements and loss of property. Thousands of innocent lives have already perished and over a million people are forced out of their homes as a direct consequence of this war.

We are aware and appreciative of all the efforts being put together by the Troika and the other members of the international community as represented in the United Nations Security Council, the European Union and the African Union and the regional body of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in an attempt to stop the current war to save South Sudan the risk of going the Rwanda way of 1994 genocide.

However, given the pace by which the peace talks between the government of President Salva Kiir and the rebels of the SPLM/A, in Opposition, there is much to be concerned about. The Cessation of Hostilities signed on May 9th by the president Mr. Salva Kiir and former vice president Dr Riek Machar and that mediated by the IGAD signed on the 23rd January 2014, both have never been observed by the warring sides.

We believe that much needs to be done from the side of the International Community including your respective governments in a way of bringing pressure to bear on the two sides.

The declared targeted sanctions by the Obama administration are welcomed. However, we understand that most of these individuals orchestrating the crazy killings have their assets outside the USA. Unless the other countries like Australia, Uganda, Kenya, South Africa, Ethiopia, Britain and some European Countries join in executing these sanctions, the intended purpose of the sanctions may not bring about the expected outcome.

While everything is being done to bring an end to the war, we would like to draw the attention of those involved in the process to realize a couple of issues:

§ We ask that the peace talks in Addis Ababa should deal with national issues comprehensively, prioritizing discussion on arrangements for cessation of hostilities and permanent ceasefire, civilian protection and opening of safe humanitarian corridors.

§ It is important that any solution to this crisis takes into full consideration the feelings of the victims, who are very much traumatized by the actions of mainly the two leaders of SPLM/A President Salva Kiir and Dr Riek Machar, including their notorious commanders, should not be rewarded by a way of power sharing.

§ The people of South Sudan can only put behind them the ongoing trauma caused by the onslaughts if they see the main perpetrators brought to justice and not rewarded by political positions or any form of incentives.

§ The Government and the rebels to immediately cease fire and fully abide by the conditions of the IGAD peace agreements signed in Addis Ababa in Ethiopia. They should have quickly recognized the impact of the war right from the beginning and since both have not taken responsibility, we urge that they should be forced to accept unconditional cease fire and end the killing of innocent civilians, followed by accountability towards their roles in this war.

§ The people of South Sudan can only feel that justice has been served when the current government is replaced by a Credible Interim Government of National Unity excluding President Salva Kiir Mayardit and the former Vice president Dr Riek Machar.

We support a national dialogue where all political parties, civil societies, women organizations and various faith groups to come together to discuss; the future form of governance for the country, immediate reform in all government institutions for the common good, the permanent constitution and the guidelines for the Interim Government of technocrats and it’s mandates, and to effect preparation for the first True Democratic General Election post-independence.

The SPLM/A leadership of President Salva Kiir and former president Dr Riek Machar should accept that a fair and just society and democratic political governing system in South Sudan cannot be engineered and constructed only by SPLM/A dominated by the two ethnic communities, it is not going to achieve the purpose of total democratic principles because South Sudan is a multi-ethnic nation with different political parties and diverse regional, cultural and social variations.

We believe that if every point raised in this letter is given due consideration and implemented, peace and stability can return to South Sudan quicker than ever expected.

With the backing of the international community and specially the Troika, an interim administration to be run by technocrats from within the South Sudanese communities, will for sure prepare the country for its first ever general elections under a fair democratic constitution.

Thanks in anticipation for your most needed support and looking forward for your response.

Yours sincerely,
Benjamin Taban (Chairman)
Scopas Gonyi
Karlo Kwol Akol
Representatives of Coordinating Committee

On behalf of the Concerned South Sudanese in the United Kingdom
CC: Hailemariam Dessalegn
Prime Minister of the FDRE and Chairman of IGAD Assembly
CC: Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit
President, the Republic of South Sudan
CC: Dr Riek Machar Teny
Chairman, SPLM/A (In Opposition) and former Vice President OF Republic of South

Benjamin Taban
Mobile: (+44)7405126984;

Sudan: Court gives Mariam Yahya until Thursday to abandon her Christian religion or face death sentence

From: Sam Muigai

A Sudanese court has given a 27-year-old woman until Thursday to abandon her newly adopted Christian faith or face a death sentence, judicial sources have said.

Mariam Yahya Ibrahim was charged with apostasy, as well as adultery, for marrying a Christian man, something prohibited for Muslim women to do and which makes the marriage void. Read more here:

Africa: Background Briefing on South Sudan

From: U.S. Department of State
Background Briefing on South Sudan
Special Briefing
Senior Administration Officials
Via Teleconference
May 6, 2014

MODERATOR: Hi everyone, this is [Moderator]. This is a background call. We’ll have a couple of speakers, both of whom should be referred to in reporting as Senior Administration Officials, please. That’s how we’re going to do this call. Just so you know who’ll be speaking, first we’ll hear from [Senior Administration Official One] at the Treasury Department, who I know you are all very familiar with, and then we’ll hear from [Senior Administration Official Two] here at the State Department, who will talk a little bit about the Secretary’s trip and some of the other policy issues as well. And then we’ll open it up for questions.

So again, this is all background, Senior Administration Officials. Thanks for joining today. As you saw, the Secretary just announced to talk about the sanctions we’ve imposed related to South Sudan. So with that, let’s turn it over to [Senior Administration Official One] and then we’ll go to [Senior Administration Official Two] and then we’ll go to questions.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: Thanks very much, [Moderator], and good afternoon to everyone. Just wanted to talk briefly about the sanctions steps that the Administration has taken today. In the last hour, the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Asset Control has rolled out sanctions against two individuals who have been driving and directing the conflict in South Sudan. The individuals are a South Sudan anti-government force leader by the name of Peter Gadet and a commander within the South Sudanese Government’s Presidential Guard by the name of Marial Chanuong. And we will have our press release up shortly, if it isn’t up already, to give you the spelling of those individuals.

Marial Chanuong, first, is, as I noted, the commander of the Presidential Guard for the South Sudanese Government, so he is reporting to President Salva Kiir. The Presidential Guard led the operations in Juba following the fighting that began on December 15th of 2013. And the second individual, Peter Gadet, who is fighting among the anti-government forces, is commanding a group of troops who were responsible for some of the horrific violence we saw just last month in Bentiu, the capital of Unity State in South Sudan.

Both of these individuals were sanctioned under the recently issued Executive Order by President Obama EO 13664, which allows us to target those responsible for or complicit in actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of South Sudan. That EO was signed by the President just last month on April 3rd, 2014. And it is a broad and flexible EO, which gives us the authority to target not just commanders but those directly engaged in violence and those who are providing material support to the forces that we see directing the violence, including those who are targeting UN peacekeepers or those delivering humanitarian supplies.

This new EO will be a critical new peace to our efforts to hold accountable those who obstruct the peace process and those responsible for violence against civilians. Today’s actions are the first designations under this authority, and we expect them to serve as a warning to those engaged in continuing the cycle of violence that has already claimed thousands of lives in South Sudan since December 2013.

And with that, I would turn it over to my State Department colleague.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: Thanks very much, and I appreciate the chance to speak about what’s happening in South Sudan. As my colleague from Treasury stated, today the United States officially sanctioned two individuals whose actions have threatened the peace, security, and stability of South Sudan, or who have committed atrocities.

First, Marial Chenuong, as he said, commanded the Presidential Guard Forces and ordered and led attacks directed at civilians in the early stages of this conflict in Juba. The other, Peter Gadet, was – led the anti-government forces who were responsible for the April 17th attack on Bentiu, in violation of the cessation of hostilities from the January 23rd agreement, which resulted in the killing of more than 200 civilians.

As [Senior Administration Official One] said, we will continue to use the authority under President Obama’s executive order to hold accountable those who commit atrocities, obstruct the peace process, or undermine peace and stability in South Sudan.

Today’s announcement comes on the heels of the Secretary’s trip to South Sudan. It was his first as Secretary but by no means his first trip to South Sudan. He traveled to Juba and to the region, where he made very plain that it was critical that all parties abide by the cessation of hostilities, where he met with members of civil society and with UNMISS, the United Nations peacekeeping operation in South Sudan, and where he underscored the vital importance of humanitarian assistance, especially as the rainy season has already commenced.

In these meetings, he pushed for a meeting between President Kiir and former Vice President Riek Machar to come to Addis for negotiations as a – one stage but a critical stage in the road to a more inclusive peace process for South Sudan. Both parties have now agreed to travel to Ethiopia for that meeting, and it is now tentatively scheduled for May 9th.

As the Secretary said today, we refuse to let South Sudan plunge into violence, famine, and deeper desperation. We will continue to stand with the people of South Sudan who call for peace and who recognize that the only way to resolve this conflict is through political dialogue.

And we’d be happy to take your questions.

MODERATOR: Great. If the operator could let folks know how to ask a question.

OPERATOR: Thank you. If you’d like to ask a question today, you may press *1 on your telephone keypad, and you should hear a tone acknowledging that you’re in the question queue. Once again, it’s * then 1 at this time.

MODERATOR: Great. Thanks. It looks like our first question is from Reuters, from Anna of Reuters. Go ahead.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) why you chose these particular two people outside of – is it meant to – also to send a message to Kiir and Bashir that there could be more sanctions? And also, are you, in general, ready to sanction more people if the peace talks don’t lead to cessation in the violence? Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: Yes. I mean, as I tried to signal in my opening remarks, this is a very powerful and flexible tool, the President’s new executive order, and today is our first use of the tool. We’re using it in a limited way against two individuals. They’re two individuals that we think are fairly significant, both of whom have blood on their hands with respect to the activities that they have directed or conducted. So we believe today’s actions are significant but also are, as you note, a signal to any who would consider or who are already contributing to violence on either side in South Sudan.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: I would just add to that in this case you have individuals who are both responsible for attacks on civilians, one of whom was responsible for attacks that began in December 15th in Juba, and one for attacks in Bentiu much more recently. So we see the sort of scope of the conflict and the toll it’s being – that it’s taking on civilian lives. And I think that was one of the reasons for these selections.

MODERATOR: And I’ll just jump in here. Finally, we’ve also said repeatedly that there are a couple goals with these sanctions, right? One is accountability, which is what you’ve seen today. And the other is to serve as a deterrent, if it can, going forward for future violence. So I think hopefully this can begin to serve both of those goals.

Our next question is from Deb Riechmann of the Associated Press.

QUESTION: Hi. Can you just explain what the sanctions do? I haven’t seen anything yet that says – do they freeze assets or what do they do?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: Yeah. So they do freeze assets. The other component is that they prohibit any and all transactions by U.S. persons, wherever located, with the designated individuals. What that means, as a practical matter, is that, as of 2:30 today, these names and their identifying bio-identifiers were sent out to tens of thousands of institutions in the U.S. and around the world, who now have them as a part of the OFAC SDN list or blacklist.

And as a practical matter, we’ve seen these actions disrupt and interfere with financial operations of designated individuals far away from U.S. shores. But certainly, the legal direct impact would be any assets they have in a U.S. bank, with a U.S. person, or that transits the U.S. even for a split second would need to be blocked, and U.S. persons can’t do business with them. As a complement, the State Department is – typically enacts a visa ban against the individuals listed as well.

MODERATOR: Thanks. Our next question is from Barbara Usher of the BBC.

QUESTION: Thank you. I’m just wondering if it was only a U.S. action. I know that some officials were saying that sanctions would be more effective if Uganda and Kenya participated, because a lot of the assets of these men are in those countries. Is this something that you’ve done in conjunction with neighboring countries?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: We’re definitely working in partnership with neighboring countries, including Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda, talking to them about these steps as well as their own efforts to secure peace in South Sudan. We are also working in partnership with the European Union and other – the members of the South Sudan Troika, which consists of the U.S., the United Kingdom, and Norway, and coordinating our efforts across the board to bring this crisis to an end.

MODERATOR: Can the operator remind folks how to ask a question, please?

OPERATOR: If you would like to ask a question today, you may press * then 1.

MODERATOR: Great. Thank you. Our next question is from the other Matt Lee, Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press. Go ahead.

QUESTION: Great. Thanks a lot, [Moderator]. I wanted to ask, there was a – it was said that in Security Council consultations at the UN that senior government officials were named in a radio broadcast prior to the attacks in Bor on the UN compound in killing the civilians. I just wonder if you can say are these people – is that the case? Do you know the names of people that sort of called for that attack, and in which case, why aren’t they on this list?

And I also – this might for Senior Administration Official Number Two. Secretary Kerry was talking about a legitimate force to help make peace. And I just wanted to know, is the UN – is the U.S. thinking of that as part of UNMISS mission or as the IGAD force? And if so, would it require a Security Council approval? Thanks.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: On the first, I mean, we typically do not comment on actors against whom we are – we have not yet – we have not yet acted, a clunky way of saying we don’t comment on those who are not part of our designation. But anyone who is contributing to the violence, whether that’s by directing violence, whether that’s by funding it, fueling it, contributing arms, can be a subject of designation in the future. And I’ll leave it to my State Department colleague to answer the second question.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: Yeah. On the question about the regional force and on UNMISS, we – it is something that conversations and discussions are ongoing between countries of IGAD, with New York, with ourselves and others on how best to create this additional force presence that we are working very much with UNMISS and see this as part of the same effort. But we do think it’s very important that the regional forces are able to join this effort in larger numbers and appreciate the efforts of, particularly, the governments of Ethiopia and Kenya, who are leading the mediation and who are seeking to work with UNMISS in this regard.

MODERATOR: Great, thanks. Our next question is from Phil Stewart of Reuters.

QUESTION: Yeah, hi. Can you hear me?

MODERATOR: We can hear you.

QUESTION: Great. Just quickly, what assets of these two individuals are actually going to be affected if any? Are there any identified? And also, I’m seeing a report that Uganda is saying that targeted sanctions against South Sudan are not necessary. Has Uganda communicated this to the United States? Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: So we typically will put out an action like this and then hear from financial institutions in the coming hours about assets that they’ve frozen. We don’t have perfect transparency, of course, into where assets may be held or where they be moved. And movement of assets is really important to recall here, in that a typical international transfer from one country to another, neither U.S. – neither of them, the United States, will often transit U.S. shores.

So many lay people aren’t following the dynamics of what a U.S. designation means, but what it means is typically a transaction between two African countries may well touch a U.S. institution, and a transaction of that type would need to be blocked in the U.S. But as of today, the moment of designation, we’re not identifying the assets of blocked individuals and we don’t traditionally identify how much has been blocked under an individual’s name.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: I can’t comment on Uganda’s statement specifically. I can tell you that we have been talking to all the countries in the region and we will continue to do so and take on board their thoughts on this. We do very much think that targeted sanctions – and these are highly targeted sanctions – will, in fact, have the impact we hope, and that we will continue to dialogue with the region on it.

MODERATOR: Great, thanks. I think we have time for a few more. The next question is from Gregory Warner of NPR.

QUESTION: Yeah. I’ll make this quick and I’m joining by Skype from Juba. So I guess I just wanted to clarify – and maybe you don’t know this – but the percentage, a rough percentage, of their assets that might be affected by the sanction and that split-second passage though the U.S. that we’re talking about. And then also, in terms of your conversations with the neighboring countries, I mean, how soon do you hope that the neighboring countries will join the sanctions, or is that your intention?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: On the first question, obviously, we’re not in a position to assess what percentage of their assets might be bound up in international transactions. It’s not simply a question of what might have been transiting today, but on any future day. So long as these designations are in effect, they’ll bar these individuals from access to the U.S. dollar, to the U.S. financial system, and any transactions that are attempted will more than likely be blocked.

But in an action like this, the primary purpose, as you heard both myself and my colleague describing, is not a freezing of funds. The primary purpose is to isolate and apply pressure to change the decision-making calculus of the key actors involved, whether that’s the two individuals we named today, who we very much hope will desist from directing bloodshed against innocent civilians, or whether that’s others who would contemplate engaging in similar actions. So the tool here is a financial tool, but of course it’s much more than that, and these actions are noted around the world and have, in the past, served as powerful disruptors and deterrent actions against individuals engaged in human rights abuses.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: And on the question of other countries in the region, we definitely encourage others in the international community to take similar steps, and we will work with the UN Security Council in the effort to authorize additional targeted sanctions. These are issues that the Secretary discussed during his visit to Addis last week, and to make sure that the steps we are taking are consistent with the goals of the mediating teams and other partners in the region.

MODERATOR: Great, thanks. Our next question’s from Pat Reiber of the German Press Agency.

QUESTION: Yeah, hi. I think most of my questions have been answered. I was – just wanted to know more about what Kenya and Uganda will be doing, and Ethiopia, in accord with the sanctions that the U.S. is putting out there.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL TWO: Yeah. On that, as we said, we certainly encourage others in the international community to take similar steps to what we’ve done today.

MODERATOR: Great. Our next question’s from Emile Barroody of Al Mayadeen.

QUESTION: Yes, thank you for doing this. Is there any other sanctions in the pipes against other members of the South Sudan military?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: We don’t talk about prospective actions that may still be coming, but we are clearly signaling today our willingness to use this tool against others who are directing or committing acts of violence. And the hope here, of course, is to incentivize the diplomacy and to encourage the talks that we’re all very much hoping will reduce the violence.

MODERATOR: Great, thanks. And it looks like our last question’s from Brian Monroe of

QUESTION: I’m going to record it so we can put it on the site, okay?

MODERATOR: This is on background, though, so you can’t actually record it for the site. Brian?

QUESTION: Hello? Can you hear me?

MODERATOR: Yeah. Did you hear me?

QUESTION: Oh, now I can perfectly. No, the key question I was asking is – I apologize (inaudible), another conversation jumped in there – I was just curious, what is the expectations from banks in terms of the depth of due diligence on these names? I mean, because always the question is: Is this names that they just put in their filters and they just see what sticks out? Or do you expect maybe a more rigorous look in terms of assets or sub-entities, or basically, just all the assets tied to these names? Thank you very much.

MODERATOR: Hey, Brian, this is the Moderator. Did you hear that this call’s on background, so not to be recorded for broadcast?


MODERATOR: Okay. So you can’t record the answer and put it on your website.

QUESTION: No, no, no, that was a conversation for someone else. No, absolutely.

MODERATOR: Oh, okay. Well, it came up on here. Okay. Go ahead. If my colleagues have answers, go ahead and [Senior Administration Official One] may.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL ONE: Yeah. So the primary obligation, of course, is to ensure that filters contain these names and identifiers to be sure that any current accounts are searched, and any prospective transactions or account openings are detected and blocked.

We’re not talking with these two individuals about CEOs or those who have large business interests, and so I don’t think the question about how deep should people be diving in terms of their due diligence is as applicable as it might be in another context. But of course, if you’re a bank that has more heavy exposure to South Sudan, to business coming in and out of Juba, that implies a greater burden with respect to the due diligence one needs to do.

MODERATOR: Okay, great. Well, thank you to everyone for joining. Again, sorry to be a stickler there, I thought you were talking about this call. This is all on background, senior Administration officials. As always, you know how to follow up with us, but thanks to everyone for joining, and have a great rest of your evening.

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African Centre for Human Advocacy’s Report on Prevailing Situation in South Sudan

From: South Sudan Press

1. Political Situation:

April 30, 2014 (SSNA) — Following the last reshuffle of the government of South Sudan on 23 July 2013, which resulted to the removal of the entire cabinet members including the Vice President Dr. Riek Machar Teny by President Salva Kiir Mayardit, tensions had abruptly flared up within the SPLM ruling party. Before his dismissal from the position of Vice President, Dr. Riek Machar and other senior SPLM members within the SPLM ruling party voiced concerns about the President Salva Kiir’s dictatorial way of handling the affairs of the state, where he absolutely used to take most important decisions singlehandedly without consulting the SPLM Political Bureau which is the highest political organ in the ruling party or the executive wing of the government where the Vice President was deputising him in the party. President Salva Kiir’s apparently manipulated the Interim National Constitution in his favour where he appoints or dismisses any member of the cabinets without consulting the Vice President as it was already stipulated in the constitution that the President would act in consultation with his Vice President.

However, President Salva Kiir has been promoting tribalism, nepotism, chauvinism, corruption, human rights violation etc., which are considered as parts of bad governance at any level of government all over the world during his eight years reign in South Sudan. In his turn, the former Vice President decided to challenge the President openly in the next general elections, which is supposed to commence in 2015, whereas President Kiir adamantly rejected such decision from his former Vice President Dr. Riek Machar and other SPLM senior members who were challenging him within the SPLM leadership. He did not want to be challenged by any member from the SPLM ruling party. When he saw a looming threat from the party colleagues, President organised his supporters to sabotage any move from the supporters of the former Vice President to challenge him in the upcoming elections. This becomes a wrangling within the SPLM leadership on who to run for elections. The former Vice President’s position was vigorously supported by majority of the SPLM political Bureau members and the masses all over the country that got tired of President Salva Kiir’s style of leadership, which favoured only few members from his own ethnic group, the Dinka who he placed in most of the key strategic positions in the government. They are the ones controlling the finance, security, foreign affairs etc., just to mention a few.

In addition to that, President Salva Kiir secretly recruited and trained an army numbering 15,000 soldiers that were drawn up inclusively from his own Dinka tribe, from two states of Warrap and Northern Bahr El Gazal as personal protection guards. He never trusted the SPLA regular soldiers to be guarded by him because majority of them are from Nuer tribe, which constituted 60% of the fighting force. During the first and second weeks of December 2013, SPLM supporters of the former Vice President Dr. Riek Machar which included 14 senior SPLM Political Bureau members staged two consecutive rallies in Juba where they demanded for democratic transformation within the SPLM ruling party to be urgently realized and translated into reality. This idea brought several thousands all over the capital Juba to Freedom Square to attend the two rallies in which subsequent press releases were issued afterwards to highlight their six points that include; 1. SPLM reform, 2. Economic reform, 3. Corruption eradication, 4. Strengthening relations with foreign countries, 5. Human Rights violations, 6. Tribalism, nepotism and chauvinism etc.,

During the last SPLM rally of 15 December, which was overwhelmingly attended by all SPLM government and opposing political leaders who rejected President Kiir re-elections as Chairman of SPLM, and vied for Dr. Machar to take over the chairmanship of the party instead of the incumbent SPLM Chairman and President. The tension became high in which the President Salva Kiir hastily ordered his close associate and trustful General Marial Cenouer who was in charge of 15,000 (soldiers) so-called Presidential Guards based at Luri garrisons in southeast of Juba to immediately disarm the SPLA Nuer soldiers within the Presidential Guards in the evening hours. At around 10.00 PM, on 15 December 2013, the fighting ensued within the Presidential Guards of Dinka and Nuer members from SPLA in which several soldiers were reported to have been killed on both sides. SPLA mutinous soldiers briefly captured the Tiger Headquarters, which hosted the Presidential Guards. Dr. Riek Machar and other associate members escaped along with him to the bushes of South Sudan and the direction to Bor.

The 11 SPLM political leaders who were associated with Dr. Riek Machar were detained on the following day of 16 December, in Juba prison where they remained there for some months. Towards the end of January, 7 of them were released through SPLM – In Opposition, IGAD and Troika’s interventions and were flown to Kenya to participate in the ongoing peace talks in Addis Ababa. But they chose to remain as separate block negotiating on their own as a faction instead of siding with the SPLM/A – In Opposition that advocated for their unconditional release from jail. The other 4 political detainees including the SPLM Secretary General Pagan Amoum remained in jail and have recently been released in this April, by the government in Juba and are still confined inside the country. The government in Juba is denying them opportunity to participate in the peace talks in Addis Ababa while their presence in the talks is very instrumental indeed. The IGAD and Troika peace mediators in Addis Ababa should exert more pressures on the government in Juba to fully release them and allow them participations in the peace talks.

2. Human Rights Violation:

As mentioned above that on the 15 December 2013, a group of SPLA soldiers from Presidential Guard mainly from Dinka attempted to disarm their colleagues from the Nuer tribe who were in the same Presidential Guards. Unfortunately, the SPLA soldiers from Nuer refused the disarmaments and instead their rivals from SPLA Dinka started the shooting which result to the captured of Tiger Presidential Guards Headquarters by the SPLA Nuer soldiers. They occupied the said military garrison until the following day when SPLA combined forces from different units came and recaptured the Tiger Headquarters from the mutinous soldiers of Nuer elements. Dr. Riek Machar and his wife Mrs Angelina Teny who were prime targets of being implicated by President Salva of being behind the rebellion escaped the government planned onslaughts for hiding along with former Minister of Environment General Alfred Ladu Gore and former Governor of Unity State General Taban Deng Gai.

The three SPLM leaders and Madam Angelina Teny apparently escaped to the bushes for their own lives and made their way to Greater Upper Nile where the Nuer civilians known as “White Army” and some SPLA defectors from other garrisons mostly from Nuer when they heard that wanton massacres was being carried out by some SPLA of Dinka soldiers in Juba against the innocent Nuer civilians in Juba came to their rescues. In fact, Dr. Riek and his wife left behind most of their personal bodyguards. They were left behind in their official government residential quarter in Juba on the night of 15 December 2013, when the fighting erupted in Juba. On 16 December, the infamous Nuer massacre took place in Juba and lasted for three days up to 19 December 2013, by their Dinka attackers who masqueraded as Presidential Guards inside Juba town. They summarily executed over 10,000 civilians including 35 personal bodyguards of Dr. Riek Machar who were first disarmed by the government soldiers and later killed in cold blood when the government soldiers (SPLA) smashed a two storey government building used by the former Vice President with military tanks. Inside the same house it was sheltering over hundred civilians most of whom were closed or distant relatives of former Vice President and his dear wife who an emergency sought refuge there. Unfortunately, military tanks crashed all of them and this was the most gruesome massacre ever conducted in the history of South Sudan in one town since South Sudanese fought successive wars with Khartoum regimes in the past. The UNMISS and did not revealed the exact figures of those Nuer killed in Juba for fears of reprisals from that notorious government in Juba.

The UNMISS put the figures of the dead to 500 hundred persons only while the government soldiers conducted house-to – house searches for three days from 16 – 19 December, where they collected several thousands unarmed Nuer civilians in the neighbourhoods of Gudelle, Mia Saba, Thongpiny, Jabal Kujur, Manga teen, Souk Jabal, Khor William, Gumbo, New Site, Jabal Dinka, Guray etc., Hundreds of them were summarily executed at Gudelle Police Station and thousands others were killed in different locations where their bodies dumped on the River Nile or burnt to ashes beyond recognitions. This is very painful story but the UN and other human rights groups did not revealed the exact numbers of the Nuer civilians killed during the aftermath of the massacre in Juba and its surrounding areas. The real figures were later revealed by the victims themselves who fled to UNMISS camps at Jebel Kujur and Thongpiny or hidden by their Equatorian’s friends in Juba town.

When the news of the massacres of Nuer in Juba spread throughout the Nuerlands in Upper Nile, Unity and Jongeli States, ten of thousands of well armed Nuer youth and SPLA deserted soldiers flocked into government garrisons in Greater Upper Nile States where they attacked government loyalists which resulted to the capturing of the three state’s capitals of Upper Nile, Unity and Jonglei. In the process of these fighting many lives were lost on both sides. Since December 2013, the towns of Bor, Malakal and Bentiu were repeatedly captured or recaptured by SPLA – In Opposition or government soldiers and their Uganda (UPDF), JEM and SPLA-N allies more than four times, in which thousands of innocent civilians were sadly killed there and destructions of properties were enormous indeed. Government infrastructures and religious worshiping centres as well as hospitals were therefore demolished in all the three state capitals of Bentiu, Bor and Malakal as well as at counties level during the course of fighting between the two parties.

Following the recaptured of Bentiu by SPLA – In Opposition on the 16 April 2014, from the government forces in which the UN and other international NGOs expressed propound disappointments with alleged killing of over 200 Darfuri and Dinka civilians and 400 others wounded. This damning report was circulated all over media houses all over the world and several countries expressed strong condemnations against the rebel movement who were accused of perpetrating a deliberate massacre against the unarmed civilians caught in cross-fire in the town of Bentiu. The SPLM/A – In Opposition on their part, strongly repudiated the allegation made by UNMISS boss Mr. Toby Lanzer and journalists from several news media who visited the town of Bentiu following the capture of the town by rebels who said that those Darfuri killed or other South Sudanese men (Dinka) who died along with them were not civilians but government sponsored militias and mercenaries. The SPLA – In Opposition Spokesman and other sources from the ground indicated that there were no Darfuri traders existing in Bentiu since January 2014, when the government forces and their allies recaptured it from them.

All the Sudanese traders evacuated all along the town because it becomes a war zone, and virtually deserted by its entire population to UNMISS camp, where over 8000 IDPs resides there. There was no reason at all for 800 traders from Darfur to continue in Bentiu town where there was no market or buyers to buy their goods. It is true; while in combats they usually dressed with civilian clothes and used the Mosque during that attack by SPLM/A – In Opposition forces as human shields. They had indeed guns and fought vigorously against the rebel forces when they were denied access to UNMISS compound by rebel forces following the capture of Rup Kona’s Bridge. Those civilians who felt threats because of fighting they definitely ran to UNMISS compound in Bentiu before the fighting reached the town. The fight took nearly three days before the capture of Bentiu occurred. If the Darfuri traders were actually civilians who felt threatens they would have gone to UNMISS camp before the fighting escalated into town.

The same thing with the alleged Dinka civilians who were said by UN and other aid agencies that they were deliberately massacred by SPLA- In Opposition forces. Those Dinka men who got killed were also recruited government sponsored militias who were fighting actively on the side of the government against the rebel forces. The rebels denied killing of any unarmed civilians being elderly, women or children intentionally during the fight in Bentiu. If the rebels were intended to massacre the Darfuri and Dinka civilians as it was alleged, what would have prevented the 400 wounded not to be killed in the Mosque while the rebels were the ones in control of the town and not UNMISS? Definitely, the rebels would have killed them all if they really wished to do so. The UN and other NGOs had indeed given misleading information to the outside world, which was not the true picture in the ground. They are indeed inciting more massacres in South Sudan by issuing false allegations on the side of the rebels. The Radio of Bentiu was used only by SPLM/A – In Opposition commanders who captured the town to inform those still in hiding to avail themselves that the town was free and not used for projecting hate messages as it was later alleged by UNMISS representatives from Juba and their accompanied journalists. All the images shown on the news media had no any child or woman seen in it. They were all men wearing civilian clothes where the rebels collected their guns after they got killed in action. This is a propaganda that will not serve the purpose and instead it will certainly create more harm then good between the two rival communities of Dinka and Nuer respectively. This will also make peace in South Sudan difficult to be realised within a short time if the UNMISS and other international NGOs continuous to wage such negative propaganda campaigns against one group of the fighting parties or most importantly against the SPLM/A – In Opposition and their Nuer sympathizers.

What UNMISS has been preaching following the fall of Bentiu to the rebel forces on 16 April, through the international news outlets, the resultant of it was the worst gruesome and awful attacks on Nuer civilians at UNMISS camp in Bor on the 21 April, when some SPLA soldiers and other organised forces from the government along with Bor youth went on rampage and attacked 6000 IDPs from Nuer as retaliations by Dinka to what happened to their people in Bentiu. The attack on UNMISS camp in Bor was a government initiative which was directly spearheaded by some well-known senior government officials from Jonglei and Bahr El Gazal States to massacre Nuer. The UNMISS did not give adequate protection to the IDPs inside their centre in Bor and that was the reason why 145 persons mostly women and children were deliberately killed by their Dinka attackers. Another 273 persons sustained injuries and unknown numbers of Nuer youth fled to bushes in panics and never reported back to the camp. They are presumed dead because the same attackers pursued them. The UNMISS continuously kept the numbers of those IDPs killed or wounded down simply because they did not want an embarrassment from international community or get into loggerheads with the government in Juba. The survivors themselves were the ones who revealed the accurate figures because UNMISS always played down the numbers of those killed and wound. In the first place they gave conservative estimates of 20 persons killed and 48 wounded. This is a complete lie and at the same time a great insult to the Nuer victims and their loved ones. UNMISS should not act biasedly for fears from the government to terminate their activities in South Sudan. The UNMISS mandates in South Sudan is to protect human lives and their properties against any human rights violators no matter war. They have the full mandate from the United Nations in New York to use all the necessary means if human rights of any community is seriously violated by any warring party in the conflict.

On 23 April, the town of Renk was briefly captured by the SPLM/A – In Opposition forces in which they dislodged government forces and their ally’s forces from town. After the rebels withdrew from the town which bordering the White Nile State, Republic of Sudan, the Nuer officials in the government and other organised forces were deliberately killed by their Dinka colleagues and militia soldiers who were armed by the government to intentionally fight the rebels. According to various reports from different sources said that about 300 Nuer civilians have been killed in Renk alone. UNMISS has no present in Renk and no NGOs agency can easily verify this report because few of the NGOs who used to operate in Renk had evacuated the town before it was briefly occupied by the rebels.

On 27 April, Mapel SPLA Training Centre was attacked by a group of Dinka soldiers in which they killed about 192 unarmed SPLA Nuer trainees and several hundreds others fled to forests for their own safety. Their whereabouts are not known and the government still playing it down as if nothing had actually happened. According to the statement from the State Government of Western Bahr El Gazal State Hon. Razik Zachariah Hassan, he said that some widows whose husbands got killed by the rebels in Unity State carried out the attacks on Nuer SPLA trainees in Mapel. He also played down the death rates to be three persons killed and four other wounded. If this statement over Radio Tamazaj is true, could several hundreds of Nuer men who left behind their dear wives and children ran to the bushes to escape widow’s onslaughts? Could this episode provoke the defections of seven Brigadier Generals and their forces of not less than a complete brigade to forests? Would the widows managed to kill 192 persons as reported by the survivors in the bushes and defector generals from Wau area? And yet the attackers are still hunting after those who escaped such ordeals. This appalling situation aggravated the defections of 7 SPLA Brigadier Generals and their forces that are from Nuer simply because they did not want their own fellows Nuer to be humiliated in such a manner in their watch. The 7 brave Brig. Generals have decided to rescue their fellows Nuer instead of continued supporting this notorious government in Juba under dictator Salva Kiir Mayardit. The UNMISS did not report this incident to the outside world yet they are more concerned with the fates of Darfuri rebels from JEM and SPLA – N who were killed in action by SPLM/A – In Opposition in Bentiu. The government forces and their Uganda (UPDF) allies have recently captured the town of Ayod from the SPLA In Opposition forces in which they are now conducting gruesome killings against the civilians in the area and yet UNMISS and other international NGOs are keeping quiet and not reporting such wanton killing of Nuer in all these places.

3. Humanitarian Situation:

The humanitarian situation in Greater Upper Nile States of Unity, Upper Nile and Jonglei is pathetic indeed. Most of its population have migrated to neighbouring countries or UNMISS camps or to saver areas within the country. Over one million people are already registered by UN and NGOs agencies operating in South Sudan as IDPs within the country in which most of them are from Greater Upper Nile States. Juba alone has not less than 50,000 Nuer IDPs in the UNMISS compounds whereas Bentiu with 22,000 IDPs, Malakal has the same number of 22,000; Malut has over 30,000 and Bor with 6,000 IDPs. Wau has got over 1000 Nuer IDPs whereas some of them are being rejected entrance to UNMISS compound in Wau by the government of Western Bahr El Gazal State. Nuer students at Bahr El Gazal University are greatly affected by the recent skirmishes in the area. It is reported that a number of university students have been arrested of are presumed missing by their colleagues who fled to UNMISS compound in Wau. The families of Nuer unarmed soldiers in Mapel needs to be traced because some conflicting reports indicated that some Dinka soldiers had killed them all or some fled to forests for safety. This needs UNMISS and other Human Rights organisations to pay an urgent field assessment to see if the families of the murdered and fleeing Nuer soldiers are still alive so that they can be relocated to UNMISS camp in Wau town. The IDPs at UNMISS camps in all the states Greater Upper Nile and Central Equatoria need to be relocated to secure countries like Kenya, Sudan and Ethiopia instead of remaining in that sad conditions for too long. They are more less prisoners in their own country. They lack most of basic human necessities. Their children are at high risk of contracting water bone diseases and malnutrition and at the same time not attending schools. The elders are very much depressed and are facing state of hopelessness and uncertainties. The UN and other NGOs agencies can transport them to where their children can go to schools or move freely than being confined inside UNMISS compounds throughout the country like prisoners of war.

In the SPLM/A – In Opposition controlled areas, education is completely none existent where most of the teachers have abandoned their teaching jobs and joined either the government or the rebels rank. Several hundred thousands children of school aged are staying without attending classes. Food situation is also very sacred indeed and this will force millions of people to abandon their homesteads in search of food and protections in secured places. Health situation is also very demanding whereby majority of the victims have gunshot wounds and others are suffering with different ailments mostly children with severe malnutrition cases. Cross-border operations through, Sudan, Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia would serve more lives if negotiated in good face with the host countries and implemented by UN and NGOs agencies which is similar to that of OLS in 1990s, where both government of Sudan and (SPLM/A) controlled areas were served equally.

4. Peace in South Sudan:

If this war in South Sudan is not handled carefully, regional conflict may flare up very soon because the continuous supports of UPDF, JEM, and SPLA – N and other invisible actors like Egypt and Zimbabwe to the government of Salva Kiir in Juba would definitely attract other regional countries to join the ongoing war. Therefore, the international community has a task to pressurise the government in Juba to delink itself from his allies otherwise South Sudan will soon be a theatre of war between competing regional leaders over control of its vast oil and mineral resources. The most of its population will migrate into more secured areas in the neighbouring countries. This is because Juba is intensifying war vigorously with full supports from his allies, which are also enemies of other regional leaders. Uganda has been actively engaged in combat operations in Greater Upper Nile where they used cluster bombs against civilian’s targets in Jonglei State and jets in Unity and Upper Nile States. With the latest development where some communities are being targeted indiscriminately, the situation is already out of control and will be difficult to bring this war to an end very soon as long as some foreign mercenary allies of the government are still active in war in South Sudan. Norway must double its efforts to pressurise both Juba and Kampala to immediately withdraw the UPDF forces in South Sudan in order to give peace a chance. The same thing with Darfuri (JEM) and SPLM-N (Nuba & Ingessnia of Blue Nile) rebels who are siding with the government in Juba against the SPLA – In Opposition. The present of Sudanese rebels in South Sudan to protect the oil fields installations which are under threats from the SPLM/A – In Opposition forces and in turn they also receive their shares from oil revenues and in addition to supply lines through Upper Nile and Unity State to continue with their war against Khartoum. The JEM and SPLA – N have abandoned their cause for material gains in South Sudan. Therefore, UN should advise their leaders not to involve their fighters in conflict in South Sudan while at the same time disusing as Sudanese traders.

Generally, genuine Sudanese traders are free to operate anywhere in South Sudan without any intimidations. But the present of JEM and SPLA – N in war against the SPLM/A – In Opposition is highly posing serious threats to Sudanese traders operating in South Sudan. This is a very serious game in which people of South Sudan at the end of the days will be the losers from this war. The international community most save South Sudan from imminent collapse from Salva Kiir. The people of South Sudan are tired of war and are longing for a lasting peace where democracy, development, rule of law, accountability and human rights shall be the basis of principles of good governance in the country.
This report is compiled by: Daniel Wuor Joak
Executive Director of African Centre for Human Advocacy (ACHA)
Date: 30th April 2014

USA, State Dpt.: Press Releases: Press Availability in South Sudan

From: U.S. Department of State
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Embassy Juba
Juba, South Sudan
May 2, 2014

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, good afternoon. I just completed an in-depth, very frank, and thorough discussion with President Kiir. And throughout the meeting, I think it’s fair to say that both of us spoke very candidly, very directly, and we got to the issues that I came here to discuss. Throughout the meeting, I made it clear to him that he needs to do everything in his power to end the violence, and also to begin a process of national dialogue, a process by which there is the beginning of discussions – real discussions – about a transition government that can bring peace to the country.

It’s fair to say that President Kiir was very open and very thoughtful and had thought even before this meeting about these issues, because we have talked about them on the phone in recent days, and because our special envoy and others have had conversations with him about it. So he committed very clearly his intention to do exactly that: take forceful steps in order to begin to move to end the violence and implement the cessation of hostilities agreement, and to begin to engage on a discussion with respect to a transition government.

I just spoke a few minutes ago to Prime Minister Hailemariam of Ethiopia to convey to him President Kiir’s willingness to travel to Addis Ababa in the near term, sometime early next week hopefully, in order to engage in a discussion with Prime Minister Hailemariam, and hopefully with Riek Machar, who had previously indicated to the prime minister a willingness to do so. And I hope to talk to him sometime later in the course of today to encourage him to do so.

This meeting of Riek Machar and President Kiir is critical to the ability to be able to really engage in a serious way as to how the cessation of hostilities agreement will now once and for all really be implemented, and how that can be augmented by the discussions regarding a transition government and meeting the needs of the people of Sudan. President Kiir and I have spoken about this many times over the course of the last months. We particularly spoke almost every day during the period from December 15th through the Christmas period. In fact, I even talked to him on Christmas Day, and was particularly pleased today to be able to return to Juba in order to sit down and discuss these issues face to face.

I’ve told President Kiir that the choices that both he and the opposition face are stark and clear, and that the unspeakable human costs that we have seen over the course of the last months, and which could even grow if they fail to sit down, are unacceptable to the global community. Before the promise of South Sudan’s future is soaked in more blood, President Kiir and the opposition must work immediately for a cessation of hostilities, and to move towards an understanding about future governance of the country.

I might also say that we do not put any kind of equivalency into the relationship between the sitting president, constitutionally elected and duly elected by the people of the country, and a rebel force that is engaged in use of arms in order to seek political power or to provide a transition. Already, thousands of innocent people have been killed and more than a million people have been displaced. And it is possible – as we’ve seen the warnings, because people have not been able to plant their crops – that there could be major famine in the course of the months ahead if things don’t change.

Both sides are now reportedly recruiting child soldiers and there are appalling accounts of sexual violence in the conflict. The reports of Radio Bentiu broadcasting hate speech and encouraging ethnic killings are a deep concern to all of us. The United States could not be any clearer in its condemnation of the murder of the civilians in Bentiu or in Bor and all acts of violence, including those that use ethnicity or nationality as justification are simply abhorrent and unacceptable.

If both sides do not take steps in order to reduce or end the violence, they literally put their entire country in danger. And they will completely destroy what they are fighting to inherit.

The people of South Sudan – and I’m talking about all the people of South Sudan – all of them have suffered and sacrificed far too much to travel down this dangerous road that the country is on today. That is why both sides must take steps immediately to put an end to the violence and the cycle of brutal attacks against innocent people.

Both sides have to do more to facilitate the work of those people who are providing humanitarian assistance, whether from the UN or from the UN mission or any organization that is responding to increasingly dire needs of citizens. Both sides need to facilitate access for humanitarian workers, for goods, for cash in order to pay salaries, and they need to provide this access to South Sudan’s roads, to its waterways, including to opposition-held areas. And we talked about this very directly this morning with President Kiir and his cabinet members.

It is important that both sides also act to ensure the safety and the security of the humanitarian workers themselves, and both sides must stop dangerous verbal attacks on people who are bravely providing relief to the South Sudanese people. It’s unconscionable that people who have come here not with weapons but with assistance are being attacked by both sides, and nothing will do more to deter the international community and ultimately to wind up in an even worse confrontation in the country itself.

Both President Kiir and Riek Machar must honor the agreement that they made with one another to cease hostilities, and they need to remember as leaders their responsibilities to the people of the country. The fate of this nation, the future of its children must not be held the hostage of personal rivalry.

Yesterday in Addis I spoke with representatives from the African Union and South Sudan’s neighbors about how we can coordinate and restore peace and accountability. We support the AU’s Commission of Inquiry in South Sudan, and I met this morning with the leader of that commission and listened to their early reports of their work. And we support the IGAD’s monitoring and verification mechanisms. The United States is also prepared in short order to put sanctions in place against those who target innocent people, who wage a campaign of ethnic violence, or who disrupt the delivery of humanitarian assistance.

Even as we come here in this moment of conflict in an effort to try to find the road that has been obscured, I can’t help but remember – as I drove to meet with the president and as I came back here to our Embassy, having traveled here and been here a number of times – but particularly at the moment of self-determination for this country, it is important to remember what the people of South Sudan achieved for themselves recently. Through their efforts, through their commitment, through their patience, they helped to move this country to independence, to the creation of a nation, through peaceful, democratic, and prosperous future, and the opportunity to be able to try to achieve that. And they came together to create a new nation in that effort.

I remember walking in one community and watching people vote and talking to somebody who was standing out in the hot sun and who’d been there for hours. And I walked up to them and said, “Look, I hope you’re not going to get impatient. Don’t leave. You need to wait to vote.” And that person to me said, “Don’t worry” – I was then a senator – “Don’t worry, Senator, I’ve waited 50 years for this moment. I’m not going anywhere until I’ve voted.” The dedication that I saw, the commitment of people to try to create this nation deserves to be fully supported and the aspirations of those people deserve to be met by our efforts, all of us, to try to bring peace, and mostly by the leaders to fulfill the promise that made them leaders in the first place.

It is absolutely critical that to prevent that moment of historic promise from becoming a modern-day catastrophe, we all need to work harder to support the hopes of the people and to restore those hopes. We have to be steady in our commitment to the people of South Sudan. And I was encouraged yesterday in Addis Ababa by the unanimous commitment of the neighbors, of IGAD, of the foreign ministers I met with from Kenya, from Uganda, from Ethiopia, all of whom are committed and dedicated to helping to pull South Sudan back from this precipice and help to implement the cessation of hostilities agreement, and most importantly, help South Sudan to negotiate its way through this transition government that can restore the voice of the people in a way that can give confidence to the South Sudanese people, that their future is indeed being spoken for and that the best efforts are being made to meet it.

So with that, I’d be delighted to take any questions.

MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Michael Gordon of The New York Times.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) you’ve described some of the political and military steps that you would like to see unfold – expect to see unfold in the next weeks. If neither side honors their commitments, how specifically do you plan to hold them accountable? And how long do you plan to wait before holding them accountable? There’s been some concern in the Congress and by groups like Oxfam that the United States has moved too slowly on this. And are you prepared to sanction the president and Riek Machar themselves?

And lastly, yesterday, you spoke publicly about your interest in deploying African troops to create a more robust peacekeeping force here. How many troops do you think should – will be deployed? When do you think this will happen? Will there be – will it be necessary to secure a new UN Security Council mandate to make this happen? Basically, how real is this? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, it’s real. Each of the countries I just listed are all committed. And I met yesterday with the foreign ministers who say they are absolutely prepared to move with troops from those countries almost immediately. But yes, we do need to secure an additional United Nations Security Council mandate. I believe that can be done quickly. I hope it can be done quickly. And it’s very, very important to begin to deploy those troops as rapidly as possible.

How rapidly? Hopefully within the next weeks, and we’re talking about an initial deployment of somewhere in the vicinity of 2,500 troops. Well, I think 5,500 have been talked about, and it may be that there are even – it may be that, depending on the situation, more may have to be contemplated. But for the moment, that’s the limit, that’s what’s being talked about.

With respect to the hopes on the – what was the first part? The —

QUESTION: How long do you plan to wait before (inaudible)?

SECRETARY KERRY: Oh, okay. Let me just say – you asked about the – sort of what might follow if people don’t implement these steps. And the answer, very, very directly, is the global community will then make moves in order to have accountability. There is a commission of inquiry already underway. I met this morning with the head of the commission of inquiry and listened to former Nigerian President Obasanjo’s observations about his initial start of that effort. We support that effort; the global community supports that effort. That will obviously be ongoing.

I think the single best way for leaders and people in positions of responsibility to avoid the worst consequences is to take steps now, the kind of steps that we heard promised this morning. We are not going to wait. However, there will be accountability in the days ahead where it is appropriate. And the United States is doing its due diligence with respect to the power the President already has with respect to the implementation of sanctions, and I think that could come very quickly in certain quarters where there is accountability and responsibility that is clear and delineated.

MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Memoska Lesoba from Eye Radio.

QUESTION: You said that President —

SECRETARY KERRY: Can you hold it up real close?

QUESTION: You said President Salva Kiir has agreed to transitional government. What kind of a transitional government? Can you delve more into that? And I would want to know what kind of sanctions would be imposed if (inaudible) way of (inaudible) resolve the crisis, and what impact will it have.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, with respect to the transition government, ultimately it is up to the people of South Sudan. And it is up to an inclusive process which brings the civil society to the table and reaches out to political opposition and to all of the different stakeholders in South Sudan to shape that. What is important is that President Kiir is prepared to engage in that process in a formal way, to reach out, to work with IGAD, to work with the community, in order to make certain that that process is real, it’s transparent, it’s accountable.

Now, how that unfolds will be part of the discussions that we hope will take place between Prime Minister Hailemariam as the mediator and two of the principle antagonists in this conflict, President Kiir representing government and Riek Machar. But there are other players, lots of them. As you know, 11 detainees have now been released. And each of those detainees has – have had voices and roles to play in the politics of South Sudan.

So it’s really up for the process itself to take shape as the stakeholders and as the people of South Sudan speak up and speak out and demand a certain kind of participation. What’s important is that that participation is promised and it is available.

With respect to sanctions, we are – there are different kinds of sanctions, obviously – sanctions on assets, sanctions on visas, sanctions on wealth and travel and so forth. All of those options are available, among others. But in addition to that, with the commission of inquiry and other standards that are applied. There have been atrocities committed and people need to be held accountable for those kinds of atrocities. And there are methods by which the international committee undertakes to do that. So I think the real test is what happens in these next days, what kind of bona fide legitimate steps are taken by people to prove they want to move in a different direction. And that will be a significant guide as to what may or may not be pursued by members of the international community in the days ahead.

MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Lara Jakes of AP.

QUESTION: Thank you. Just to clarify, in this transitional government, do you see a place for either President Kiir or Riek Machar to be holding office in the future for this country? And then also, as you head to Congo tomorrow, what are you looking to hear regarding the prosecution of troops who were given amnesty and then returned to M23? And is the United States satisfied with the deep mobilization plan for all armed troops in eastern Congo, including Hutu troops – I’m sorry, groups? And then one last one. Could you comment on the new charges against Gerry Adams? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: I don’t have any comment on the charges issue. I’ve heard about it, I’m not familiar with all of the details of it. And he’s presented himself. He maintains his innocence. And we need to let the process in Northern Ireland work its way.

With respect to the Central African Republic – excuse me, the D.R.C. – we are hopeful that the terms that have been put in place, the Kampala Accords, are going to be implemented properly. But I’m going to wait to comment more fully on that until I meet up with Special Envoy Feingold, who will meet us there when we arrive there. And I think I would rather get the latest briefing up to date before I summarize it, because I may be outdated and I just would rather do that.

On the first part of your question —

QUESTION: (Inaudible.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Whether or not they can be part of in the future – that’s not a decision for the United States of America to make or to comment on. That’s for South Sudanese to decide. It’s for the process to decide. I think that certainly people will judge carefully, I think, what happens in these next days, which could have a great deal to do with respect to future legitimacy of any player engaged in this, not just President Kiir or Riek Machar, but anybody who is engaged. If there is a legitimate, open, transparent, accountable, and real process by which people are listened to and people come together, then the people of South Sudan will have an opportunity to make that kind of decision and it won’t be necessary for us to comment on it.

If it doesn’t go in that direction, it may be that the United States and other interested parties who have helped so significantly to assist South Sudan in this journey to independence and nationhood, it may be that they will be then more inclined to speak out about what’s happened with leadership here or not, but at the moment I don’t think it’s appropriate to do that.

MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Gabriel Shada from Radio Miraya.

QUESTION: Thank you. The background to the conflict in South Sudan refers to a disagreements, disgruntlements inside the SPLM ruling party on the modalities of election and selection of leaders. So reaching an agreement that does not resolve the SPLM leadership issues is like suspending the real issues, which means they will rise again in the nearest future. So how can the U.S. Administration help the SPLM sort out its problems.

Second question is about the U.S.A. promising a lot to help South Sudan in the past, and even now. But one of the promises was building the – an institutional capacity for South Sudan, and observers can see that institutional capacity in South Sudan is still very, very weak. What are the reasons for this failure, especially when building the capacity of the army and other institutions? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Very good questions. Very, very good questions. With respect to the first question, you’re absolutely correct: There are internal issues within the SPLM that need to be resolved. But it’s not up to the United States to resolve them. It’s up to the leaders and the members of the SPLM to do so, recognizing that their validity and credibility as a leading party to be the governing party of the country is at stake in how they do that.

And so it is – there’s already a process in place where they’re doing some meetings and evaluations, and will do that. What is important is that they recognize that the negotiations over a transitional government ultimately, in terms of what role they play or how that plays out, will depend to some measure on how they resolve those kinds of internal issues. And the credibility of the civil society, the credibility of the people of South Sudan, with respect to their leadership will depend, obviously, on their ability to do that.

So that’s part of the road ahead. And they know that work is in front of them. They understand that. They discussed it with us here today, and I’m confident that that’s very much in their minds as they think about the future structure of any kind of transition and future.

But it’s also related, I may say, to the second part of your question. Yes, the United States committed to do certain kinds of things, as did the international community. And for a certain period of time, many of those things were attempted to be done, but the truth is that there’s been a difficulty, as I think most people understand, in the governing process that gave people pause and made people stand back a little bit. And that’s been part of the problem. And that’s why this transitional government’s effort is so important, because it is the key to being able to open up the kind of direct help and input that would be then meaningful and not wasted and not lost. And it’s very important that there be a process in place where people have confidence that the way forward is clear and that assistance can be put to the use that it’s meant to be put to.

So I would say to you that that’s part of the reason why this transitioning effort is so critical, because it really is what can restore the legitimacy so that going forward all those people who care, and there are many who do – in Africa, in Europe, in America, elsewhere – would be able to hopefully help in the capacity building for the country. That’s really where all of South Sudan’s energy ought to be going, not into killing each other but into building a government that can serve the needs of the people. And our hope is that that is what can get restored out of this terrible conflict that has interrupted that path.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all. Appreciate it.

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South Sudan: New Army General Chief of Staff Paul Malong Awan ordered government troops to kill unarmed Nuer trainees in Western Barh El Ghazel

From: South Sudan Press
April 27, 2014
For Immediate Release
Press release No. 2

South Sudan New Army General Chief of staff Paul Malong Awan and president Salva Kiir Mayardit ordered the killings of 220 unarmed trainees’ who mostly Nuer tribe in Military Training Centre at Mapel, Western Bahr El Ghazel, South Sudan in April 25, 2014.

April 27, 2014. The office SPLM/SPLA Nebraska Chapter is strongly condemns the unjustified killings of unarmed trainees mostly Nuer tribe and others are being hunt down in the bush where they went for hiding. These horrific killings of particularly tribe who are evenly still sighting with the government signified that Salva Kiir Mayardit himself has a president of South Sudan is exercising the tribal war in South Sudan.

The families of those trainees who were gunned down at the military training center were resided in Wau town. Other students from Nuer tribe studied at Bahr El Ghazel University after they heard their love ones were murdered by government troops wanted to enter to UNMISS compound for their safety, but were denied access by the local authorities in Wau, South Sudan.

The office of SPLM/SPLA Nebraska Chapter/USA like to inform Human Right Activities, UN personnel, and International Red Cross to quickly take an action to rescue those vulnerable Nuer civilians who are resided in Wau, and other cities in Greater Barh El Ghazel Region and take them to their birth towns where their lives would be less danger. The Government of South Sudan has become a tribal government and security is out of control people who are resided outside of their birth places their lives are in risk at anywhere in the country especially Nuer tribe.

Keak Lam Kierkok
Head of Communication of SPLM/SPLA Nebraska Chapter/USA

The New Chapter on the Journey to Peace

From: South Sudan Press

Our nation has been put to test by the devastating conflict that is ripping the country apart. To go direct to the point, I want to begin by thanking President Kiir Mayardit for releasing the four political detainees today. Deep in my heart, I knew that President Kiir was not the cause of their detention and throwing of our country into the mess we are in today.

However, because he is the leader and had his best chance of rejecting the bad deeds that were planned and executed against our people, he fully bears the yoke of who to blame. His great courage (which was way overdue) to releasing the G4 has a saving factor for our nation.

The crowd that stormed the court room and its compound earlier today comes from all works of life in South Sudan. The people who cheerfully lifted up on their shoulders some members of the G4 did not just hail from their respective communities but from all walks of life in South Sudan.

If there was a doubt in any South Sudan government official’s mind that the citizens were losing it day by day, then it must have been cleared today. South Sudanese people know that the government was deadly wrong to put these people in prison. The people of South Sudan know that there was no coup.

Dear fellow citizens, we cannot change the past but we can surely shape our present and future. The war in South Sudan must end. To end it, all South Sudanese must learn the following songs and they must be the only ones that we all sing.

Ending of the crisis

It is imperative that the crisis be ended immediately. The words of Pagan Amum today sent a very moving spirits across all sorts of waves in the conflict. It was a message of peace and it was indicative of what him and his colleagues could have done if they were released during the early days of the conflict. President has set his foot on the right path and he must continue to push for ways to resolve the conflict. Dr. Machar, on the other, must also mimic what Juba did today. He must put down his guns. The sounds of guns must be silenced. We want to hear only war of words and eventually, soothing words.

The political detainees, the G4 and G7, will have very critical roles to play in this process. They are the bridge or liaison between the government and rebels. The government, rebels and all people of the world must use them wisely to help successfully bridge the two warring parties.

Last but not least, South Sudanese people must be awaken and actively involved in the process of ending this crisis by holding people accountable who make the process of successful cessation of hostilities impossible.

Military families (any family with a son or sons fighting in the frontline of this senseless war) must organize and start taking charge of their own children’s lives by holding accountable leaders who are sending them to harm ways on both sides.

All other South Sudanese civil society organizations must start to organize rallies for peace and sensitize our people around peace, unity and truth and reconciliation. I don’t mean that they rally and sing President Kiir’s name like the previous, irresponsible, rallies but to call on both Kiir and Riek to stop the war and sit down and talk.

Truth, peace and reconciliation among our people

The process of truth and reconciliation must begin now. It starts with recognizing what was done wrong by both sides and focusing on what can be done right moving forward from this point now. Therefore, both sides must send people to the peace talks, who are willing to say to each other, yes, that was done wrong by my party and we are willing to change things for the better and vice versa.

The manhood or bravery that is being portrayed by people on both sides of the conflict is primitive and cannot help the nation of South Sudan to recover. The momentum that the release of the G4 set in today must not be misused. The language of peace must be what is sung by all people and institutions. The rhetoric of beating up more war or intensification of war is uncalled for.

Therefore, both President Kiir and Dr. Machar must instruct their military leaders to slow down military operations and give dialogues in Addis Ababa a chance. The two leaders must know that there is no military solution to this conflict. They must know that when they send their forces to fight each other in the name of defeating each other, they are not fighting each other, individually, but rather, making those armies fight each other! More military operations are just simply meant to destroy our resources and loss our precious lives of the armies on both sides and civilians.

Unity of our people

The need to unite our people is urgent. The nation is polarized communally and regionally. This is a very dangerous situation that must be corrected very soon. There should be no marginalization of any people or region in this country. Doing that defeats the very purpose of fighting the Arabs in the first wars. Pumping chests up and calling or boosting about how one group of people is historic, brave, own the government, peace-loving and etc is an act of primitiveness and backwardness. We must be all proud of our country and be united by our citizenship.

If the president feels that no one else can protect him better or fight the war better other than having to put in place of power his Dinka tribe men, then that is a very bad sign. The latest appointment of Malong Awan and Marial Nuor are welcomed with mix feelings and the South Sudanese people must monitor the behaviors of these individuals and the institutions they will lead. It is my hope that they will work hard to prove that they were not appointed to protect a man and a leadership but to work for the nation and its people.

Abraham Deng Lueth is a Community Support Specialist at Truman Behavioral health Emergency Department in Kansas City, Missouri, United States; he is the President of Greater Bor Community-USA. He previously worked as a critical care laboratory technician and conducted an independent undergraduate biomedical research project which was published in the Plant Science Journal in 2007.

Nuer Community in Uganda Condemns Mass Killing of Nuer Civilians at UNMISS Base in Bor

From: South Sudan Press

19th April 2014
Press Release

Kampala, April 19, 2014 (SSNA) — In the wake of current renewed scale of fighting in South Sudan after stalled Peace mediation process under auspice of IGAD in Addis Ababa between the government of South Sudan and SPLM in Opposition, Nuer community in Uganda are in deep sorrow and painfully mourn the senseless killing of civilians in UNMIS on 17th April 2014 in what appeared to be a well coordinated attack by Juba-sponsored militia youth recruited mainly from Bor community. We deem this cancerous act as a fulfillment of what Makuei Lueth -The Minister of information attempt to do in the early days of February 2013 but he was denied access to enter UNIMISS base.

In terms of human loss, that cowardice attack on civilians in Bor has resulted in death of one hundred and forty five people (145) mostly women and children and had also left two hundred and seventy three (273) seriously wounded and are currently undergoing deflated medical attention in the same UNIMISS premises. It is worth mentioning here that the victims and other survivors are part of unarmed civilian mostly from Nuer ethnic groups who sought refuge in UNIMISS base in Bor.

Under universal accepted rules of engagement, such deliberate attack on UN premises definitely constitute a gross violation of international laws in which United Nation Mission in South Sudan sought her mandate to protect civilians in conflict situations.

As a community, we condemn in strongest term possible the senseless killing of Nuer children and women by the government of South Sudan. This is a clear plan by the defaulted government to eliminate one ethnic community in South Sudan under helpless and silent watch of UN. While principles of international humanitarian law Geneva-convention of 1949 and other subsequent protocols that call for the protection of non-combatant; the Nuer community in Uganda questioned the principle of neutrality that UN had played by failing to act under their mandate i.e. chapter seven of UN Charter in light of ethnic massacre staged by Juba government.

Finally, we are strongly urging the warring parties in South Sudan to refrain from attacking civilians. In the same note, we are appealing to UN Security Council to increase number of UNIMISS forces in the country as a deterrence measure to a possible scale of genocide.

On behalf of Nuer community in Uganda,

Signed by:
Samuel Gai Kuinit, Chairperson
Kuajien Chamjoak, Secretary General

Rights Group Condemns the Killing of Innocent Civilians in UNMISS Compound

From: South Sudan Press
April 17, 2014
Press Release

Alliance for South Sudanese in Diaspora (ASSD) Condemns the Targeted killing of Innocent Nuer Civilians house at the UNMISS Compound in Bor Town and Urge UNMISS to immediately relocate all IDPS to Safe Areas

Alliance for South Sudanese in Diaspora (ASSD) condemns in the strongest term possible the deliberate and targeted killing of innocent Nuer Civilians housed in the UNMISS Compound in Bor Town and urge UNMISS to immediately relocate all Nuer ethnic IDPS from Government controlled areas since the UNMISS protection force cannot adequately protect them. ASSD urge the International Community to do more in speeding up the relocation process of those IDPs before it is too late.

ASSD specifically urge elements of the Dinka Bor youths not to drag this war to their own community since the genesis of this conflict was a political one. ASSD strongly condemns and urge Dinka Bor politicians in the Kiir led government not to localize national issues where innocent youths of Bor Dinka ethnic background are being deliberately misled to attack their long time neighbors, the Nuer. The consequences of targeted killing of innocent Nuer civilians or any ethnically related killings does not and will not serve anyone’s interest but widen this conflict where all will be fair game.

ASSD leadership would like to request the UN, United States of America, African Union, Canada, United Kingdom, and Norway to immediately intervene and ensure that the signed cessation of hostility agreement is implemented by the South Sudanese warring parties.

ASSD urge Ugandan President Yoweri Musseveni and foreign forces in South Sudan to with draw immediately and stop meddling in South Sudan’s internal affairs.

For more information, please call us at +1(202) 709- 7322 or via email .
Department of Information and Public Affairs
Alliance for South Sudanese in Diaspora (ASSD)
Washington, DC, USA
+1(202) 709-7322

Africa: Meeting With South Sudanese Minister Awan Riak

From: U.S. Department of State

Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
April 10, 2014

Secretary of State John Kerry met today with the South Sudanese Minister in the Office of the President Honorable Awan Riak.

The Secretary noted his grave concern with respect to the situation there, and reaffirmed our support for the people of South Sudan and our readiness to stand with those who take bold steps to lead the country out of the crisis. He raised the need for the Government of South Sudan immediately to stop the fighting, provide full humanitarian access, and cease harassment and threats against the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). The Secretary emphasized the importance of full cooperation with the African Union Commission of Inquiry and the U.S. Government’s support for justice, reconciliation, and accountability for human rights violations and abuses.

They had a frank discussion of the way forward to heal the wounds of the violent conflict that broke out on December 15, and how to create a durable and inclusive path to peace. The Secretary noted that he continues to monitor events in South Sudan closely and called for progress toward inclusive, broad-based negotiations led by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. The Secretary emphasized the U.S. Government’s continued call for South Sudan’s leaders to prioritize the interests of the South Sudanese people over their own personal or ethnic interests.

The United States will continue to stand with the people of South Sudan and with those who take the courageous – and necessary – steps to bring peace, stability and good governance to South Sudan, so that its people can return to their livelihoods and its economy can flourish. But we will not stand by while the hopes of a nation are held hostage to short-sighted and destructive actors.

On April 3, the President authorized targeted sanctions that can and will be used against those who contribute to conflict by undermining democratic processes or institutions or by obstructing the peace process and against those who commit human rights abuses in South Sudan.

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Nuer Students’ Union and Naath Youth Network Refuse Bribes From Naïve South Sudan Government Agents in Kenya

From: South Sudan Press

The Republic of South Sudan became independent on July 9, 2011 and the first elected President of the Republic of South Sudan, Gen. Salva Kiir, was sworn in to protect the constitution, the right of people, and to defend the integrity of the nation. Soon afterwards, President Kiir violated this solemn duty and began to lead the nation alone and ruled by issuing Presidential Decrees. He disagreed with his former SPLM colleagues and because he wanted to eliminate his opponents, he falsely created a story that a coup had taken place.

This false alleged coup transpired into a massacre of only Nuer tribe in Juba even though the leaders, who carried out the rebellion were Dinkas, Nuers, and many other tribes. If this was a legitimate coup carried out by leaders from various tribes, what then would turn it to become a Nuer problem that would cost thousands of Nuer their lives.

What really happened on Sunday, December 15 and why did it happen?

Human rights watch and observers have expressed opinion of the war as being tribal. The element of such claims cannot be completely denied from what had happened. However, what is currently happening is a war between the citizens who want to liberate south Sudan from the hands of dictatorship and to return the nation to the objectives and aspirations of the SPLM liberty, equality and prosperity where democracy is the pillar of these objectives. The people of south Sudan fought against undemocratic policies in the North and never regretted to lose 2 million lives. Our objective is to live in a free, fair and democratic nation where freedom of expression is not a privilege but a right to every citizen as enshrined in the transitional constitution of South Sudan. It is President Kiir’s private army that turned the conflict into tribal war.

South Sudan is a country ruled with Aristocracy and Dictatorship theories, whereby aristocracy is guru where government don’t listen to the citizens but the executive does everything on behave of the citizens being it right or wrong. The case of aristocracy resulted to an infected transitional constitution of the Republic of South Sudan where there were no inputs from the citizens but the then cabinet and legislatures passed the worst transitional constitution in the world history, powers are invested on one man who can do anything he wants any time. Dictatorship is a guru of doing things the way you want them to be, any time anywhere.

Politicians from Nuer community who are still supporting a collapsed government happened to come to Nairobi last week and tried their best to bribes youth in Nairobi in order to waver their support to the regime that has lost credibility and legitimacy in the eyes of the international community and the South Sudanese at large, they called for a public meeting twice and the mighty youth refused and interrupted their meeting because the agenda of the meeting were as follows;

Call for a press conference and denounce the wavering support for the SPLM/A in opposition
Send delegates to Juba and meet the then president in order to assure him of our support in Nairobi
Talked to IDPs in the UNMISS camps in Juba to go back to their homes
Advised the dissatisfied youth not pick up arms against the Kiir regime
Denounce the massacre in juba and other places and put blames on Dr Riek/SPLM/A in Opposition about the death of the of the people

Having listed the above mentioned points from the desperate, naïve, egoistic, self-centred, nay, arrogant, bloodsuckers, filthy-minded politicians, we want to bring to the attention of South Sudanese in opposition who are so bold to fight for liberty, justice and prosperity for South Sudanese that we the students and Youth of Nuer community in Nairobi affirmed our unrivalled support for the SPLM/A in Opposition for their objectives and vision for the republic of South Sudan and the aspirations, objectives of the SPLM/A as a party. The politicians who came to Nairobi had no dignity, integrity, credibility, legitimacy, and we denounced them as representative of their respective constituencies. We regretted for the obvious reasons to elect them to represent our constituencies during the previous election. you cannot sit and watch your people being burnt to death in your present and have the energy to face the mass claiming there was no killings in Juba targeting one ethnic community, your mission to bribes us with our own resources is un-coming.

The list of those who attempted to bribes youth in Nairobi are as follows;
1. Rachel Nyadak
2. Ambassador Majiok Guandong
3. Gen Gony Beliu
4. Majiok Gatluak

These are the Kiir’s sycophants and wanted to destabilize the unity of purpose of the youth in opposition currently living in Nairobi. We had a respect for you before then, but you can only tell the colour a chameleon with its environment, as the environment changes, its colours also changes. We have now known that you don’t care for anything less than money and power.

We want to assure you, that this is the second liberation for equality, freedom, nationalism, patriotism, and most importantly the supreme sovereignty of the Republic of South Sudan, we need national independence, well secure country, and a well- defined constitution for South Sudanese.

The SPLM/A in Opposition were bold in enough to challenge the master (Gen Kiir) publicly for his dictatorship tendencies which were feared by many. We admire their boldness and prefer to be around them because their self-confident makes us gullible of the capricious and that is the testimony of our truism.

“A reasonable man in love may act like a madman, but he should not and cannot act like an idiot’’ By Madame de la Rochefoucauld

Nuer Students’ Union and Naath Youth Network Leadership in Kenya e-mailed us . Facebook page Nuer students association in Kenya

Nuer Students’ Union in Kenya Cast Doubt on the Neutrality of IGAD in the Peace Talk Process

From: South Sudan Press

The IGAD assembly of heads of states and government held its 25th Extra-ordinary summit on 13th March, 2014 in Addis Ababa, under the leadership of H.E Hailemariam Dessalegn, the Prime minster of the federal democratic republic of Ethiopia and current chairman of IGAD assembly of heads of states and government.

In the summit, the IGAD heads of states and governments applauds the UPDF of the republic of Uganda under the leadership of Yoweri Museveni for securing the installations and stability in the republic of South Sudan during the crisis.

They also resolved to deploy protection and deterrent force (PDF) as part of Monitoring and Verification Mechanism (MVM) to protect installations and infrastructures in South Sudan

Decided that all IGAD member states may participate in the monitoring and verification mechanism.

Given, the above resolutions by the IGAD assembly of heads of states and governments, WE the Nuer Students’ Union in Kenya condemned the moved taken by the IGAD as an institution entrusted to promote peace and stability in the region by deploying more troops in the name of protecting installations and infrastructures in the republic of South Sudan while around 12,000 troops are already in South Sudan doing the same thing and if the IGAD felt that number is not enough, why can’t they instead increased the number of UNMISS force to protect the installations and infrastructures in South Sudan as suggested by the UN security council, we felt that such move is intended to help Kiir and his forces to fight the SPLM/A in opposition.

When the Ethnic cleansing occurred in Juba on 15th March, 2013 last year under the directives of President Kiir, UPDF invaded the republic of South Sudan in the name of protecting the installations and infrastructures in juba but ended up fighting alongside Kiir forces and commit a lot of atrocities to the South Sudanese in opposition in particular Nuer civilians by bombing their homes and destroyed their properties. This acts of inhumane was never condemned by the regional countries that made up IGAD, more so President Museveni appears on Television several times stating his position very clear that he is fighting the SPLM/A in opposition alongside the Kiir forces, and even when Bor was taken by the SPLA from the SPLM/A Museveni appeared on TV attributing the victories to UPDF all these signs of invasion of sovereignty of the republic of South Sudan by Uganda under Museveni were never condemned.

In the Extra-ordinary summit the IGAD under the influence of Museveni and other interested heads of states afforded to applauds UPDF under the directives of Museveni that they have done good job while everybody thought Museveni was to be questions about all atrocities committed by his army in South Sudan including use of cluster bombs to the civilians in jonglei state.

We also heard some members of IGAD assembly strongly commenting that Kiir will not resign from the presidency, in such contradictions and controversies from the institution which was entrusted and fully mandated by the worrying parties to mediate and negotiate peace raise a lot of questions on whether IGAD is a serious body to successfully bring peace to South Sudan, or it is just a body instituted by BIG BOYS to blackmail those they perceived as small boys.

WE, the Nuer students’ Union in Kenya cast doubts on the neutrality of IGAD in the peace talk given the influence of Uganda under the leadership of Museveni, we demand the undersigned body demands the following from IGAD;

Excluding Uganda from the Monitoring and Verification Mechanism members

Immediate withdrawals of UPDF in the republic of South Sudan

Inclusion of all stakeholders of South Sudan in the peace talk and voice their concerns .i.e Youth, Women, Civil society and other concern groups on both sides

No deployment of Protection Deterrent forces, instead increased the number of UNMISS forces if need be

Full implementation of cessation of hostilities as were signed by the two parties

Fair and transparent process of Monitoring and verification mechanism policies

Release of 4 political detainees

Stop the kangaroo court in juba

We are also concern with the stand of international community on the fate of the 4 political detainees in juba as their absent will always backfire the peace talk in Addis Ababa.

May God give us the strength to overcome the difficulties of our lives.

Signed by the Nuer students’ Union in Kenya

1. Bona Kueth Machar, Chairman
2. Madow Johnson, vice chairperson
3. Gatmai Nelson, Secretary General
4. Gatdel Riek, Treasury
5. Gaywech Kutei , Secretary for information and publicity
6. Simon Gatkhor Gattuor, Member
7. Gatkuoth Tekjiek, Member
8. Chuol Gatluak, Member
9. Kueth Garjiok, Naath Youth Chairman and member
10. George Lony Kai, member
11. Matthew Bachuy, member

S. Sudan: Ugandan Air Force Bombs Civilians in Jonglei, Cluster Bombs Used

From: South Sudan Press

South Sudan’s rebels have on Tuesday accused Ugandan air force of carrying out aerial bombardments in Jonglei State.

In a press statement extended to the South Sudan News Agency, the head of the SPLM/A Delegation-in opposition to the Peace Talks in Ethiopia, General Taban Deng Gai, said that Juba and Kampala began air campaigns against civilians on the 26th of February 2014 using dangerous weapons.

“On February 26, they [UPDF & SPLA] bombed Pamai cattle camp and on the 2nd and 3rd of March, they bombed Wech-Kol Payam all in Uror County-Jonglei State killing women, children, elderly, and livestock using cluster bombs”, Gai said in the statement.

“The exact number of casualties is yet to be established and more information will follow”, He continues.

Gai declares that the latest air campaign against civilians in Jonglei State violates the Ceasefire signed in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and warns that the peace talks could not go as planned. Gai also calls on the International Community to take action against Uganda, and asks the United Nations to investigate the use of banned weapons.

“SPLM/SPLA [in opposition] calls on IGAD, the AU, the Troika countries, EU and UN to exert more pressure on Uganda to immediately cease all forms of indiscriminate aerial bombardments and to withdraw its forces from all territories of South Sudan. We call upon the United Nations to investigate the use of prohibited weapons such as cluster bombs by the Government of South Sudan and the Uganda Air Force”, Gai said.

“This continuous violation of the CoH may jeopardise the Peace Process that is already underway in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia”, he added.

Last month, the UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS) found remnants of cluster bombs in Jonglei, prompting the United Nations to launch an investigation.

Regional observers have on many occasions cautioned that the continuous involvement of Uganda’s military in the conflict could cause a regional war. But Uganda claims it has interests in the young nation’s internal affairs and that its fight alongside South Sudan government’s troops against rebels is justified.

S. Sudan: Open Letter to the Members of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights From South Sudanese Civil Society Organizations

From: South Sudan Press

Condemn Rights Violations, Support the Commission of Inquiry and Help Build A Culture of Human Rights in South Sudan

6 March 2014

Dear Sir or Madam,

March 6, 2014 (SSNA) — We, the undersigned South Sudanese civil society organizations, with support from organizations operating in Africa, write to request that the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) issue a resolution condemning the serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law that have taken place in South Sudan since the outbreak of violence on 15 December 2013. We also urge the ACHPR to advocate for the immediate establishment of the Commission of Inquiry called for in the 30 December 2013 communiqué from the African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC). In order to secure the sustained commitment of the government of South Sudan to protection of human rights in accordance with the African Charter, we call on the ACHPR to visit South Sudan under its promotional mandate and to call for the ratification of regional and international human rights instruments.

Issue a Resolution Condemning Violations of International Law

Since 15 December 2013, an armed conflict between forces loyal to President Kiir and opposition forces under the leadership of former Vice-President Riek Machar has engulfed South Sudan in violence. International and domestic organizations have documented killings of civilians, sexual violence, torture and the use of child soldiers. Entire towns and villages have been razed to the ground, civilian property has been looted or destroyed, and parties to the conflict have deliberately targeted places of refuge, such as churches and hospitals.

Government security sector personnel and non-state armed groups have stolen humanitarian relief supplies and equipment and killed humanitarian personnel. According to the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General, there is also evidence of the use of cluster bombs. The humanitarian impact, particularly on women, children and the elderly, has been devastating. Approximately 900,000 people have been displaced from their homes.

The ACHPR—the main body mandated with promoting human and peoples’ rights on the continent—has so far been silent on the rights violations that have occurred and the importance of accountability for these crimes.

We call upon the ACHPR to adopt a resolution on the situation in South Sudan during its 15th Extraordinary Session to be held from 7 to 14 March 2014 in Banjul, The Gambia. The ACHPR should condemn violations of international law in the context of the current violence and call on both parties to respect the cessation of hostilities agreement signed in Addis Ababa on 23 January. It should publicly call on the government of South Sudan to take all necessary measures in accordance with international human rights and humanitarian law to ensure protection of civilians, and to guarantee that adequate humanitarian support is provided to the populations affected by the conflict. The ACHPR should also call for and support the establishment of justice and accountability mechanisms, and emphasize that the victims of the heinous crimes that have occurred have a right to a remedy and that perpetrators must be held to account.

Advocate for the Immediate Establishment of the Commission of Inquiry

In its 30 December 2013 communiqué, the AUPSC requested the Chairperson of the AU Commission, in consultation with the Chairperson of the ACHPR and other relevant AU structures, to urgently establish a Commission of Inquiry to “investigate the human rights violations and other abuses committed during the armed conflict in South Sudan and make recommendations on the best ways and means to ensure accountability, reconciliation and healing among all South Sudanese communities.” The Council requested that the Commission of Inquiry submit a report of its findings within three months.

Now, two months after this communiqué was issued, the members of the Commission of Inquiry have still not been named and terms of reference have not been published. This leaves South Sudanese citizens and civil society organizations in doubt as to when and if the critically needed investigations will actually take place.

Time is of the essence as evidence of atrocities is rapidly disappearing. Human remains have already been buried, burned, or dumped in waterways. Important witnesses have been harassed, intimidated or become casualties of the conflict, while others have been displaced or taken refuge in neighboring countries. The continued delay risks the destruction or loss of evidence that may be critical to piecing together an account of the violence.

The speedy initiation of the investigation could also help to deter those who incite and engage in atrocities. The lack of accountability for crimes committed during violence in South Sudan for decades has fostered a sense that there are no consequences for violence.

Investigations can demonstrate that the days of impunity are gone, and that this time the perpetrators will be made to face justice. If affected communities trust that a process for holding wrongdoers accountable is underway, it will also discourage revenge killings and help break the cycle of violence that is spiraling beyond control.

Survivors need hope. For many communities, the current violence is yet another tragedy over which they have no control. We must avoid a situation in which the politicians shake hands, grant each other amnesty, and expect communities to resume their lives as though nothing happened. Documentation is necessary to ensure that people’s experiences are recorded and that their pain will not be forgotten.

The call for justice and accountability from South Sudanese is overwhelming, and comes from direct victims, from civil society, as well as from the parties to the current conflict themselves. The government also has acknowledged that serious rights violations have occurred and has initiated multiple investigations. The opposition forces on their part have also made public statements on the need for justice. A thorough, independent and impartial inquiry into serious crimes committed in violation of international law during this conflict is a necessary first step to setting the stage for integrated transitional justice process including national reconciliation, truth-telling, prosecutions, and vetting.

We therefore request that the ACHPR support and advocate for the immediate establishment of the Commission of Inquiry. The ACHPR should help ensure that the Commission of Inquiry’s terms of reference, membership, and human and financial resources enable it to conduct adequate investigations. Towards this end, we ask the ACHPR to fully support the detailed recommendations that we made previously in our 25 January statement enclosed herein, particularly our call for the Commission of Inquiry to consult with civil society organizations in the implementation of its mandate and for it to issue a public report.

Promote A Culture of Respect for Human Rights and the Rule of Law in South Sudan

Even prior to the outbreak of the current armed conflict, the government of South Sudan was failing to guarantee basic human rights to people in its territory. Particular human rights concerns include arbitrary arrests and detentions, the failure to guarantee the right to a fair trial, discrimination against women, and violations of the right to freedom of expression.

Human rights organizations have also documented unlawful killings by security forces in the context of civilian disarmament and counter insurgency campaigns as well as in response to peaceful protests. If South Sudan emerges from the current crisis, significant effort will be needed to foster a culture of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The ACHPR should play a decisive role by beginning to call for broad human rights reforms in South Sudan.

Though South Sudan gained independence in July 2011, the country has still failed to ratify major human rights treaties. Some progress had been made prior to the outbreak of violence. In May 2013, the Council of Ministers adopted a resolution approving seven regional and international instruments namely the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms Of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), and the Torture Convention (CAT). The Legislative Assembly subsequently passed bills for ratification of the African Charter and the CRC in October and November respectively. Yet the President has failed to sign these bills, and instruments of ratification have not been transmitted to the relevant bodies.

The ACHPR should call upon South Sudanese authorities to strengthen the national human rights normative framework, by ratifying and implementing regional and international human rights instruments. They should specifically call on President Kiir to immediately assent to the ratification of the African Charter and the CRC.

To our knowledge, no Commissioner of the ACHPR has ever visited South Sudan for a promotional mission. The ACHPR should carry out, without further delay, a mission to South Sudan aimed at sensitizing relevant stakeholders on the African human rights system and at disseminating the African human rights instruments. Such a mission should particularly involve the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, the Special Rapporteur on the rights of women in Africa, and the Special Rapporteur on refugees, asylum seekers, migrants and internally displaced persons. It should also involve the Chairpersons of the Working Group on the Death Penalty and Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Killings in Africa, the Working Group on Extractive Industries, Environment and Human Rights Violations, and the Working Group on the Prevention of Torture in Africa.

The Commission should further provide support to and organize trainings on human rights for relevant government officials in South Sudan.

South Sudan must commit to numerous long-term improvements in order to better protect and promote human rights. Comprehensive judicial reforms are necessary if the judiciary is to meet minimum standards of professionalism and independence, particularly if it is to play a role in holding the perpetrators of the recent violence to account. The ACHPR should call for and support such comprehensive reforms and call on the government of South Sudan to devote adequate human and financial resources to the judicial sector. The ACHPR should also ensure that its Guidelines on the Right to Fair Trial and Legal Assistance in Africa are adequately disseminated in South Sudan and integrated into national law.

Weaknesses in the South Sudan Human Rights Commission, including insufficient human and financial resources and its susceptibility to political pressure have left it unable to adequately respond to the current crisis. The ACHPR should call upon the government of South Sudan to ensure that the Human Rights Commission is fully independent and that it benefits from adequate resources to carry out its mandate, in accordance with provisions of the Paris Principles.


Assistance Mission for Africa (AMA)
Citizens for Peace and Justice (CPJ)
Kush, Inc.
Peace and Development Collaborative Organization (PCDO)
South Sudan Law Society (SSLS)
South Sudan Friends International
South Sudan Women Lawyers Association (SSWLA)
South Sudanese Professionals in Diaspora
Sudd Institute
The Rally for a Peace and Democracy (RPD)
The ROOTS Project
Upper Nile Youth Mobilization for Peace and Development Agency (UNYMPDA)
Voice for Change (VFC)
With support from:

Blue Nile Center for Human Right & Peace
Coalition for the International Criminal Court
East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (EHAHRD)
Enough Project
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P)
Human Rights Watch (HRW)
International Center for Policy and Conflict
International Crime in Africa Programme of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS)
Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network (PAHRDN)
Public International Law Uganda (APILU)
Voice for Nyala
Waging Peace

A new and neutral government is the only solution to South Sudan’s problems

From: South Sudan Press

Albert Einstein (1879 – 1955), the widely renowned physicist and humanist said “No problem can be solved from the same level of consciousness that created it.” Sounds like a simple proposition but it is a powerful truth. If one is part of a problem, one can not see his/her role in it. In other words it is an issue of the blind spot.

This is why when doctors are sick they do not self prescribe but consult other doctors for treatment. Similarly, lawyers typically do not represent themselves in courts when accused, even though they are able to.

However, SPLM wants to be an exception and does not believe in the concept of blind spot. Destructive as it is, it can not see its role in the crisis that has sadly engulfed the country. Ridiculously, SPLM wants to remain in power as if nothing has happened in the country as a result of its brutal actions in mid December 2013. Remorselessly and with poor judgement of the situation SPLM expects to continue with business as usual. Is this not lunacy?

Akol Paul Kordit, the chairman of the SPLM Youth League in an article on Sudan Tribune ‘SPLM youth Leader warns against forming interim government’

rejected the idea of a new and neutral government in South Sudan as a solution to the current crisis. He argues that the SPLM convincingly won the last election in 2010 and therefore it should not entertain any ideas of an interim administration because that would be tantamount to rewarding rebellion.

Such views are not helpful in the current situation because they are regressive and would not lead to any desirable solutions in the country.

Kordit would do better to familiarise himself with the election of April 2010. First of all, that election was thoroughly rigged by his beloved party. Secondly, that election was held in the then Sudan under president Omer Bashir and its mandate expired on the day South Sudan became a separate country on 9th July 2011. Note that given this view the SPLM assumed power illegally. The truth of the matter is that the 6 month interim period between the referendum in January 2011 and the independence in July 2011 was designed to enable South Sudan to prepare a legitimate government to take power on Independence Day. SPLM under president Kiir deliberately neglected this process to install himself as the president of independent South Sudan with the SPLM as the governing party regardless of what South Sudanese had wanted. In the said 6 month period South Sudan represented by the various political parties had agreed a way forward which president Kiir contemptuously violated to advance his hold on the people of South Sudan.

The sad thing is that SPLM claims that the election of 2010 gave it a mandate for 5 years and therefore it had the right to continue governing South Sudan after independence. This is not only misleading but a load of trash. The 5 years mandate referred to would have been applicable only in the event that South Sudanese voted for unity of the Sudan and remained in a united country. But this is not the case. South Sudanese voted for secession. As South Sudan broke away from Khartoum, that mandate became null and void in relation to South Sudan. SPLM could only claim to be democratic and legitimate if it had been voted into power in the now independent South Sudan. Without such election SPLM has no shred of any democratic legitimacy. Therefore, SPLM is not democratically elected by the people of South Sudan. Any such assertion amounts to fraudulent claim.

In fact it is arguable that president Kiir and the SPLM carried out a kind of a coup d’etat in South Sudan on 9th July 2011 when it assumed power without consent of the people. SPLM simply imposed itself on the people and the country.

Kordit’s argument that an interim administration amounts to rewarding rebellion is baseless. South Sudanese want an interim government as a solution to the unhealthy blood letting situation in the country. It is clear that the Nuer can not and rightly so feel safe under Jieng leadership because of the ethnic cleansing that president Kiir conducted on them. Equally, the Jieng will not feel secure under a Nuer leadership because of fears of revenge. So the solution lies in the leadership going to a neutral person respected by both groups and the country at large. Such a leader can only come through an interim government of national unity.

A new and neutral government as a solution to the problems facing the country is therefore the most reasonable thing to do. Any sensible and reasonable person with the country at heart must support this proposition. As Onyoti Adigo of South Sudan parliament recommended, a new government is needed to “make the political climate more inclusive and encourage reconciliation.” President Kiir can not just continue in power as usual. He and his beloved party have ruined the country. With the latest incident of ethnic cleansing there is just no reason whatsoever for president Kiir to continue ruling the country. His government has forfeited its right to rule.

Kordit argues “we believed in this government. We have elected this government. The youth of South Sudan love this government because it is their government. We trust this government and we must have collective effort to protect it and encourage good wish for this government.” This is empty rhetoric. What does Kordit mean by “we”? Who are the “we”? Does it include the people this government victimised? Does it include the Nuer? Does it include the Fertit? Does it include the Chollo people? Does it include the subjugated people of Equatoria? Does it include the broad masses of South Sudan? Or, who is this “we” referring to? Kordit as a beneficiary of the crooked system is doubly blind to the heinous crimes his party is committing in the country. Anybody in their normal faculties can not shower president Kiir’s government with rosy words like he did. Only sycophants do. It is clear the current government has served its purpose and it is time for it to go.

Thus the proposal for a new and neutral government is the right thing to do in South Sudan in order and not limited to: 1) rectify the usurpation of power by the SPLM on 9th July 2011. 2) mitigate the abominable ethnic cleansing president Kiir and his militia unleashed on the country. 3) assure the general public of their security. 4) allow for a proper preparation for the coming election. 5) enable return of peace all over the country.

Kordit must understand that this is the wish of South Sudanese and it will have to be implemented whether SPLM likes it or not. South Sudan is larger than all the political parties combined and so SPLM as a tribal organisation will not stop the wishes of the people. South Sudanese people now know that keeping quiet is not an option. They have to now speak out loud and clear for a democratic change with a demand for a new and neutral government. Please wind down by listening to the panel in the YouTube video ‘South Sudan: Is Peace Possible’

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

The author lives in the Republic of South Sudan. He can be reached at

Upper Nile Community in Diaspora Condemns the De facto President of South Sudan Museveni and His VP Kiir for Using Cluster Bombs on Civilians

From: South Sudan Press

By: Greater Upper Nile Community in Diaspora

Press Statement
Date: 2/18/14
Greater Upper Nile Community Condemned De facto President of South Sudan President Museveni and His Vice President Salva Kiir for Using Worldwide Banned Cluster Bombs on Civilians in Upper Nile, Jonglei and Unity States

February 18, 2014 (SSNA) — We, the Greater Upper Nile Community in Diaspora has condemned in the strongest terms possible wickedly air bombardments using international banned cluster bombs on our civilians by war mongers de facto president of South Sudan, President Museveni and his Vice President Salva Kiir. The whole world completely banned the use of cluster bombs in any war, but the two East Africans criminal warlords have launched cluster bombs air bombardment in South Sudan civil war which will have long term catastrophic consequences on South Sudanese civilians and its soil for many years to come.

A war criminal President Yoweri Museveni has never used cluster bombs on Uganda rebels (LRA) except on South Sudanese civilians. The Greater Upper Nile Community acknowledges that Vice President Salva Kiir Mayardit and De facto President Museveni do not have a genuine gut feelings to spar lives even in a war time, but they merely have deleterious hearts and minds to use the lethal bombs to slaughter the people of South Sudan as they perpetuated to carry out this scorched earth policy on Nuer civilians in Upper Nile, Jonglei and Unity State, so that to occupy and declare it as no man land.

Therefore, Vice President Salva Kiir has accomplished his goal of massacred Nuer civilians comprised of about 7,500 unarmed men, children, women and government civil servants in Juba on December 16, 2013 and also had killed over 10,000 Nuer civilians in Jonglei, Unity State and Upper Nile State.

The community also strongly condemns the ethnic cleansing committed and yet currently still carrying on in Upper Nile State Capital Malakal by the combinations of South Sudan Army (SPLA) and its mercenaries ally forces of SPLM-N and Justice Equality Movement (JEM) of Darfur. These ally forces had done the same targeted mass-killings, a house to house of targeting killings, aggregately to exterminate Nuer ethnic group on the face of earth as it happened in Juba in December of 2013. After government retook Malakal town from rebels, the state Governor Maj. Gen. Simon Kun Puoch successfully urged Nuer civilians who took refuge from UN compound in Malakal City to return to their residencies. After their returned to respective residencies, the Dinka officers within National Army (SPLA) once again took laws on their hands and went house to house targeting Nuer Civilians and massacred more than 3,000 civilians in Malakal town.

Finally, we, the sons and daughters of Greater Upper Nile are monstrously appealing to the UN, US, EU, AU and the whole International Community to cease President Museveni and Salva Kiir Mayardit from bombing our civilians with lethal cluster bombs and immediately bring these two criminals to justice.

The Greater Upper Nile Community in Diaspora