Summary
Yona Maro
This report concludes that military operations against the FDLR have failed to dismantle the organization’s political and military structures on the ground in eastern DRC. The increasing rate of FDLR combatant defections and the FDLR temporary removal from many of its bases are only a partial success considering that the armed group has regrouped in a number of locations in the Kivus, and continues to recruit new fighters. This report shows that the FDLR continues to benefit from residual but significant support from top commanders of the FARDC, particularly those officers in the 10th military region (South Kivu), and has sealed strategic alliances with other armed groups in both North and South Kivu . External support networks, both regional and international, have been used by FDLR in the field to counteract the effects of Kimia II, for instance networks in Burundi and Tanzania . The Group has also documented that the FDLR has a far reaching international diaspora network involved in the day-to-day running of the movement; the coordination of military and arms trafficking activities and the management of financial activities. This report presents two case studies on the involvement of individuals linked to faith-based organizations.
The Group investigated the FDLR’s ongoing exploitation of natural resources in the Kivus, notably gold and cassiterite reserves which the Group calculates continue to deliver millions of dollars in direct financing into FDLR coffers. This report illustrates how FDLR gold networks are intertwined tightly with trading networks operating within Uganda and Burundi as well as the UAE. The Group also documents that a number of minerals exporting houses, some of whom were named in the Group’s previous report in 2008, continue to trade with the FDLR.
This report shows that end buyers for this cassiterite include the Malaysia Smelting Corporation and the Thailand Smelting and Refining Company, held by Amalgamated Metals Corporation, a UK entity.
The report analyzes the integration of non-state armed groups into the FARDC through the rapid integration in January 2009; as well as prior and during the FARDC/RDF joint operation Umoja Wetu and Kimia II. In this context, the CNDP officer class, in particular General Bosco Ntaganda, has continued to retain heavy weapons acquired during its period of rebellion in spite of its official integration into the FARDC and still controls revenue generating activities and parallel local administrations. The Group also presents documentary evidence showing that Gen Ntaganda continues to act as Kimia II deputy operational commander.
CNDP military officers deployed as part of FARDC Kimia II operations have profited from their deployment in mineral rich areas, notably at the Bisie mine in Walikale, North Kivu, and in the territory of Kalehe , in South Kivu . In both these areas, the FARDC commanding officers on the ground are ex-CNDP officers. The Group includes evidence in the report showing direct involvement of CNDP military officials in the supply of minerals to a number of exporting houses in North and South Kivu , some of which also supply the same international companies mentioned above.
The Group has monitored compliance with paragraph 5 of resolution 1807 (2008), by which the Security Council decided that all states shall notify the Sanctions Committee in advance regarding the shipment of arms and related material for the DRC or any provision of assistance, advice or training related to military activities, especially given the Group’s findings on the continued diversion of FARDC military equipment to non-governmental armed groups, notably the FDLR. The Group has conclusively documented irregular deliveries of arms to the DRC from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Sudan as well as deliveries of trucks and aircraft that have been used by the FARDC. This report also documents the failure of a number of States to notify the Sanctions Committee of training they provided to the FARDC.
The Group also reports on violations of human rights committed in contravention of subparagraphs 4 (d), (e) and (f) of resolution 1857 (2008): This report concludes that the FARDC and non-governmental armed groups continue to perpetrate human rights abuses, and in the context of Kimia II operations, in contravention of international humanitarian law. The FARDC and the FDLR have been involved in significant killings of civilians and other abuses from March to October 2009 causing additional waves of displacement of several hundred thousand civilians. The findings of this report underline the need for the urgent establishment of a vetting mechanism as well as the strengthening of accountability and justice system in the DRC. A list of FARDC commanders currently deployed in the Kimia II operation, with an established record of human rights abuses is annexed to this report:
Mchezo huu ambao ni mauti kwa wenzetu wa DRC umewatajirisha wanasiasa wetu wengi tu.
Membe akiwa ni mtu UwT wa miaka mingi hawezi kujifanya haujui. Labda angetoa kauli kama za Makamba kwamba mafisadi ni watu sio CCM.
Na yeye angesema mchezo huu wanaufanya baadhi ya maofisa wetu waandamizi serikalini na sio serikali yenyewe.
Ripoti hiyo inaonyesha wazi kilichofanyika ni magendo ya silaha
ambayo hayakushirikisha serikali kwa aina yoyote. (Hivi majambazi yale
ya kenya yaliyoshiriki wizi wa benki Mwanga serikali ya Kenya
hakututaka tuiombe radhi?).
Ni kitu ambacho serikali ilitakiwa kushirikiana na hiyo tume kuwahoji na kuwachukulia hatua wote waliohusika na taarifa hiyo. Kama ni raia wa nje kuwafukuza nchini.
Hicho ndio kilichotakiwa kufanyika na sio kuilaumu instution kubwa
namna ile ambayo Tanzania haijawahi kugombana nayo hata siku moja.
Tanzania inahusika kwa kiasi kikubwa katika kuhakikisha amani
inakuwepo katika eneo lote la maziwa makuu na inapoonekana kwamba
sehemu fulani katika eneo hilo kama kule Burundi tumeona kwamba baadhi ya wakimbizi wamekuwa wakiambiwa warudi hukohuko.
Sasa je unapokuwa ukijishughulisha na hizi jitihada za kuhakikisha
amani inakuwepo pia unakuwa unahakikisha kwamba wale waasi wote
wanadhibitiwa kwa namna yoyote ile ikiwamo ya kuhakikisha hawana
“supply” ya hizi silaha na vifaa vingine.
Sasa je inakuwaje Tanzania inaachia mizigo ya silaha na “hardware”
zingine zipitie bandarini kwake au viwanja vya ndege bila kuhoji
uhalali wa usafirishaji huo na kama ikigundulika kwamba zote ziko
katika “illegal route” kupitia brokers kwanini isichukue hatua?
Ukumbuke kwamba UN wana means zote za kupata hizi “data” ikiwemo
“aerial view” kupitia “unmanned spy planes” ambazo wewe huwezi
kuziona. Utaniuliza kwamba wanapata wapi hizi means, well wanaweza
kuwatumia tuseme waisrael nao wakawafanyia kazi hio, ukumbuke dunia
sasa ni kijiji kimoja.
Kama nimesoma vizuri, ripoti haisemi Tanzania. Inasema zilipitia
Tanzania. Sipingi lolote, yote mawili yanaweza kuwa ni sahihi.
Kwa hali ya wanasiasa tulionao pamoja na tabia ya baadhi ya maafisa
wakuu wa jeshi, akiwemo Mboma aliyestaafu na skendo rundo, haya
yanwezekana.
Kumbuka pia Bw. Kinana aliwahi kutajwa mara nyingi kuhusika na
biashara hii wakati wa Kabila, the Father. Bahati mbaya hakuna hatua
zilizochukuliwa zaidi ya kuachwa nje ya cabinet na akaibuka EAC. Huo
kwa wengine ulikuwa ni mfano mzuri kuwavuta wanasiasa wengine kuingia ktk biashara kama hiyo.
Miaka miwili au mitatu pia iliyopita tulikuwa na mgogoro na Serikali
ya Ubelgiji, tulipotaka kununua mitambo mipya ya kutengeneza risasi.
Tukaombwa kuthibitisha matumizi yake kama nchi wakati tunayo mingine.
Ubelgiji walitia mashaka kwamba tunawinda nchi zinazopigana kama soko letu.
Mwishowe tukashindwa kununua baada ya wauzaji kutoa sharti kwamba, mitambo itaweka alama maalumu ili risasi zikikutwa nchi nyingine, tushikishwe adabu!
Enzi hizo kumbuka tulikuwa na watawala wenye aibu ya aina fulani. Je
kwa hawa wanaoamini wizi ni sehemu yao ya maisha, watakataa biashara
hiyo?
Tatizo hapa siyo unprofessional report. Ni unprefessional arguments za
wengi wetu. Hakuna report inapotoa tuhuma bila kuzi-back up. Pale
inaposhindwa inakuwa clear kabisa kwamba bado inafuatilia. Sasa huo
uongo uko wapi?
Mfano: Partly, hii Report Rwanda wataisupport, Ingawa Membe alikuwa
ballistic.. Nimeona kifungu ambacho kimeindicate kwamba kuna NGO moja Spain imekuwa supported na watu ambao interests yao ni kuwashtaki Kagame na wenzake kuhusu Genocide. And this is what Kagame has always been saying..kwamba charges nyingi especially huko Europe dhidi yake na members wenzake..zimekuwa politically motivated na wabaya wake. Its in the report for all to see now.
USHAURI WANGU: Watanzania na waafrika tujifunze kusoma na kujenga
hoja. Hapo ndo wazungu wanatupiga bao kila siku. Tunapenda kutoa
sweeping statements sana. Na tunakimbilia kuplay a “victim card”.
Personally, I admire Membe, lakini nadhani kwanza angekaa chini
akaidigest hii report na kuangalia kipi ajibu na kipi akiache kwanza.
Hawezi tumia historia ya Tanzania kujustify arguments zake. C`n Membe you can surely do better! Harafu IPPMEDIA bila aibu wanaandika
editorial ya kumsupport Membe! Yes, It might be a sign of patriotism.. but before you come forward get your facts correctly. Kitu ambacho IPP MEDIA HAWAKUFANYA. I DOUBT HATA KAMA REPORT WALIISOMA
KABLA YA KUWALAUMU HAO EXPERTS WA UN WALIOANDAA HIYO REPORT.
Jamani, as a country we have also international obligation na mojawapo
ni kuhakikisha kwamba hatusupport mambo yanayohatarisha usalama wa raia nchi nyingine. This is a principle which has existed time
immemorial katika mahusiano ya kimataifa… Huwezi sema eti nchi yetu
inachoangalia ni biashara tuu..thats a very weak and morally repugnant
argument. Itakuwaje Kenya wakisema hivyo..incase wakiamua kussuport insurgencies in one of the places in Tanzania? Neither is the argument kwamba we are poor thus unable to monitor our boarders..make the cut.
Kuona kwamba mpaka Balozi wetu Burundi anahusika kwenye hii syndicate ni kitu cha kuogopa na kushtusha sana. Hivi watu mnaelewa hadhi ya balozi ni nini? Ndo maana ana immunity. Popote anapokuwa…. anawakilisha taifa letu…..Ndo maana balozi akiwa anahutubia popote alipo utamsikia akitumia maneno kama “my government” “my delegation” nk….anatumia maneno ambayo ni Rais pekee anaweza kuyatumia! This tells you kwamba balozi wetu amekiuka misingi ya hadhi yake.
I should say that..this report might be biased (a kool aid I dont
buy), Lakini watu inabidi tuisome..tuache uvivu wa kusoma.. intellectual lazyness!
Silaha zinazoongelewa ni za vita, hazisafirishwi kwa njia za panya,
zinapita kwenye containers tena kwa kufuata official route (bandari,
viwanja vya ndege, barabara na reli). Hivi silaha container zima litue
pale bandarini Dar na lisafiri mpaka DRC bila kugundulika kwamba ni
silaha? Usalama wa Taifa wako wapi?
Kama hayo yanaweza kufanyika, basi iko siku kuna watu hapa nchini
wataingiza silaha na kuanza ku-train wapiganaji kwa ajili ya kupindua
nchi, maana inaonyesha kwamba mtu anaweza kuagiza silaha na zikaingia bila serikali kujua nini kinaendelea.
Ningekubaliana na wewe iwapo hizo silaha zingekuwa ni moja moja na
zinapitishwa kwenye magunia, lakini siyo kwenye containers.
In Africa, Tanzania ilikuwa inasifika sana kwenye swala zima la
Usalama wa Taifa, lakini tangu wakubwa wa huko wameingiza biashara
kwenye kazi, UwT imepoteza sifa na wamebaki ni watazamaji tu na ndio
hao hao wadogo ambao wana uchungu na nchi hii wamekuwa wakivujisha siri ili angalau wananchi waelewe ni nini kinaendelea.
Bado hujani-convince kwamba system yetu iko weak kiasi hicho, ila sema imepofushwa macho na tamaa ya wakubwa wa system ambao wanataka utajiri wa haraka haraka.
Hili ni bomu ambalo tunatembea nalo, iko siku litakuja kutulipukia
sisi wenyewe and it will be too late to argue that we have a weak
system which can not detect dubious deals ambazo zinapitishwa nchini
mwetu.
Usilinganishe illegal business ya silaha za kivita na other illegal
businesses kama za madawa ya kulevya ama kutorosha kahawa/karafuu.
Hapo utakuwa unafanya comparison ya vitu ambavyo havina uhusiano
kabisa. Hizo biashara nyingine zinaweza kutumia route za panya lakini
siyo silaha za kivita.
Membe na serikali ya Tanzania wasichukulie jambo hili kiutani utani au
kimzahamzaha. Kuna ushahidi mkubwa sana wa ushiriki wa maafisa wa
Tanzania (aidha kama watu binafsi au vinginevyo) katika usafirishaji
wa silaha katika eneo hili. Jambo hili siyo geni kwa wachunguzi wengi.
Nendeni taratibu kina Membe… very careful.. mtamfungua sanduku la
Pandora bure..
That Tanzania is well heeled into the supply chain of illicit arms to
DRC through shadowy activities of retired Ambassador Special Duties
ASD, Abuu Nkya is no fantasy. His ex-boss minister Membe is aware of
this.
The once Moshi town maandazi seller cum Machame-Moshi bus
turnboy in the early 60’s meteorically assailed into Ambassadorial
post after a series of mishaps and potential embarrassments whilst
serving the country as its Chief of Protocol. Known for his wheeling-
and-dealing, the Ambassador is rumoured to have a chilling list of
murders to his name.
Equally impressive is his connivance reputation as well as being a psychotic lier, a thief, mrushi and an accomplished smuggler. That he remained in public service until mandatory retirement is said to be far from being a hat trick. The man has powerful allies in high places at the very core of illicit activities in the government of Tanzania.
Naamini kuwa serikali yetu inajua zaidi kuhusu ushiriki wa Tanzania
kwenye suala la silaha kwa eneo hili la maziwa makuu kuliko umoja wa
mataifa
Najua kuwa serikali haipo na haitakuwa tayari kusema ukweli kuhusu
suala hili na waziri mkuu alishagoma kulizungumzia suala hili kwa
kuhofia athari zake kwa serikali na mahusiano yetu na mataifa
Najua kuwa umoja wa mataifa hua unadhani chochote wasemacho wao ni sahihi na hakuna wa kuwapinga isipokuwa mataifa makubwa
Naamini repoti hii ya umoja wa mataifa si uongo, lakini pia
haijakamilisha ukweli ule ambao serikali inaujua kuhusu suala hili
lakini haipo tayari kuusema
Letter to Julius Nyerere Urging Arms Embargo on Burundi
His Excellency Julius Nyerere
President, Nyerere Foundation
Dar es Salaam
TANZANIA
Your Excellency,
Human Rights Watch has been actively engaged with the situation in
Burundi, having monitored both human rights developments and arms
flows to parties to the tragic civil war in that country in the past
two years. On the basis of our research, and continuing investigations
in the region, we have called repeatedly on the United Nations
Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Burundi (all sides)—n
keeping with our policy of advocating curbs on the flow of weapons to
forces, be they governments or non-state actors, that commit gross
violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.
Although the situation in Burundi appears to have stabilized to some
extent and peace negotiations are underway, we remain highly concerned about ongoing violations of human rights and international
humanitarian law in Burundi, as well as about the fact that both sides
continue to arm themselves at an alarming pace (despite the regional
sanctions against the government of President Pierre Buyoya). We are
also concerned about the growing role of Burundian government as well as rebel forces in the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
We understand that the issue of sanctions will be high on the agenda
for the regional summit that is scheduled to be held in Arusha this
Saturday, January 23. We also understand that one likely outcome of
this meeting is that sanctions on Burundi will be suspended, if not
lifted altogether.
Were this to happen, I would ask you to impress on the leaders of the
states in the region the need to at least maintain an arms embargo on
the government of Burundi, and extend such an embargo to the rebels as well. The advantage of an arms embargo over a blanket embargo of goods is that an arms ban is a highly discriminating mechanism that targets only those who are using (or really: mis-using) weapons, not the civilian population. Moreover, while an arms embargo is only as
effective as its implementation by the states imposing it, the
imposition of a ban on the provision of arms nevertheless sends a
powerful message to those who commit gross violations of human rights that they cannot continue to conduct business as usual.
Such an embargo should cover both the government of Burundi and the armed rebel movements, as both sides have committed gross violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Human Rights Watch published a report in 1998, Proxy Targets: Civilians in the War in Burundi, which described the pattern of these abuses.
A regional arms embargo should be implemented and actively enforced by the regional states imposing it. Leaks in the sanctions in force since
1996 have permitted both sides to continue to arm themselves.
Unsurprisingly, aware of states’ willingness to close their eyes to
these supplies and what would be done with these weapons, both sides have made no effort to cease their attacks on the civilian population, one conveniently blaming the other for each atrocity. Thanks to the inflow of arms and ammunition, the Army has undertaken an aggressive recruitment drive. New recruits appear to be well armed with AKM and AK-47 Kalashnikov rifles, and to have plenty of ammunition (last week, all the on-duty soldiers in Bujumbura were seen carrying three clips of ammunition each).
To strengthen an embargo regime, we suggest that the regional states
monitor the embargo’s implementation by placing well-trained security
personnel at key transshipment points in their countries and
instructing them to carry out inspections of suspect cargo. Moreover,
states imposing the embargo should amend their national laws to
criminalize embargo violations, and should actively prosecute those
who are found to be trafficking in arms to Burundi.
Beyond a regional arms embargo, I would also ask you to consider
calling on the U.N. Security Council to impose an international arms
embargo on all sides in the war, as this would address the problem of
arms flights from other regions directly into Bujumbura (i.e., without
the involvement of the neighboring states). It is our understanding
that members of the Security Council would endorse the idea of an
international embargo on both sides in the civil war if regional
states were to show strong support for it. Should the Security Council
impose an embargo, neighboring states would be in a strong position to
request international assistance in monitoring their borders and in
obtaining training of customs and police officers.
There have been repeated reports of arms transfers to both the
Burundian government and rebel forces in the past year. For example:
In February 1998, a cargo plane flying from Burgas in Bulgaria to
Bujumbura was grounded in Lagos, Nigeria, as it was attempting to
refuel. Finding arms aboard, Nigerian authorities briefly detained the
plane’s crew, as well as a Burundian military officer, Alfred
Nkurunziza, then a key aide to President Buyoya and currently
Burundi’s minister of defense. This particular flight was but one of
many arms flights to Bujumbura in the past year.
Lake Tanganyika was reported to be the main route for arms traffickers supplying Burundian rebel forces in 1998. Many of these weapons originate in South Africa and are transferred to the rebels via Zambia or eastern Congo. The International Commission of Inquiry (Rwanda) charged by the U.N. Security Council with investigating arms
trafficking in the Great Lakes region, drew attention to this business
in two reports in 1998, as the Burundian rebels’ alliance with rebels
from Rwanda had, in the commission’s view, significantly weakened the
international arms embargo in force against the latter.
Human Rights Watch also continues to receive reports of serious
violations of human rights in Burundi:
Both parties to the conflict continue to target civilians, several
hundred of whom have been killed in the last few months. In addition,
despite the repeated assurances by the government of Burundi that
camps for the displaced would be disbanded, tens of thousands continue to be held against their will in such facilities.
Such reports on recent human rights violations and arms supplies
underscore the urgency of the need for an arms ban. In closing,
therefore, I urge you to consider calling on the neighboring states to
impose an arms embargo against both the Burundian government and rebel forces. Only a strong message of that nature can put an end to the culture of impunity that has characterized the civil war while
shielding the civilian population from the deleterious effect of wider
sanctions.
Wishing you fruitful negotiations in Arusha,
Sincerely,
Joost R. Hiltermann
Executive Director
Arms Division
Kama wanataka mambo yaishe basi wawanyime hot stories.
Ushauri wangu kwa Zitto na wenzake kwa sasa ni kuwa watakuwa na hekima isiyo kifani kama wakiamua kukaa kimya. Kwa sababu kila neno moja watakalotoa litazaa maneno mengine 1000 (exponential amplification of the stories).
Vinginevyo mjadala wa ufisadi umepata mbadala na mafisadi
sasa wanapumua. Wakati huo wanahesabu siku na kujipanga na EPA
nyingine kuelekea Oktoba 2010
This is a confidential report. Where did you obtain it?