Category Archives: Memorial

KAGAME DEJECTS FRANCE AS RWANDA MARKS 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF GENOCIDE

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From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
SUNDAY, APRIL 6, 2014

As Rwanda prepares to mark 20th anniversary of genocide to morrow, Monday April 7, 2014, Rev Fr Joseph Healey, a Maryknoll priest has shared with News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste a touching and challenging story of forgiveness and mercy – click here to read the story http://www.afriprov.org/index.php/african-stories-database.html?task=display2&cid[0]=598

The day reminds us of 20 years since Hutu extremists killed between 800,000 and 1 million people — mostly Tutsis — in a devastating slaughter. The French government has announced it is pulling out of the commemoration, following an accusation by the Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, that France participated in the mass killings in 1994. Mr Kagame has previously made similar allegations, which France has denied.

The French foreign ministry said the remarks went against reconciliation efforts between the two countries. French Justice Minister Christiane Taubira says this is the time Rwanda should put emphasis on reconciliation, forgiveness and healing.

Speaking to the French-language weekly news magazine Jeune Afrique, Mr Kagame denounced the “direct role of Belgium and France in the political preparation for the genocide”. Rwanda was a Belgian colony until 1962.

The violence was triggered by the death of President Juvenal Habyarimana, an ethnic Hutu who was killed in a plane crash on 6 April 1994. It came to an end after Mr Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) – a Tutsi-led rebel group – defeated government troops in July that year.

His party still controls the government and has long accused France – an ally of Mr Habyarimana’s government at the time – of aiding the genocide. In recent years there has been a thaw in relations between the two countries, with a visit by Mr Kagame to Paris in 2011 and the establishment by France of a genocide investigation unit.

Humanly speaking it is not easy to forgive someone who killed members of your family. I am particularly touched by the mercy and courage of Iphigenia Mukantabana whose husband and five of her children were hacked and clubbed to death by marauding Hutu militias. Among her family’s killers was Jean-Bosco Bizimana, Mukanyndwi’s husband.

In Mukantabana’s heart, the dead are dead, and they cannot come back again, that is why she was able to forgive the killers. I must admit that this gesture has challenged and humbled me, especially in forgetting and forgiving everything she lost, everything she witnessed.

Women and girls were raped, and she saw it all. The men and boys were beaten and then slaughtered. The most challenging part is that today as I write this story, Mukantabana shares her future and her family meals with Bizimana, the killer she knew, and his wife, her friend Mukanyndwi.

Bizimana did spend seven years in jail. He then went before a tribal gathering, part of a return to traditional ways by the new government in 2002 with Rwanda’s justice system unable to cope and process hundreds of thousands of imprisoned perpetrators.

The government decided that the master planners and worst perpetrators would face formal justice. But lower-level killers were allowed to publicly confess and apologize to the families of their victims at gacaca courts, where elders would hear grievances and decide on the punishments.

I am just wondering whether this can happen in Kenya following the 2008 post election violence where culprits are still at large. Unlike Rwanda, in Kenya a group of individuals and civil society organizations are filing a petition in the Constitutional and Human Rights Division of the High Court of Kenya seeking to compel the Government of Kenya to address the sexual and gender based violence (SGBV) that occurred during the 2007/2008 post-election violence.

The petitioners claim that the government failed to properly train and prepare police to protect civilians from sexual violence while it was occurring. In its aftermath, the police refused to document and investigate claims of SGBV, leading to obstruction and miscarriage of justice. Furthermore, the government denied emergency medical services to victims at the time, and failed to provide necessary care and compensation to address their suffering and harm.

Although ultimately, the petitioners want the government to publicly acknowledge and apologize to the victims for their failure to protect the rights of Kenyans; to provide appropriate compensation, including psycho-social, medical, and legal assistance to the survivors; to investigate the sexual violence and prosecute those who are responsible; and to establish a special team with some international staff within the Department of Public Prosecutions to ensure that such investigations and prosecutions are credible and independent, I am just reluctant whether the government of Kenya is willing to apologize in public.

Like Rwanda, perpetrators targeted women and girls, in particular, for sexual and gender-based violence, including rape, defilement, gang rape, forced pregnancy, deliberate transmission of HIV or any other life threatening sexually transmitted disease, sexual assault, and other indecent acts. While the vast majority of sexual crimes were committed against women and girls, men, too, were subjected to SGBV including forcible circumcision, sodomy, and penile amputations.

In Rwanda the blame is squarely based on the extremist Hutu government at the time and on vile radio broadcasts that urged on the killers during the 100-day slaughter. They were giving instructions all the time that was from the government.

For Mukantabana, despite his confession and apology, reconciliation would not have happened unless she had decided to open her heart and accept his pleas. She is a Christian and she prays a lot. Still this is not enough reason to forgive unless you truly touched by the message of Jesus Christ on forgiveness.

Today, Rwanda is an African success story. It has one of the fastest economic growth rates in the region, one of the lowest crime rates. Now no one talks about Hutus or Tutsis. There is Rwanda- there are Rwandans, and the common interest.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail obolobeste@gmail.com

Omolo_ouko@outlook.com
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Twitter-@8000accomole

Tanzania: Sixth Julius Nyerere Intellectual Festival

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From: Yona Maro
– – – –

SIXTH JULIUS NYERERE
INTELLECTUAL FESTIVAL
9TH – 11TH APRIL 2014

NKRUMAH HALL
UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM
YOU ARE WELCOME

Professor Patrick Lumumba’s
Lecture will be on :
REFLECTIONS ON LIBERATING THE
MIND FOR AFRICA’S TRANSFORMATION
09 April 2014 at 11:10 AM

Prof. Herbert Chimhundu’s Lecture will be on:
“GLOBALIZATION AND THE
STRUGGLE FOR CULTURAL
SPACE: Proposing an Agency Role
for the African Academy”
11 April 2014 at 9:00 AM

https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-v3wLnWL72F0/Uz13xOSAucI/AAAAAAAAFi0/iIYlT27jmC0/s1600/poster_02.jpg
https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-Y18v1v6BQuI/Uz14ItpnViI/AAAAAAAAFi8/6FuBegZ2Sww/s1600/UDSM_Festival_Poster_02+(1).jpg

KUYO: SPECIAL TRIBUTE TO MY FRIEND AND MENTOR FR GRADUS OCHIENG

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From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
THURSDAY, APRIL 3, 2014

Death can be a scary topic, especially to your close friend. This is exactly what scares me as I pay special tribute to my friend and mentor on pastoral work, Rev Fr Gradus Ochieng, who until his death was the Parish Priest of Bondo Catholic Church and Dean.

When I arrived from New York on March 10, 2000 where I have been studying at Fordham University, Fr Gradus Ochieng had been posted to Ukwala Parish in Ugenya Constituency, Siaya County. Fr Gradus wanted a priest who could be helping him during Easter Christmas seasons. I was then approached by a Camillus seminarian (now Fr Raphael Otieno) who asked whether I could be of a help to Fr Gradus.

This time I had already joined People for Peace in Africa and giving a hand on pastoral work would not be a problem. My first help began in April 2000 and continued until he left Ukwala to Bondo Parish where I followed him for the same help until 2012 when I left People for Peace in Africa and posted to Magadi Soda in Ngong Diocese, Kajiado County.

I first knew Fr Gradus Ochieng in early 1980s as a seminarian at St Thomas Aquinas National Seminary. This time I had just finished my Novitiate at the Apostles of Jesus and assigned at Uruthiru in Meru Diocese for my pastoral experience.

When I came back to begin my theological studies every afternoon after lunch I used to join him for a soccer fun play at Apostles of Jesus sports ground in Langata. He loved soccer so much. He played no 7. Even when he was ordained Deacon and posted at Madiany to work with Fr Linus Okok (now bishop) he still had his ball with him.

Although I am scared to write about his death, my courage is that because of the resurrection, our faith is not empty, we will be made alive, we have the hope of eternal life, and we will receive glorified bodies. We do not mourn like those who have no hope, because we know we will see deceased believers again (1 Thessalonians 4:13).

I learnt from Fr Gradus Ochieng that the even though the work of a priest is both a joy and a burden, a calling and plain hard work, you get cherished when you work for the people of God he has entrusted to you.

Fr Gradus Ochieng was a committed priest, very kind and friendly. It was a challenge to me to see him waking up past mid night to go to attend to the sick. He was always ready and willing to give service any time people wanted his service.

He loved peace and always wanted his Christians know their rights. He once invited People for Peace in Africa in collaboration with Fr a Maryknoll priest, Fr Ken Thesing at Bondo Parish to give a seminar and empower his Christians on water and food security.

He taught and encouraged me to face pastoral challenges with courage. Many priests have succumbed to burnout or stress. Fr Gradus taught me to overcome all these. He was my close friend and a colleague. He shared a lot of things with me.

He taught me that, though pastoral ministry is one of the most fulfilling calls a priest can have, it is inherently challenging and stressful, yet cherishing. He taught me how to face criticism some Church members have appointed themselves to be your weekly critics. Even Jesus was criticized.

Finally Fr Gradus Ochieng taught me that in order to fulfill you pastoral duties successfully, you must be committed to your work, be available, approachable, kind and friendly even to Christians who criticize you.

MAY GOD REWARD YOU ABUNDANTLY FOR THE GOOD WORK YOU DID TO HIS PEOPLE HE ENTRUSTED TO YOU-REST IN PEACE BROTHER UNTIL WE MEET AGAIN- AMEN.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail obolobeste@gmail.com

Omolo_ouko@outlook.com
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Twitter-@8000accomole

Unnoticed Genocide [in Darfur]

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From: South Sudan Press

Painfully little of this ten-year-old account needs updating—other than massive increases in the mortality and displacement figures . . . “Unnoticed Genocide,” The Washington Post, February 25, 2004

– – – – –

By Eric Reeves

February 25, 2014 (SSNA) — In the remote Darfur region of western Sudan, a human disaster is accelerating amid uncontrolled violence. The United Nations’ undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs has called it probably “the world’s greatest humanitarian catastrophe.” Doctors Without Borders has observed “catastrophic mortality rates.” And yet, so far as most of the world is concerned, it isn’t even happening.

There have been what Amnesty International calls “horrifying military attacks against civilians” throughout Darfur by the Sudanese government and its militias. The government has sent bombers to attack undefended villages, refugee camps and water wells. The United Nations estimates that 1 million people have been displaced by war and that more than 3 million are affected by armed conflict.

Yet Darfur has remained practically a non-story in international news media. One big reason is the fact that the central government in Khartoum, the National Islamic Front, has allowed no news reporters into the region and has severely restricted humanitarian access, thus preventing observation by aid workers. The war in Darfur is not directly related to Khartoum’s 20-year war against the people of southern Sudan. Even so, military pressure from the Darfur insurgency that began a year ago has been instrumental in forcing the regime to commit to peace talks with the south.

But there are now signs that these talks have been viewed by Khartoum only as a way to buy time to crush the insurgency in Darfur, which emerged, inevitably, from many years of abuse and neglect. Despite efforts by the regime to stop it, a widening stream of information is reaching the international community, from tens of thousands of refugees fleeing to Chad (which shares a long border with western Sudan), and according to accounts from within Darfur. Amnesty International has led the way in reporting on Darfur; one of its recent releases speaks authoritatively of countless savage attacks on civilians by Khartoum’s regular army, including its crude Antonov bombers, and by its Arab militia allies, called “Janjaweed.”

An especially disturbing feature of these attacks is the clear and intensifying racial animus. This has been reported by Amnesty International, the International Crisis Group and various U.N. spokesmen. The words “ethnic cleansing” have been used by U.N. officials and diplomats. This term, which gained currency during the breakup of Yugoslavia, is but another description for genocide. But whatever they are called, the terrible realities in Darfur require that we attend to the ways in which people are being destroyed because of who they are, racially and ethnically — “as such,” to cite the key phrase from the 1948 U.N. Convention on Genocide.

Darfur is home to racially and ethnically distinct tribal groups. Although virtually all are Muslim, generalizations are hard to make. But the Fur, Zaghawa, Masseleit, and other peoples are accurately described as “African,” both in a racial sense and in terms of agricultural practice and use of non-Arabic languages. Darfur also has a large population of nomadic Arab tribal groups, and from these Khartoum has drawn its savage “warriors on horseback” — the Janjaweed — who are most responsible for attacks on villages and civilians.

The racial animus is clear from scores of chillingly similar interviews with refugees reaching Chad. A young African man who had lost many family members in an attack heard the gunmen say, “You blacks, we’re going to exterminate you.” Speaking of these relentless attacks, an African tribal leader told the U.N. news service, “I believe this is an elimination of the black race.” A refugee reported these words as coming from his attackers: “You are opponents to the regime, we must crush you. As you are black, you are like slaves. Then the entire Darfur region will be in the hands of the Arabs.” An African tribal chief declared that, “The Arabs and the government forces . . . said they wanted to conquer the whole territory and that the blacks did not have a right to remain in the region.”

There can be no reasonable skepticism about Khartoum’s use of these militias to “destroy, in whole or in part, ethnic or racial groups” — in short, to commit genocide. Khartoum has so far refused to rein in its Arab militias; has refused to enter into meaningful peace talks with the insurgency groups; and, most disturbingly, has refused to grant unrestricted humanitarian access. The international community has been slow to react to Darfur’s catastrophe and has yet to move with sufficient urgency and commitment. A credible peace forum must be rapidly created. Immediate plans for humanitarian intervention should begin. The alternative is to allow tens of thousands of civilians to die in the weeks and months ahead in what will be continuing genocidal destruction.

Eric Reeves, a professor at Smith College, has written extensively on Sudan.

Kenya: KISUMU IS PARALYSED AS YOUTH STAGE PROTEST AGAINST A SIKH COMMUNITY MONUMENT

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From: LEO ODERA
Date: Sat, Feb 8, 2014 at 8:07 AM
KISUMU POLICE IN THREE DAYS BATTLES WITH THE YOUTH OVER STATUE

Reports leo Odera Omolo

The police in Kisumu city fought a running battle with hundreds of rowdy ODM youths who had staged near violence demonstration in Kisumu city central Business District (CBD) demanding that a statue erected by members of the Sikh Community be removed.

The monument is meant to commemorate 100 yeas since pioneer members of the community settled in the town 100 years ago.

The statue made of bronze metal is erected on the round about on Mosque road right behind the Siri Guru Sabha Mosque.

It has attracted hundreds of youth who are usually idling themselves at Kondele, Nyalenda, pandpieri and the main Kisumu Bus Terminal, boda boda motorbike and bicycle riders.

Business was paralyzed in severeal streets as the shop owners hurriedly closed doors fearing the possibility of looting

The demonstrators, some of the armed with and bottles filled with petrol in readiness to set the monument a blaze. It forced the police to lob tear gas canisters on the demonstrators who fled in on directions, but immediately regrouped at a distant spots.

The ODM leader Raila Odinga visited the scene, on late Friday afternoon and pleaded with the protesters to disperse in vain. The former Prime Minister returned to the scene on Saturday morning and pleaded with the youth to disperse, but none could hear him. The youth heckled him and shouted obscene words. The youth and mistaken the statue to be an idol God erected by Devil worshipers and vowed to bring it down even at night. Some had brought the old tires and fuel ready to set the monument ablaze. Aiaoleft quietly after his pleas landed on the rock.

Sensing the danger that some of the demonstrators had ulterior motives of looting Indian shops the police have kept vigil at the scene.since Thursday when the project was started.

The youths according to some of the eye witness were incited by a woman who claimed that she represents the church Ministry of the Prophet Dr. Owuor and had insisted that the monument would symbolize devil worshiping – – Something, which they claim was an insult to the mainly Christian Kisumu residents.

Curious onlookers milling around the statue fled in disarray after the police fired teargas at the protestors. The youth vowed that they would not rest until the statue is pulled down.

Two religious leaders in Kisumu commented they had objected the construction of the monument when their opinion were sought by the county Governor Jack Ranguma whose office is believed to have concerted to the by members of the Sikh community

Bishop Dr. Washington Ogonyo Ngede of the Power of Jesus Around the World and Bishop Mwai Abiero of the Anglican of Kenya said they had voiced their objection that the statue was a sign of idolatry.

However, head of the Sikh Community in KisumuMr C S Hayerin vehemently denied that the statue was offensive to any religion. The monument was erected for the single purpose of commemorating 100 years of the Community arrival and presence in the town. It has nothing to do with religion

ends.

South Africa: Mandela’s final wishes from the grave: Education, family unity and SA reconciliation

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From: Abdalah Hamis

All of Nelson Mandela’s descendants were present in the room when his last will and testament was read on Monday morning in Johannesburg. In order that the world did not see their faces, the media contingent was kept temporarily locked in the auditorium as the family left the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. Considering the subliminal messages Mandela communicated in the will, it is not surprising that they did not want to be seen. Contrary to expectations that they would receive a substantial inheritance, Mandela’s estate is relatively modest. He left no cash amounts to any of his children and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and put in place legal safety nets to prevent his estate from being squandered.

Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke read out excerpts from Nelson Mandela’s will at a media conference, which spelt out the devolution of the founding president’s estate to his family, staff and education institutions. Moseneke, an executor of Mandela’s estate along with Advocate George Bizos and Eastern Cape Judge President Themba Sangoni, has a very formal, judicious manner and distinguished voice.

But if you closed your eyes and listened to the words, you could almost hear Mandela’s inimitable voice, occasionally pausing for dramatic effect and emphasising certain words. When you see his well-known signature at bottom of every page of the will, you can imagine him sitting at his desk, reading the document with that sombre look on his face, lips pursed in an upside down smile, nodding slowly at phrasing he particularly approved of.

When Mandela executed the will on 12 October 2004, it was just a few months after he announced his retirement from public life at the age of 85. Three months earlier, he had flown to Bangkok to speak at the XV International Aids Conference. He was therefore able to declare in the document that he was “in health of body and of sound and disposing mind, memory and understanding, and capable of doing any act that requires thought, judgment and reflection”.

Anyone wanting to contest the will would need to challenge that particular declaration and argue that Mandela was not of sound mind when he drew up the will. But an appraisal of the executive summary released by the executors reveals that Mandela thought hard about what he wanted to leave to whom from his estimated R46 million estate.

There are also insights into his line of thought in terms of how the estate is disbursed. Mandela’s love and respect for Graca Machel, who kept vigil by his bedside as his health deteriorated, is evident in the will. Machel, who is entitled to half of the estate as their marriage was in community of property, is given the option to waive this claim. If she does, the two children she had with former Mozambican President Samora Machel, Josina and Malengane Machel, would each receive R3 million. Mandela also left R100,000 each to the six children from Samora Machel’s previous marriage.

Graca Machel will also receive ownership of four properties in Mozambique, as well as art, motor vehicles she uses, the jewellery in her possession and all money in the accounts registered to her. What this means is that Machel will receive all that she is rightly entitled to if she doesn’t get into a scrap over the estate. Machel, who is currently in mourning at the Houghton home where Mandela died in December, is said to be trying by all means to avoid confrontation with the Mandela children.

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, who was married to Mandela for 38 years, was omitted as a beneficiary. Although Winnie was regularly around Mandela in the latter years of his life, and had a prominent place at family events, he did not leave her anything. This is likely to infuriate Winnie, who resents not being acknowledged for her role in supporting Mandela and keeping his legacy alive during his imprisonment.

And yet, in his final act from the grave, Mandela let Winnie go.

Mandela vested the estate and his three trusts to some of the country’s top legal minds and trusted friends, who now stand as the guardians. Apart from being an executor of the will, Bizos serves on two of the three trusts. ANC stalwart Tokyo Sexwale, Sangoni, Mandela’s lawyer Bally Chuene, Advocate Wim Trengove and former Nedbank CEO Richard Laubscher also serve on the trusts.

The will revealed that Mandela’s daughters Makaziwe, Zenani and Zindzi had already received USD300,000 each from their father while he was alive, and he therefore left no money to them from the estate. He had also given the same amount to his eldest son Makgatho, who died in 2005, as well as to his granddaughters Ndileka and Nandi, the children of Thembekile, who died while Mandela was in prison.

Most of Mandela’s other grandchildren each received R100,000 each. However, Makgatho’s four sons, Mandla, Ndaba, Mbuso and Andile, receive USD300,000 each. Strangely, though, Mandla and Ndaba’s inheritance was left to the Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (NRM) Family Trust to decide whether the two grandsons should receive the capital and interest. No conditions are attached to Mbuso and Andile’s inheritance.

The executive summary states that Mandela wished that his executors should consult with Machel and three of his children Makgatho (deceased), Makaziwe and Zenani Mandela on important decisions and family matters. This consultation should, however, not fetter with the functions and powers of the executors. Strangely, Mandela excluded his only other child, Zindzi, from the consultation. A further odd provision is that the R100,000 each bequeathed to Zindzi’s four children should be paid to Graca Machel to give to them at her discretion.

The only amendments Mandela made to the will relate to his Houghton property. In the original version, he states that during his lifetime, he provided accommodation to all of his children except Makgatho, and therefore wanted his son to occupy the property. After Makgatho’s death, Mandela executed a codicil which then gave Mandla Mandela (Makgatho’s eldest son) the right to occupy the Houghton property. In 2007, Mandla became the chief of the Mvezo Traditional Council and was to live full-time in the Eastern Cape. Mandela made a further codicil in September 2008 allowing his grandsons Ndaba, Mbuso and Andile to live at the house.

In all three versions relating to the Houghton home, Mandela says it was his wish that it serve as place of gathering of his family – the final version says “Mandela and Machel family” – “in order to maintain its unity long after death”.

Regarding Mandela’s Qunu home, the will states that the NRM Family Trust should administer the home for the benefit of the Mandela family and Machel and her two children. “The Qunu property should be used by family in perpetuity in order to preserve the unity of the Mandela family.”

These expressions are a great irony considering the factional battles within the Mandela family while Mandela was seriously ill and the tensions which played out before his funeral, particularly when Makaziwe locked Mandla out of the Qunu house. By putting such clauses repeatedly in the will, Mandela was indicating that he knew his offspring would fight each other and was trying to encourage reconciliation between them. Whether they would now respect his wishes remains to be seen.

Moseneke said the mood of the Mandela family when the will was read was “charged with emotions but it went well.” “There were clarifications sought from time to time,” he said. There were no immediate indications from the family that the will would be contested. They still have access to funds in the trust, which accrues money from the sale of the Mandela artworks and investments. It is not known what the value of this trust is but the family members have to make representations to the trustees if they want to access these funds.

Moseneke says they have to study the will carefully for implications for all trusts. If members of the family do contest the will on whatever grounds, it will be a messy court battle that could drag on for years. It will be the final insult to Mandela’s last wishes.

Mandela left funds to people and institutions close to his heart. His close personal staff, including personal assistant Zelda la Grange, each received R50,000. It was Mandela’s final act of gratitude to those who took care of him through the years and went mostly unacknowledged during his celebrated life and death.

The schools he attended in the Eastern Cape, Fort Hare and Wits universities, as well as Qunu Secondary School and Orlando West High School, all will receive R100,000 each. These are to be used for scholarships and bursaries. Building schools was Mandela’s pet project since he was president, famously roping in the country’s top corporates to build rural schools. By leaving money to educational institutions, he was signalling what those wanting to uphold his legacy should invest in.

The NRM Family Trust received R1.5 million plus royalties. Mandela’s political home, the African National Congress is to receive between 10 and 30% of the royalties at the discretion of the trustees of the NRM Family Trust. But the condition on this provision spoke volumes.

“The royalty payments must be used at the discretion of the African National Congress national executive committee for the purpose of recording and/or dissemination information on African National Congress principles and policies since 1912, particularly on the policies and principles of reconciliation amongst the people of South Africa.”

It was Nelson Mandela saying to his organisation that they should remember the mission and values of their founders and teach these to future generations. He was asking them to look back from where they had strayed. He was also telling them to continue with the reconciliation project he drove so passionately to build a united nation.

The last will and testament was the final word from Nelson Mandela.

In the foyer of the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory is a television screen showing images of his life and tributes after his death, while the moving hymn Amazing Grace sung by a choir echoes from the speaker.

A verse of the hymn is:

Yea, when this flesh and heart shall fail,

And mortal life shall cease,

I shall possess within the veil,

A life of joy and peace.

Mandela did not possess much. His estate is minimal for a man of his stature – to contextualise, the provisional value is one-fifth the cost of the security upgrades to President Jacob Zuma’s Nkandla residence. He had the world at his feet after he was released from prison but he chose not to use his position to amass his own wealth.

The last will and testament is a symbolic disbursement of his assets and funds. Throughout his life, Mandela gave his all. Those who squandered what he gave them will be perpetually in search of more. And those who cherish what he left us are the true beneficiaries of the life and amazing grace of Nelson Mandela.

Read the full story on the Daily Maverick website.
http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2014-02-04-mandelas-final-wishes-from-the-grave-education-family-unity-and-sa-reconciliation/

BBC World TV’s Komla Dumor dies

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From: Shedrack Kitimu

On Jan 19, 2014 6:51 PM, “Abdalah Hamis” wrote:

18 January 2014 Last updated at 16:13 ET

BBC World TV’s Komla Dumor dies

BBC TV presenter Komla Dumor has died suddenly at his home in London at the age of 41, it has been announced.

Ghana-born Dumor was a presenter for BBC World News and its Focus on Africa programme.

One of Ghana’s best-known journalists, he joined the BBC as a radio broadcaster in 2007 after a decade of journalism in Ghana.

Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama said on Twitter that his country had lost one of its finest ambassadors.

[ . . . ]

Read more at …
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-25796151

WORLD: GENERAL AERIAL SHARON DESERVED & WAS GIVEN A HEROIC MILITARY BURIAL HONOR

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News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

It is worth appreciation the way and manner in which the former Israel Prime Minister, the late Aerial Sharon, was given the highest honour of military sending off before his burial

Given Sharon deserved the heroic burial taking into account his both political and military history in the Jewish state since its formation in 1948.

But the most recent was his military role in the Yom Koppur war of October 1973.

The Egyptians 3rd army had launched a surprise attack against the the Israeli security network in the Sinai dessert and crossed through the them seemingly impregnable Barlev Line, the Israeli defensive line in the Mt Sinai desert. The Egyptians took advantage of the Yom Koppur holidays when most Israeli soldiers guarding their country’s defensive line were less attentive.

Gen. Sharon, while commanding the Israeli tank brigade, launched an elaborate counter attack offensive and encircled the Arabs armies, besieged them and managed to cross the Suez Canal

Thousands in the Egyptians army which had broken the Barlev line were surprised and besieged when they were cornered in the dessert and forced to retreat in disarray leaving behind tanks and other important military armaments. The Egyptian soldiers had even taken off their military boots and abandoned them in the desert together with guns .This was after two days of tank-to-tank battle in the desert. The Egyptian abandoned ultra modern Russian made tanks, some of them intact, while others were disabled.

At the time when the ceasefire which was brokered by the UN Security Council the US and the international community come into effect. Gen. Sharon and his tank brigade had already crossed the Suez Canal water way and were only 45 kilometer from Cairo. the Egyptian soldiers abandoned their army uniform and boots as well as guns in the dessert while fleeing from Gen. Sharon and his men.

Records show that Gen. Sharon took active part in the 1948 war which resulted in the creation of the State of Israel. This was a hit and run guerrillas like war. In the six day middle East war of 1967 against the huge Arab armies comprising combined forces of Egypt, Jordan and Syria had received a thorough beating by him. Gen. Sharon was in the tank brigade that smashed Syria defensive line in the Golan Heights. He therefore deserved all sorts of public and military honour for his heroic background.

In the battle of Sinai desert, Gen Sharon was wounded in the forehead, and newspaper reports flushed his heavily bandaged fore head to the world.

In the 1948 war of independence. He was among the disciples of the one eyed Gen. Moshe Dayan.

thousands of Israeli citizens had staged a noisy demonstrations in Jel Aviv streets ,while shouting their support for Gen. Moshe Dayan. Kaczet (parliament) had forced the then prime minister Ben gurion to appoint Dayan to a term as the Defence Minister.

Gen. Sharon was later to serve both as foreign minister and PM respectively

As young Kenyan journalists under going social studies sponsored by the Kenya Federation of Labor under the late Tom Mboya IN 1962, We studied at the Kibutzi managed by the Stardust & The Israel Federation of Workers. I had the good luck of shaking haunts with Gen. Sharon at the five star King David Hotel in Tel Aviv in 1963 and also on two occasions shared a handshake which another former PM and foreign Minister Mr. Golda Meir and Abba Eban, the linguists Foreign Minister of Israel and other old politicians of those days..

However, I was so disappointed to read the comment by one of the Palestine politician who depicted Gen. Sharon a criminal man who died without having faced punishment for his crimes against human beings for his role in the massacre of Palestinian refugee in Lebanon

By all standard, Gen Sharon died as a hero who had served his country diligently, selflessly with zeal and dedication

I must take this opportunity to sincerely thank the government of Israel for having accorded Gen.Sharon the most colorful and fitting heroic burial

LEO ODERA OMOLO

TANGANYIKA INDEPENDENCE BILL – 16 November 1961

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From: Yona Maro
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THE MINISTER OF STATE FOR COLONIAL AFFAIRS (THE EARL OF PERTH) My Lords, I have it in Command from Her Majesty the Queen to acquaint the House that Her Majesty, having been informed of the purport of the Tanganyika Independence Bill, has consented to place Her Majesty’s prerogative and interests, so far as they are affected by the Bill, at the disposal of Parliament for the purposes of the Bill.

My Lords, I beg to move that this Bill be read a second time. Once again, it is my privilege to bring to your Lordships a Bill giving independence to a Territory which has been under our care for a considerable time. This time, I think it is of especial significance because the Territory concerned is Tanganyika and it is the first of the Territories in East Africa. Tanganyika itself, as many of your Lordships know, is the largest of the East African Territories, about four times the size of the United Kingdom. It is also the most populous having some 9 million inhabitants, of whom a small part, about 150,000, are of races other than African, whether they be Asian, Arab or European. In the main, it is an agricultural country, depending on such crops as sisal, cotton and coffee, but there are large areas where agriculture is difficult because of the tsetse fly and the shortage of water. The only mineral deposits that have been discovered are diamonds and the Williamson Diamond Mines are producing an important addition to the wealth of the country.

All this does not dismay the Government of Tanganyika, who are shortly to embark on a new development programme about which I wish to talk a little more fully later. I just mention it now because it shows their determination to go forward for the wellbeing of their people; and I am sure that, despite the handicaps that I have outlined, they will be successful. I am all the more sure that they will be successful because from a business point of view conditions in Tanganyika are very favourable. The 733Government have always acted in a prudent and wise way and there exists that valuable thing, confidence in the country, and because of that confidence I am sure that they can rely on help coming from outside sources.

Our own responsibility for Tanganyika has been a short one, of only some 40 years. We took the country over as a mandated territory after the First World War and continued to look after its wellbeing until after the Second World War, when the United Nations came into being and it became a Trust territory. We have carried on with it as a Trust territory ever since. I am happy to say that there has been great progress during those 40 years. Of course, one can say that not enough has been done and that there is still much to do, but the progress has been remarkable. Thanks to the work of the civil servants, missionaries and others who have done so much to help, the country is provided with roads, railways, harbours, hospitals and schools. I have figures which show, for example, that in 1947 primary education was available to only some 120,000 children, whereas today it is available to 450,000 children, an increase of almost four times in the last fifteen years. I think that is a good record of progress. In regard to secondary and technical education, I know that your Lordships have been interested in the opening this autumn of a law faculty in the University College of Tanganyika at Dar-es-Salaam. Of course, if the Government of Tanganyika want more help from us on the technical side, we remain anxious and ready to give it and there is a Department of Technical Cooperation precisely for this purpose.

All this is not something on which the present Government are prepared to rest. They have worked out a new development programme for the next three years, largely based on a plan worked out by the World Bank. It is, in fact, something more ambitious than that suggested by the World Bank, and it is none the worse for that. One would expect them to do something even more. That development plan is calculated to cost £24 million, of which we have undertaken to underwrite up to £12 million, or half of the whole, and of that £12 million we are prepared to grant £8,750,000 under the old Commonwealth Development and Welfare Fund arid the balance under a new 734grant. Your Lordships will recall that this was all worked out in July when Mr. Julius Nyerere came to this country. The conversations were rather difficult and ran into trouble, but the final outcome, as I give it to your Lordships now, has been one which is fully satisfactory to the people of Tanganyika and I am very happy that we have been able to help their development programme in the way we have.

That is not the whole of it. We have also undertaken to make funds available for the Tanganyika Agricultural Corporation and for army development, by taking over certain stores, and by agreeing that the Colonial Development Corporation can put forward funds. Most important, perhaps, of the loans that we are prepared to make to help the Tanganyika Government is one to ensure the payment of compensation and other expenses for the Overseas Civil Service. While on the point of help for Tanganyika’s development programme, I should say how welcome has been the announcement made by the American and German Governments that they will play their part in making funds available for Tanganyika’s development programme.

I mentioned the overseas service. Without their help Tanganyika could never have reached the stage it has now. I am sure all your Lordships would join me in the tribute one would wish to pay to that Service. When one thinks of the Overseas Service, naturally one turns to the Governor and recent Governors of the territory. As your Lordships know we have one of them here to-day in the noble Lord, Lord Twining, who served the country before the present Governor for no less than nine years; and your Lordships know of the progress that was made during that period. I recall that .the noble Lord has written a book about the Crown jewels of Europe. But it seems to me that he has a jewel in his crown in what he has done to help Tanganyika forward which is at least as bright as any of those.

Then we have the present Governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, whose tenure of office in this exciting phase of constitutional development has been everything that one could call for and expect. The proof of that, if proof were needed, is the fact that the Government of735Tanganyika have asked that his name be submitted to Her Majesty The Queen as the first Governor-General of the territory. I am sure your Lordships feel with me that his well-doing and the trust that they have in him is shown by this action.

When I mention civil servants, I think it is very satisfactory that, so far, of those who are serving and who have the opportunity at a change-over like this of leaving the country, only a relatively small number, somewhere around 20 per cent., have indicated that they want to go to other fields. This shows not only that the Government and people of Tanganyika run their affairs well, but also—and I think this is important—that the arrangements we have recently made through the Overseas Services Aid Scheme have helped to ensure that these civil servants may stay and yet not suffer loss. Your Lordships know how vital it is at a moment of transition like this, until such time as the Africans are able to take over the running of their affairs, that they should have every help from those who have the experience.

This is, as I say, most satisfactory; and the main credit for it goes to the Prime Minister of Tanganyika, Mr. Julius Nyerere. No doubt many of your Lordships know him. He is a man of great wisdom and charm, very skilful in negotiation and, perhaps I should say, moderate in his presentation of his demands. The result of all that, and the peaceful way in which the country has been led to its present state, has been a natural one—namely, that one is predisposed to try to help him forward on the road that he has set. I think it is just because of the moderation and wisdom with which he has handled these affairs that we find that Tanganyika is the first of the East African territories to reach independence. Perhaps there is some moral in this, and, if there is, it may be that it will not be lost on others in the territories in that area.

Something which is perhaps as satisfactory as anything in the last years has been the real partnership between all of the races in Tanganyika. If your Lordships look at the present Government, you will find that elected Ministers 736and nominated Ministers are African, Asian and European. They have all pulled and worked together. It is invidious to pick out any particular names, but, having said that, I want to pay particular tribute to Sir Ernest Vasey, at present the Finance Minister of Tanganyika, and before that Finance Minister in Kenya. There is no doubt that East Africa, as a whole, and Kenya and Tanganyika, in particular, owe a great debt to him for what he has done in helping forward their economies.

I should now turn to the Bill itself, which names the day of December the 9th for Tanganyika’s attainment of fully responsible status within the Commonwealth. Happily, it has been announced that Her Majesty The Queen will be represented by His Royal Highness The Duke of Edinburgh at the independence celebrations. I am sure your Lordships will not be surprised at the tremendously warm welcome that this news has received in Tanganyika.

I have expressed my regret that this Bill is being, as it were, speeded through the Houses of Parliament, but, as your Lordships know, this is often the way in the case of such Bills, because once the date has been fixed there is much work still to be done, and naturally the country is anxious to get on with things. There is a technical angle, in that until a Bill like this has been passed it is not possible to announce what may be the actual Constitution of the country. That is laid down by an Order in Council only after the Bill has been approved. So it is of great importance that this Bill should be passed quickly, and then be followed by the Order in Council for the Constitution; and that Constitution will, of course, be laid for information in your Lordships’ House or in the Library. It is not right for me to anticipate beyond a point just what will be in that Constitution, but I can say it has been worked out in full collaboration with the Tanganyika Government, and it has been agreed to recommend a Constitution which is broadly along the lines of the Constitution that Tanganyika enjoys at the present time.

Clause 1 of the Bill is in the usual form that these things follow for territories which are about to become independent. Clause 2 deals with nationality. Here, again, the form is very similar, for example, to what was done in the 737case of Nigeria and Sierra Leone. Clause 3 covers certain modifications of United Kingdom enactments which are necessary in view of the fact that Tanganyika is shortly to be independent.

Clause 4 deals with the Tanganyika Agricultural Corporation, and the fact that we are going to continue to provide the help which was promised to that Corporation even after the independence of the country. The Agricultural Corporation, as many of your Lordships will remember, is the successor to the groundnuts scheme of long ago. It took over the remaining parts of which use could be made, and has in fact over the years done a great service in developing not only what was left to be developed but in generally helping forward the agricultural well-being of the country. I know that the Tanganyika Government have in mind to continue so to use it. Lastly, in Clause 4. we have mention of the money under the Colonial Development and Welfare Funds which may be available. I refer to Clause 4 (3), for common services with other territories. What we have in mind there, of course, is the East Africa High Commission as it is known to-day, which, when Tanganyika becomes independent, will change its name, and certain of its functions, and become known for the future as the East African Common Services Organisation.

It is a source of great satisfaction that this body is to continue to operate and to continue to give common economic services to the East African territories for so many things which are of common interest to them all—for example, transport, communications, collection of income tax, customs and excise, and various common fields of research. The preservation of this form of economic unity, is, I think, a tremendous encouragement. The confirmation that they wanted to continue with all this came out of a conference in July, in which all the territories were present, and Zanzibar was an observer. It was a most satisfactory conference, filling one with great hope for future collaboration in that part of the world. As I need hardly say, if, looking beyond the economic side, the territories also wish to consider closer political association, the groundwork of that is laid. It is essentially something for the African territories themselves to decide, but this is a good 738move in the right direction, if they so wish.

It is a great pleasure for me to commend to your Lordships this Bill which will result in a new member of the Commonwealth. Tanganyika, of course, will be the youngest, but I am sure that she will prove to be one of the best. My right honourable friend the Prime Minister has heard from the Commonwealth Prime Ministers that they will be very glad to accept Tanganyika as a fellow-member of the Commonwealth as from the date of her independence—that is, December 9. This is both welcome and happy news, and I am sure that all the Commonwealth stands to benefit from her joining with them. I beg to move.

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Wishing You Merry Christmas and Happy New Year 2014

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From: HON DAVID ONYANGO Ochola

Hello Friends

It is my pleasure with God’s Love to wish you all a happy and enjoyable merry Christmas and prosperous new year 2014. Love starts from your house, to your neighborhood, to your community, to your nation and to the whole world. Spread love to all those you meet. Let everyone feel the love of Christ. Merry Christmas to you!

Hon. David Onyango Ochola
Youth Chairman & Secretary Youth Affairs
Orange Democratic Movement in Kenya (ODM)
Kisumu County Youth League
P.O.Box 24787-00502 Nairobi Kenya
Tell: +254724929557

A Christmas Prayer!

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From: Hon. Oscar Odhiambo Lawrence

Dear God and Loving Father of Jesus, help us remember the birth of Jesus, that we may share in the song of the angels, the gladness of the shepherds, and the worship of the wise men.

Let kindness come with every gift, and good desires with every greeting. Deliver us from evil by the blessings which Christ brings, and teach us to be merry with clear hearts and hearts full of gratitude. This is my humble prayer in Jesus mighty name, Amen!

Merry Christmas!

MY DAILY PRAYER: Lord, make me an instrument of Your peace; Where there is hatred, let me sow love; Where there is injury, let me show pardon; Where there is lies, let me tell the truth; Where there is doubt, let me show faith; Where there is despair, may i show hope; Where there is darkness, let me show light; And where there is sadness, let me show joy. O Divine Master, Grant that I may not so much seek To be consoled, as to console; To be understood, as to understand; To be loved as to love. For it is in giving that we receive; It is in pardoning that we are pardoned; And it is in dying that we are born to eternal life. Amen!

KENYA: VETERAN JOURNALIST MOURNS WARURU KANJA

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LEO ODERA OMOLO MOURNS THE LATE NYERI POLITICIAN WARURU KANJA

May take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt profound condolence to the family and friends of the late Nyeri fierce politician Waruru KANJA.

I Knew the late Waruru Kanja way back in 1957 when he led a group of hard-core Mau Mau detainees on Mageta Island, Bondo district, now Siaya County, who were involved in jailbreak after killing the European prison commander who was in charge of the camp.

After killing the prison boss, the group escaped MAGETA Island using a makeshift raft and swam across the Nyanza Gulf {formerly Kavirondo Gulf and landed at Ulugi, near Lihanda beach on Rusinga Island in what was then known as South Nyanza distric after swimming for more that 14 hours.

The fugitives were given shelter by the LUO Elders who gave the them accomodation and food inside hideout houses, but only after separating them in four groups. The colonial police launched an elaborate search for the jail breakers both aerially using the police air-wing and motor-boats. The search also went on into the villagers on the mainland locations of Yimbo, Sakwa and Uyoma.

The colonial authorities used motor-boats and even sent their agents to the twin fishing islands of Rusinga, but all in vain, Warurur Kanja and his friends had been issued with new clothes and were living safely in the villages.

I met the late ex-Mau Mau detainee in the 1980s while he was serving in the cabinet as a Minister and Nyeri Town MP in Parliament Building over a cup of tea, and I found his memory to be very fresh. He could easily recognize me, though many years had lapsed because in 1957 I was a young man of 18 of age. Mzee Kanja was a true nationalist and freedom fighter apart from being detribalized person and humanist

May Almighty God give his soul eternal peace.

LEO ODERA OMOLOO
veteran journalist-cum-Author

S. Africa: Nelson Mandela’s resiliency was grounded on God’s calling

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From: Joseph Nyaringo

Nelson Mandela’s resiliency was grounded on God’s calling How did the late Nelson Mandela, a mortal man; born and bred just like all of us, strode the earth with unprecedented tenacity and peculiar character which has earned him iconic status?

Before and after Mandela, passed on early this month, great words have been spoken about the fallen hero. The powerful, famous and ordinary people have given inspiring observations about Mandela’s character and legacy; often imploring people especially leaders to emulate him.

Even places of worship have talked openly about the life and times of Mandela, his positive ideation, integrity and passion for a just and free South Africa.

As we continue to shower accolades to the departed South African patriot, we need to interrogate how he managed to endure suffering without faltering or wavering on the hands of the British Empire.

Many of us can collapse in the court room if we were sentenced to serve even two years in Kamiti maximum Prison. Mandela did it with zeal and perseverance. The mystery is how he derived the profound energy and passion to stick to a cause firmly and faithfully.

Mountaineer Edmund Hillary once said these, “people do not decide to become extraordinary.” They decide to accomplish extraordinary things.” Mandela did it with tenacity and zeal; without knowing that the World will one day reverence his name with pomp and splendour as seen after his demise early this Month.

Those who thought that Mandela, will come out of jail tormented with rage to pursue revenge on his enemies were shocked when he employed a conciliatory tone. He was ready to mend fences for purposes of reconciliation, racial harmony, forgiveness and building a united post-apartheid South Africa.

We therefore need to question ourselves as to whether it’s easy to emulate the ideals of Nelson Mandela, and apply it in our everyday life because, saying is one thing and doing is another!

It’s ironical that even dictators; leading autocratic regimes have expressed admiration of Mandela, but I wonder if Mandela’s character has inspired them to build avenues of justice, freedom and equality for their citizens.

Mandela cherished freedom and justice. Through is fearlessness, he went ahead to challenge USA President George Bush, for invading Iraq during the second gulf war in 2003. He termed the invasion immoral and an aggression to a sovereign nation.

In fact, he never feared stating his position on controversial geo-political conflicts where many leaders usually remain ambivalent especially on the Israel and Palestinian conflict.

Urging people to emulate certain heroes in society is just mere talk. Mandela talked the talk and walked the walk. His faith kept him going. His jailers had every opportunity to hang him the way they did to our Dedan Kimathi and many other Kenyan freedom fighters but they would not.

From here, we need to look beyond his physical strength but also internalize on how he was able to withstand his tribulations by looking at his divine or spiritual path throughout the struggle.

God bestowed Mandela; with grace, which manifested itself through his passion for liberation and the bravery to endure 27 years behind bars. This is how God works in humans. He uses people to do extra ordinary things in all spheres of human existence. He used Mandela, to showcase his wisdom, based on love, compassion, meekness, humility forgiveness and tolerance.

These universal tenets envisioned by Mandela define the true character of God. While he never talked quite openly about his faith, if Mandela were to be a Christian Minister, a Rabbi, an Imam, a Buddhist or a Hindu Guru, he would have made the best. This is because; all these religions have a similar approach towards humanity.

They all have a consciousness grounded on love of self and love of neighbour; which Mandela, did with excellence; often mingling freely with all and sundry without prejudice or discrimination. He never respected the rich more than the ordinary poor.

In Christianity, God wants us to lead a life of denial, free of vengeance and bitterness. He wants our lives to be tampered in forgiveness, modesty, humility and meekness. As the scripture says in John 15:13: Greater love has no one than this: to lay down one’s life for one’s friends.

As the fallen South African sage rests in peace, we will always revere him for pursuing the path of rekindling hopes for the afflicted through his own afflictions. Even though he is gone, he will always remain a true replica of heroes and heroines who came before him like: Mother Theresa, Matma Gandhi and Martin Luther King.

Like Gandhi, Mandela was never aggressive in pursuing material things like most World leaders. Even if he did, it was for purposes of benevolence. Like Mother Theresa, he was charitable and always remembered the poor. Like King, he was prepared to die for a cause in order to liberate the South Africans from racial discrimination.

Unlike men who preach water and drink wine, Mandela’s actions spoke volumes about what he spoke. We knew him by his fruits and he was a good tree, because he bore good fruits if I borrow from the Gospel of Mathew 7:16-18.

Mandela has exited the stage but those who want to bequeath his legacy should evoke God for divine Wisdom to serve humanity well. Those who are fighting to conquer oppression, injustice, dictatorship, corruption prejudice and other vices in order to rekindle hope for the downtrodden, they need to ask God for guidance.

You may never know; the prayer Nelson Mandela said to his God. This is because, extra ordinary qualities by extra ordinary men in the World mostly takes a spiritual or divine dimension. Their efforts are mostly grounded on God for strength and bravery.

From Archbishop Desmond Tutu, to Martin Luther King, Mother Theresa and Matma Gandhi all personified divine strength in their quest to help humanity. In a more direct bearing, our own heroes like Dr. Reverend Njoya, the late Archbishop Manases Kuria, Bishop Okullu and Bishop Alexander Muge; had bravery grounded on faith in God.

Mandela’s character is further illustrated in Paul’s letter to the Galatians 5:22: But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, and faith. This is a reflection that it’s the power of God that worked in Mandela that made him overcome the torture, suffering, anger, hate, revenge and impatience. Fare thee well Madiba. You were born, suffered, endured and conquered. We will always cherish and relish your ideals.

Joseph Lister Nyaringo
Atlanta, Georgia

TANZANIA AIDS WEEK IN REVIEW – Dec. 9-16, 2013

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From: Yona Maro
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Dear Colleagues

Once again, your lovely AIDS WEEK IN REVIEW publication is here. Take part of your time to read and know what is going on in Tanzania and elsewhere to end the problem of HIV and AIDS.

Don’t hesitate to share this copy with friends/others

Your feedback on what to improve, add or rectify will highly be appreciated

Thank you!

Perege Gumbo
(Editor)

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P O BOX 33237
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Obama’s Remarks at Memorial for Mandela

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From: Abdalah Hamis

For Immediate ReleaseDecember 10, 2013 Remarks by President Obama at Memorial Service for Former South African President Nelson Mandela
First National Bank Stadium
Johannesburg, South Africa

1:31 P.M. SAST

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. To Graça Machel and the Mandela family; to President Zuma and members of the government; to heads of states and government, past and present; distinguished guests — it is a singular honor to be with you today, to celebrate a life like no other. To the people of South Africa — (applause) — people of every race and walk of life — the world thanks you for sharing Nelson Mandela with us. His struggle was your struggle. His triumph was your triumph. Your dignity and your hope found expression in his life. And your freedom, your democracy is his cherished legacy.

It is hard to eulogize any man — to capture in words not just the facts and the dates that make a life, but the essential truth of a person — their private joys and sorrows; the quiet moments and unique qualities that illuminate someone’s soul. How much harder to do so for a giant of history, who moved a nation toward justice, and in the process moved billions around the world.

Born during World War I, far from the corridors of power, a boy raised herding cattle and tutored by the elders of his Thembu tribe, Madiba would emerge as the last great liberator of the 20th century. Like Gandhi, he would lead a resistance movement — a movement that at its start had little prospect for success. Like Dr. King, he would give potent voice to the claims of the oppressed and the moral necessity of racial justice. He would endure a brutal imprisonment that began in the time of Kennedy and Khrushchev, and reached the final days of the Cold War. Emerging from prison, without the force of arms, he would — like Abraham Lincoln — hold his country together when it threatened to break apart. And like America’s Founding Fathers, he would erect a constitutional order to preserve freedom for future generations — a commitment to democracy and rule of law ratified not only by his election, but by his willingness to step down from power after only one term.

Given the sweep of his life, the scope of his accomplishments, the adoration that he so rightly earned, it’s tempting I think to remember Nelson Mandela as an icon, smiling and serene, detached from the tawdry affairs of lesser men. But Madiba himself strongly resisted such a lifeless portrait. (Applause.) Instead, Madiba insisted on sharing with us his doubts and his fears; his miscalculations along with his victories. “I am not a saint,” he said, “unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”

It was precisely because he could admit to imperfection — because he could be so full of good humor, even mischief, despite the heavy burdens he carried — that we loved him so. He was not a bust made of marble; he was a man of flesh and blood — a son and a husband, a father and a friend. And that’s why we learned so much from him, and that’s why we can learn from him still. For nothing he achieved was inevitable. In the arc of his life, we see a man who earned his place in history through struggle and shrewdness, and persistence and faith. He tells us what is possible not just in the pages of history books, but in our own lives as well.

Mandela showed us the power of action; of taking risks on behalf of our ideals. Perhaps Madiba was right that he inherited, “a proud rebelliousness, a stubborn sense of fairness” from his father. And we know he shared with millions of black and colored South Africans the anger born of, “a thousand slights, a thousand indignities, a thousand unremembered moments…a desire to fight the system that imprisoned my people,” he said.

But like other early giants of the ANC — the Sisulus and Tambos — Madiba disciplined his anger and channeled his desire to fight into organization, and platforms, and strategies for action, so men and women could stand up for their God-given dignity. Moreover, he accepted the consequences of his actions, knowing that standing up to powerful interests and injustice carries a price. “I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I’ve cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and [with] equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.” (Applause.)

Mandela taught us the power of action, but he also taught us the power of ideas; the importance of reason and arguments; the need to study not only those who you agree with, but also those who you don’t agree with. He understood that ideas cannot be contained by prison walls, or extinguished by a sniper’s bullet. He turned his trial into an indictment of apartheid because of his eloquence and his passion, but also because of his training as an advocate. He used decades in prison to sharpen his arguments, but also to spread his thirst for knowledge to others in the movement. And he learned the language and the customs of his oppressor so that one day he might better convey to them how their own freedom depend upon his. (Applause.)

Mandela demonstrated that action and ideas are not enough. No matter how right, they must be chiseled into law and institutions. He was practical, testing his beliefs against the hard surface of circumstance and history. On core principles he was unyielding, which is why he could rebuff offers of unconditional release, reminding the Apartheid regime that “prisoners cannot enter into contracts.”

But as he showed in painstaking negotiations to transfer power and draft new laws, he was not afraid to compromise for the sake of a larger goal. And because he was not only a leader of a movement but a skillful politician, the Constitution that emerged was worthy of this multiracial democracy, true to his vision of laws that protect minority as well as majority rights, and the precious freedoms of every South African.

And finally, Mandela understood the ties that bind the human spirit. There is a word in South Africa — Ubuntu — (applause) — a word that captures Mandela’s greatest gift: his recognition that we are all bound together in ways that are invisible to the eye; that there is a oneness to humanity; that we achieve ourselves by sharing ourselves with others, and caring for those around us.

We can never know how much of this sense was innate in him, or how much was shaped in a dark and solitary cell. But we remember the gestures, large and small — introducing his jailers as honored guests at his inauguration; taking a pitch in a Springbok uniform; turning his family’s heartbreak into a call to confront HIV/AIDS — that revealed the depth of his empathy and his understanding. He not only embodied Ubuntu, he taught millions to find that truth within themselves.

It took a man like Madiba to free not just the prisoner, but the jailer as well — (applause) — to show that you must trust others so that they may trust you; to teach that reconciliation is not a matter of ignoring a cruel past, but a means of confronting it with inclusion and generosity and truth. He changed laws, but he also changed hearts.

For the people of South Africa, for those he inspired around the globe, Madiba’s passing is rightly a time of mourning, and a time to celebrate a heroic life. But I believe it should also prompt in each of us a time for self-reflection. With honesty, regardless of our station or our circumstance, we must ask: How well have I applied his lessons in my own life? It’s a question I ask myself, as a man and as a President.

We know that, like South Africa, the United States had to overcome centuries of racial subjugation. As was true here, it took sacrifice — the sacrifice of countless people, known and unknown, to see the dawn of a new day. Michelle and I are beneficiaries of that struggle. (Applause.) But in America, and in South Africa, and in countries all around the globe, we cannot allow our progress to cloud the fact that our work is not yet done.

The struggles that follow the victory of formal equality or universal franchise may not be as filled with drama and moral clarity as those that came before, but they are no less important. For around the world today, we still see children suffering from hunger and disease. We still see run-down schools. We still see young people without prospects for the future. Around the world today, men and women are still imprisoned for their political beliefs, and are still persecuted for what they look like, and how they worship, and who they love. That is happening today. (Applause.)

And so we, too, must act on behalf of justice. We, too, must act on behalf of peace. There are too many people who happily embrace Madiba’s legacy of racial reconciliation, but passionately resist even modest reforms that would challenge chronic poverty and growing inequality. There are too many leaders who claim solidarity with Madiba’s struggle for freedom, but do not tolerate dissent from their own people. (Applause.) And there are too many of us on the sidelines, comfortable in complacency or cynicism when our voices must be heard.

The questions we face today — how to promote equality and justice; how to uphold freedom and human rights; how to end conflict and sectarian war — these things do not have easy answers. But there were no easy answers in front of that child born in World War I. Nelson Mandela reminds us that it always seems impossible until it is done. South Africa shows that is true. South Africa shows we can change, that we can choose a world defined not by our differences, but by our common hopes. We can choose a world defined not by conflict, but by peace and justice and opportunity.

We will never see the likes of Nelson Mandela again. But let me say to the young people of Africa and the young people around the world — you, too, can make his life’s work your own. Over 30 years ago, while still a student, I learned of Nelson Mandela and the struggles taking place in this beautiful land, and it stirred something in me. It woke me up to my responsibilities to others and to myself, and it set me on an improbable journey that finds me here today. And while I will always fall short of Madiba’s example, he makes me want to be a better man. (Applause.) He speaks to what’s best inside us.

After this great liberator is laid to rest, and when we have returned to our cities and villages and rejoined our daily routines, let us search for his strength. Let us search for his largeness of spirit somewhere inside of ourselves. And when the night grows dark, when injustice weighs heavy on our hearts, when our best-laid plans seem beyond our reach, let us think of Madiba and the words that brought him comfort within the four walls of his cell: “It matters not how strait the gate, how charged with punishments the scroll, I am the master of my fate: I am the captain of my soul.”

What a magnificent soul it was. We will miss him deeply. May God bless the memory of Nelson Mandela. May God bless the people of South Africa. (Applause.)

END
1:50 P.M. SAST

A moving tribute to a legendary figure

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From: The White House

Nelson Mandela’s struggle against South African apartheid inspired millions. And his great call for justice and equality continues to resonate around the world, as new generations of young people pursue the ideals he embraced.

Earlier today in Johannesburg, President Obama paid tribute to a hero and a leader — and spoke about the path that’s still ahead.

It’s a powerful, moving speech. Watch this tribute to Nelson Mandela:
http://links.whitehouse.gov/track?type=click&enid=ZWFzPTEmbWFpbGluZ2lkPTIwMTMxMjExLjI2Mjk3MjMxJm1lc3NhZ2VpZD1NREItUFJELUJVTC0yMDEzMTIxMS4yNjI5NzIzMSZkYXRhYmFzZWlkPTEwMDEmc2VyaWFsPTE2OTg5MTQxJmVtYWlsaWQ9b2N0aW1vdG9yQGphbHVvLmNvbSZ1c2VyaWQ9b2N0aW1vdG9yQGphbHVvLmNvbSZmbD0mZXh0cmE9TXVsdGl2YXJpYXRlSWQ9JiYm&&&100&&&http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2013/12/10/remembering-nelson-mandela?utm_source=email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=email270-text1&utm_campaign=mandela

Mandela at a banquet in honour of Julius Nyerere

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From: kilao rajabu

Speech by President Mandela at a banquet in honour of Julius Nyerere

Presentation(s)
Occasion: Banquet for Julius Nyerere
Date: Friday, October 17, 1997

Master of Ceremonies; Mwalimu Julius Nyerere; Mr Nicky Oppenheimer; Honoured guests;

It is a great pleasure to share in this occasion honouring one of Africa’s great patriots.

It is a humbling experience to recall the contribution that Mwalimu Nyerere has made to the liberation of our continent, and to freedom in South Africa.

This is the freedom fighter who heard Chief Luthuli’s appeal and joined Trevor Huddleston in launching the Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain in 1959; a leader whose decisive intervention at the Commonwealth Conference after the Sharpeville Massacre led to the exclusion of apartheid South Africa.

I had the personal privilege of meeting him many years ago, in 1962, when I visited Tanzania seeking help as we embarked on the armed struggle. Then, as now, I was struck by his lucid thoughts; his burning desire for justice everywhere; and his commitment to Africa’s interests.

After the independence of Tanzania, Mwalimu, as its head of state, continued to play an important role in the struggle for justice and democracy not only in Africa, but throughout the world.

The people of Tanzania gave unstinting support to the liberation of South Africa. They gave recognition of the most practical kind to the principle that our freedom and theirs were interdependent.

Today, as free nations we have joined hands in recognition of the interdependence of our countries, our region and our continent in the achievement of peace and prosperity.

It is in this spirit that we affirm our support for Julius and the people of Tanzania in the goals they have set for themselves.

The expansion of economic ties of trade and investment between Tanzania and South Africa, and indeed between all the countries of the region, is an objective to which South Africa is firmly committed.

When we promote foreign business interest and investment in South Africa it is not in any spirit of beggar thy neighbour. Indeed South African firms have seized the opportunities that abound in a liberated Southern Africa and we encourage them in this.

We do so on the understanding that such investment will be conducted as we expected foreign investors to do in our own country: to promote the transfer of skills and technology; to make a permanent and sustainable expansion in the productive capacity of the host country; and wherever possible in the form of joint ventures to promote the development of local business, especially amongst those previously excluded from such opportunities.

Such a development is in the interest of our entire region. In particular we would like to see an expansion of South African business involvement in Tanzania along such lines. Some of the companies represented here tonight have already shown their interest by taking part earlier this year in a delegation to Tanzania led by our Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry.

That delegation reflected the spirit of co-operation between government and business, within a broader partnership of all social sectors which is the hallmark of reconstruction and development in South Africa, in Tanzania and throughout our region.

Non-governmental organisations form an essential component of that broader partnership. The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation whose establishment we are marking tonight is, I am confident, destined to make a significant contribution in that regard.

There would be reason enough to welcome its formation as a commemoration of a great person. But it is more than that. It is also a contribution to the future. It gives substance to the goal of creating African capacity to resolve African problems.

The ideals of peace, unity and people-centred development for which it stands are essential for our continent’s economic and political revival. We can only applaud its intention to promote these goals by drawing on Africa’s collective intellectual resources.

It is through the upliftment and empowerment of the people of Southern Africa, and indeed the entire continent, that we will achieve the African Renaissance we so strongly desire.

I thank you.

Regard,
Rajabu Khamis Kilao
P.o. Box 9102 Dar es Salaam
+255 718 265 427
+255 755 149 247

POPE FRANCIS PAYS TRIBUTE TO MANDELA

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From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 7, 2013

Pope Francis is among the top world leaders who have paid tribute to Nelson Mandela on Friday. Indeed Mandela was one of the world’s most ardent fighters for equality. Pope Francis in his telegram sent to South African President Jacob Zuma that said:

“It was with sadness that I learned of the death of former President Nelson Mandela, and I send prayerful condolences to all the Mandela family, to the members of the Government and to all the people of South Africa”.

Pope Francis and Mandela have not only shared a strong belief in the injustice of poverty, they have the will to protection of a fundamental human right. Protection of a fundamental human right is Jesus’ call, even if you are a public sinner you are still a human being and your rights just like any other human beings must be protected.

Like Pope Francis, Mandela strongly believed that overcoming poverty is not a gesture of charity. It is an act of justice. It is the protection of a fundamental human right, the right to dignity and a decent life. While poverty persists, there is no true freedom.

When Mandela welcomed Pope John Paul II to South Africa in 1995, he still expressed similar view of their mutual concern for the poor, commitment to equality, and undying fight for liberation from oppression.

Mandela’s faith in God was very great, a faith probably he acquired from his mother. When Mandela was 7 years old his mother enrolled him at the Clarkebury Missionary School in South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province. His mother was a devout Christian and taught him respect for God and good morals.

Although Mandela was a protestant, his love for humanity led him to think beyond religion. In 1993, he attended Mass celebrated by Archbishop Lawrence Henry and parish Capuchin priest Fr. Wildrid Aherne at St. Mary of the Angels in Cape Town.

He learnt that people cannot co-exist without mutual understanding, reconciliation and healing. Reconciliation he believed requires that we join hands to eradicate the poverty spawned by a system that thrived on the deprivation of the majority.

Reconciliation requires that we end malnutrition, homelessness and ignorance, that we put shoulders to the wheel to end crime and corruption. Reconciliation and forgiveness were to be the cornerstone of Mandela’s five-year term as president, with the focus always on nation-building.

Mandela never did anything before prayer. He was a stickler for praying before meals, after, going to bed, in the morning when he woke up and before doing his duties. He believed that things will never succeed without God’s intervention.

He was so humble to the extent that when people referred to him as a living saint he always insisted that he wasn’t a saint. He just did his duty justly because he believed that is what God wants.

When South Africa’s apartheid government had been brutally repressive for nearly five decades, and the country’s black majority was justifiably full of anger, Mandela never was.

Instead, he negotiated a transition that acknowledged the right of white South Africans to be citizens but no longer lords and masters. Even after 27 years in prison he was never angry.

That explains why when Mandela took office as president in 1994 he governed with the same generosity. Few could have imagined that South Africa could move peacefully to black majority rule.

Without Mandela’s leadership, without his example, stature and wisdom, the story might have been radically different. That is why he became an icon of integral leader. No wonder why the world remembers the great leader who acted without bitterness.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail omolo.ouko@gmail.com
Facebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

AWEPA STATEMENT ON THE PASSING OF NELSON MANDELA

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From: Communications | AWEPA
Press Release:

Cape Town, 6 December 2013 – It is with great sadness that the Association of European Parliamentarians with Africa (AWEPA) heard of the death of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, the anti-apartheid icon and first President of the new South Africa. Yet, we are heartened by the strength of his legacy: the championing of freedom, peace and equality. Mr. Mandela’s struggle for South Africa, and the world, will not be forgotten.

The life and work of Mr. Mandela has continually inspired AWEPA since its establishment in 1984. The organisation’s roots lie in the campaign for the eradication of apartheid, for the equality and freedom of all people. During the height of the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, a few West European politicians formed separate wings in their parliaments to campaign for the abolition of apartheid via effective legislation, policies and laws, and to create international pressure to release Mr. Mandela from prison.

This new parliamentary coalition led to the birth of the ‘Association of West-European Parliamentarians for Action against Apartheid’ (AWEPAA), now AWEPA. The organisation was created to unconditionally support the liberation movement of the South Africans. This was noted by Mr. Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC), who appreciated AWEPA’s efforts for parliamentary coalition, the first of its kind in terms of objectives, scale and success.

In 1990, when Mandela visited the European Parliament after his release from prison, he met with AWEPA members and encouraged them to continue their work to help strengthen democracy in Africa. His encouragement came at a time when AWEPA was considering its purpose fulfilled. The meeting with the man who would in two years become the first non-white President of his country, proved to be a catalyst for AWEPA’s future work in other parts of the continent.

A strong relationship developed with him, thanks, among others, to AWEPA’s Eminent Advisory Board members Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Ms. Graça Machel, who is also Mr. Mandela’s wife. The President of AWEPA, Ms. Miet Smet, had an important tête-à-tête on Monday 2 December with Ms. Machel, together with Ms. Jessica Longwe, AWEPA’s Director of Partner Relations. They spoke about the upcoming 30th anniversary of AWEPA, in which Mrs. Machel will play a role.

In 2007, Mr. Mandela welcomed AWEPA representatives when he accepted the first AWEPA Human Dignity Award. We are not sure we will find many, if any, who epitomises this sentiment more than Nelson Mandela. He will remain a symbol for human dignity, for the strength found in democracy and the goodness in equality.

AWEPA’s thoughts and deepest sympathies are with Mr. Mandela’s wife, Chairperson of our Eminent Advisory Board, Graça Machel. We wish to extend our heartfelt condolences to the rest of Mr. Mandela’s family and all those who hold him dear.

AWEPA shall continue to honour him by going forward with determination in its mandate.

The Association of European Parliamentarians with Africa (AWEPA) is an international non-governmental organisation founded by European Parliamentarians to reduce poverty and to protect human rights by supporting the well-functioning of parliaments in Africa and by keeping Africa on the political agenda in Europe. With its roots in the campaign to end apartheid in South Africa, AWEPA now works in Africa from a development perspective to strengthen the core functions of parliaments: oversight, representation and legislation.

AWEPA has some 1800 current and former European parliamentarians as members from the European Parliament, almost all member states of the European Union, Norway and Switzerland. AWEPA has two offices in Europe: Brussels and Amsterdam; and 8 African offices in Arusha, Bujumbura, Cape Town, Juba, Kampala, Kigali, Kinshasa and Maputo.

Marion Girard Cisneros
Communications Officer
Communications department
Association of European Parliamentarians with Africa (AWEPA)

AWEPA International (European Parliamentarians with Africa)
Prins Hendrikkade 48-G, 1012 AC Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Tel: +31.20.524.5678, Fax: +31.20.622.01.30
Email: m.cisneros@awepa.org, Web: www.awepa.org
Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/AWEPAInternational?ref=ts&fref=ts Twitter: @AWEPA

On the passing of Nelson Mandela

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From: The White House info@messages.whitehouse.gov

This evening, President Obama delivered a statement on the passing of former South African President and anti-apartheid leader Nelson Mandela.

Visit here to watch President Obama’s statement.
http://links.whitehouse.gov/track?type=click&enid=ZWFzPTEmbWFpbGluZ2lkPTIwMTMxMjA2LjI2MDk5MTgxJm1lc3NhZ2VpZD1NREItUFJELUJVTC0yMDEzMTIwNi4yNjA5OTE4MSZkYXRhYmFzZWlkPTEwMDEmc2VyaWFsPTE2OTg3NTQzJmVtYWlsaWQ9b2N0aW1vdG9yQGphbHVvLmNvbSZ1c2VyaWQ9b2N0aW1vdG9yQGphbHVvLmNvbSZmbD0mZXh0cmE9TXVsdGl2YXJpYXRlSWQ9JiYm&&&100&&&http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2013/12/05/man-who-took-history-his-hands-and-bent-arc-moral-universe-toward-justice?utm_source=email&utm_medium=email&utm_content=email268-text1&utm_campaign=mandela
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