From: Yona Maro
A report from the bloody, crumbling Central African Republic
http://www.newrepublic.com/article/117519/central-african-republic-conflict-africas-bloodiest-fight
—
Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA
From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
MONDAY, MAY 5, 2014
Jerry (not his real name) writes: “Father thank you for the article on prayer for vocations. I am a second year student majoring in engineering. Since I was in primary up to now I have desired to become a priest. My problem is that my libido is so high and I just know I cannot keep celibate lifestyle.
My question is, do you know of a way one can reduce sex urge? I find that some days the desire peaks, causing terrible psychological and physical stress on me, to the extent that sometimes I am forced to masturbate.
I wonder Father why this happens to me, despite the fact that my desire to become a priest is still high. If there is a way you can help me to overcome this then I will apply to join the seminary”.
Jerry I wish I could help you but I am not. May be you can try to discuss it with a sex therapists. I feel that you should come to terms with your body, and accept it for the remarkable creation that it is.
When Ireland’s Cardinal Keith O’Brien issued a press conference in February last year why he resigned, he cited high libido. He said he could not pretend any more, his libido could not allow him to continue administering to the vineyard of the Lord.
He went as far asking Pope Francis to allow his priests to choose whether or not to marry because he knows them better. He was suggesting that he was not the only the one with the problem of high libido but also many of his priests.
Cardinal Keith O’Brien said it was clear many priests struggled to cope with their libido in vain. The cardinal would be part of the conclave that chooses the next Pope. He was the Archbishop of St Andrews and Edinburgh.
Just last week German priest Stefan Hartmann sent a personal petition to Pope Francis asking him to waive his vow of celibacy, which he posted on his Facebook page, saying his libido could not allow him any more to cop up with celibacy.
Hartmann secretly fathered a daughter in 1989, eight years after he took his vow of celibacy. He revealed her existence on a televised talk show in January of this year, causing his superiors to ask him to step down from his position. However, he seeks a path which will allow him to remain a priest while raising his daughter in a family.
In the letter, Hartmann asked to be released from the traditional oath in acknowledgement of his weaknesses and failures, with all due humility and after long consideration of his conscience and personal situation.
Francis reportedly addressed the issue last week during a conversation with a bishop from Brazil, Austrian-born Erwin Krautler. Krautler’s diocese faces a shortage of priests, with just 27 meeting the needs of 700,000 Catholics.
According to Krautler, “The pope explained that he could not take everything in hand personally from Rome. We local bishops, who are best acquainted with the needs of our faithful, should be ‘corajudos,’ that is ‘courageous’ in Spanish, and make concrete suggestions.”
These examples are just to demonstrate how celibacy is a challenge, yet there are many priests and religious men and women who have remained faithful to their vows. In fact many of them are faithful indeed.
This brings us yet to another question as to why some people have high libido. Sigmund Freud defined libido as “the energy, regarded as a quantitative magnitude … of those instincts which have to do with all that may be comprised under the word ‘love.’
It is the instinct energy or force, contained in what Freud called the id, the strictly unconscious structure of the psyche. According to Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung, the libido is identified as psychic energy. “It is the energy that manifests itself in the life process and is perceived subjectively as striving and desire” (Ellenberger, 697).
Unlike men, a woman’s desire for sex is correlated to her menstrual cycle, with many women experiencing a heightened sexual desire in the several days immediately before ovulation. This is the period where some religious women have difficulties to cop up with their celibate life.
This cycle has been associated with changes in a woman’s testosterone levels during the menstrual cycle. According to Gabrielle Lichterman, testosterone levels have a direct impact on a woman’s interest in sex. According to her, testosterone levels rise gradually from about the 24th day of a woman’s menstrual cycle until ovulation on about the 14th day of the next cycle, and during this period the woman’s desire for sex increases consistently.
The 13th day is generally the day with the highest testosterone levels. In the week following ovulation, the testosterone level is the lowest and as a result women will experience less interest in sex. The energy level may also be linked to neurotransmitters and how well your brain chemistry is balanced.
A new journal article suggests that evolutionary forces also push women to be more sexual, although in unexpected ways. Women in their 30s and early 40s are significantly more sexual than younger women.
Women ages 27 through 45 report not only having more sexual fantasies (and more intense sexual fantasies) than women ages 18 through 26 but also having more sex, period. And they are more willing than younger women to have casual sex, even one-night stands.
Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail obolobeste@gmail.com
Omolo_ouko@outlook.com
Facebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole
THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT IS NECESSARY TO HAVE THE COUNTY GOVERNORS BE APPOINTED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA.
Commentary by Leo Odera Omolo.
For the devolution government to succeed, the Jubilee government should use its majority numbers in parliament and introduce a comprehensive constitutional amendment that would make the County governors become the appointee of the President
The present system in which governors of the Counties are placed under the whims of the MCAs is unworkable.
The County governors are the m0ost frustrated lots. The MCAs cannot allow them to discharge their constitutionally mandated duties and responsibilities unless the governors succumb to their whims and vested interests.
The move to impeach the Kericho governor is vehemently opposed by the electorate, while local politicians are pointing their finger at a senior politician in the region who its being all said to be holding night meetings with MCAs inciting them to start the impeachment process against the governor. Once the Kericho MCAs are through with Prof. Chepkwony similar motion will be sponsored against the outspoken Bomet governor Isack Rutoin the same fashion.
THe case in point is the last week’s motion moved by the majority leader in the Kericho county Assembly that call for the impeachment of the hard-working Kericho governor Prof. Paul Chepkwony. The reasons advanced for this action are the most trivial. The MCAs threat to the governor has provoked harsh comments from senior politicians in the region.
A Kericho veteran politician William Kipkemoi Kettienya has come out and blasted the MCA telling them not to make things difficult for the governor. He said the move has no blessing of the electorate in the region.
According to his definition of the present devolution system, Senators are In lane one, followed by MPs in lane two while the MCAs are in third lane. As such let every one stick to his constitutional mandate. If a senior politician in Kericho want the governor out, such a move could not destabilize the county governance alone, but cold as well destabilize the \central government, therefore the Kericho MCAs must leave the governor alone.
Kettienya was reacting on rumors and speculation that an agent of a senior Kericho politician has been receiving money via a local bank in town which he is dishing out to the MCAs abd locally based journalists for the purpose of inducing the scribes to write stories that is tarnishing the good name of Governor Chepkwony. According to an eye witness the last transaction of such money was done last weekend in one of the posh hotels in town.
There is urgent need to have the constitution changed so that the County governors should fall under one appointing authority who should by President Uhuru himself.
In the old constitution, the Provincial Commissi9ners, the Mayors of the local municipalities and chairmen of the County Councils were working in harmony.
In the present system, however, the County governors are at the mercy of the greedy MCAs, some of them allegedly demanding to be paid the devolved money meant for development projects, some want their kith and kin to be appointed in plum jobs in the Counties while other have variety of vested interests such as the demanding that their relatives and friends be given tenders in the County projects. All these are the major sources of conflict of interests and hence increased demand for impeachment f governors. The song is the same from Embu, Nandi, Kiambu ,Bomet, Meru and other places.
The devolution system can only work if the County governors are all safe in their tenure of office and given maximum protection by the Central government. It is even sad that all these are happening when the office of the Attorney General and the Ministry in charge of the Devolution are silent as the impeachment song rent the air. And th whole system goes silent as the governors are being subjected to blackmail and intimidation.
ENDS
From: Tracy John
By Strive Masiyiwa
The Apostle Paul had a remarkable revelation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and accounts for nearly two thirds of the New Testament. He is by far my favourite bible character, after The Lord Jesus Himself….. I just love Paul!!! Paul had remarkable intellect, and was passionate about reading and learning. He was one of the most educated men, in his day. Just his writing style alone, has had more influence on the structure of language, than any man in history.
He was passionate about evangelism, and traveled through many parts of Europe and Asia, on foot! He was a man of boundless energy!
He was also a very successful entrepreneur! He even entered into joint ventures, with business partners. He made a lot of money, and although he received money from partners, who wanted to help him in his missionary trips, he never needed “aid or support from anyone”. He graciously received the money, because he knew it would bless those who gave him the money.
Through Paul, we learn that God’s concern is not that we have money,but rather how we make the money, and how we use it. Paul and his colleagues worked hard, made money, and used it to mount missionary trips, plant churches, and give to the poor; they kept nothing for themselves, and did not care for the trappings of wealth themselves. They did not beg anyone,or demand anything from anyone; they were as he put it, “self sufficient, and requiring no aid from anyone. And fully able to meet any need that confronted them.” They saw the “love” of money, as evil, and not money, as evil.
Paul was a highly skilled professional man, and his skills were highly sought after. He was just like some of you, who might be computer programmers, architects, engineers, technicians, or farmers.
Where did I learn all this, you might ask? It is all right there in the bible; I do not use any other source other than the bible itself; and I do not read commentaries, about the bible.
The life of Paul as shown in the scriptures, shows us that even if you see yourself, as highly educated, it is important to always see your education, in terms of how it translates into skills; this is because to put food on the table, to send children to school, to be able to help those in need, to be able to partner in the work of ministry; we need to be PAID for our skills. We are paid for our skills, even if those skills derive from education.
In the next few posts, I intend to examine the issue of skills, and skills development.
Are you a “Tentmaker”?
To be continued…
From: U.S. Department of State
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Luanda, Angola
May 4, 2014
Well, Jay Ireland, thank you very much for a generous welcome here to General Electric in Luanda in the center of this extraordinary economic activity. I’m very excited to be here. I’m sorry that my wife is not here, because she was born in Mozambique and speaks – her first language is Portuguese. (Applause.) So I hear it around the house all the time – muito obrigadoand all that stuff. (Laughter.)
But it’s a privilege for me to be able to be here, and I want to thank Foreign Minister Chikoti for his welcome and for the opportunity to be able to meet the president tomorrow and have a good conversation about the bilateral relationship between the United States and Angola. I am particularly pleased to be here with other representatives of the oil and gas industry, a representative from Chevron, from ConocoPhilips, as well as from ExxonMobil – Esso, as you call it here. And I’m very grateful that the representative from the U.S.-Angola Chamber of Commerce is here, too.
As you’ve heard in the earlier introductions, I’m here with former United States Senator Russ Feingold, who is our – President Obama’s and my special envoy to the Great Lakes region and who is working to produce greater stability and peace in the region. President dos Santos and Angola have provided important leadership, and I want to thank you, Angola, for the leadership an the participation and the help to solve conflicts that have gone on for too long.
But as I mentioned a moment ago, we’re standing in a place of enormous economic activity with great promise for future economic growth and development. I am accompanied on this trip by the president and CEO of the EximBank[1], Elizabeth Littlefield, because the EximBank[2] is very much a partner with General Electric and very involved in helping to support economic development here in Angola and in other parts of Africa.
In fact, though EximBank[2] we have just provided a $600 million, just about a $600 million loan guarantee that will assist in the purchase of a Boeing 777 for Angola. This will grow the opportunity of, obviously, more ability to have business and more ability to have trade, and also for people to simply come to be able to engage in some of the exciting things that are happening in Angola. In addition, Exim[2] is providing another $300 million or so of additional economic investment here in Angola.
So let me just say quickly why being here is important today. Africa is changing. Eight of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world are here in Africa. There is enormous opportunity for the people of Africa, the people of Angola, to be able to gain in healthcare, in education, in jobs, in the quality of life. And I know the government is very focused on how to provide for increased standard of living for the people of the country. That comes from fair and reasonable trade agreements where everybody benefits, where there’s an ability to create jobs. When a Boeing airliner is bought from Boeing, it creates jobs in America, but it will also create jobs and opportunity here in Angola.
General Electric has recently sold four power turbines to Angola. This is for a project in Soyo. And this will help provide the power that then generates the ability for hospitals, for schools, for homes, for cities, for stores to be able to grow and prosper. So we believe there are great opportunities on which we can build where, most importantly, Angolans will benefit.
I just spoke with the representative for ConocoPhillips, who tells me and the representative for Chevron – who tell me about the several thousands of employees. ConocoPhilipps is newer here, but Chevron has about 3,500 workers employed. So more and more Angolans are being trained to take on more and more different kinds of important jobs.
The first lady of Angola was in Los Angeles a number of years ago, and she was talking with the executives there about a disease here in Angola. A lot of people thought you couldn’t do anything about it. But Chevron, which had been working here for many years, stepped up and they talked with the Texas Children’s Hospital and they got care to be able to come her to help cure this disease for children. More than 3,000 children’s lives have been saved
So this is not just about business. This is about building a relationship between two people, two countries, and building a future. And when I look out at the economic energy out here in the port in all these containers and these ships and the work that you’re doing, I am confident that Angola, working together as you are now, will be able to help contribute to an extraordinary journey in Africa as a whole, and we will provide greater opportunity to everybody.
Thank you for the privilege. Muito obrigado. (Applause.)
[1] Elizabeth Littlefield is the president and CEO of OPIC.
[2] OPIC
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From: Josh Levy
Dear Readers,
I’m Josh Levy of the organization Free Press, and I started a petition to the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), which says:
The D.C. Circuit’s decision in the Verizon vs. FCC case dealt a huge blow to the open Internet.
Right now there is no one protecting Internet users from ISPs that block or discriminate against websites, applications, or services. Companies like Verizon will now be able to block or slow down any website, application, or service they like. And they’ll be able to create tiered pricing structures with fast lanes for those who can afford the tolls and slow lanes for everyone else.
It’s time for the new FCC leadership to correct the agency’s past mistakes and to reassert the agency’s clear authority over our nation’s communications infrastructure. To preserve the open Internet, the FCC must reclassify broadband Internet access as a telecommunications service.
Use your authority to establish a solid legal footing for the vital policies and protections this court decision threatens.
Sign Josh’s petition
The D.C. Circuit court dealt the latest blow to the open Internet by striking down the Federal Communications Commission’s Open Internet Order, because of the questionable legal framework the agency used when it adopted its net neutrality rules in 2010.
This ruling means there is no one who can protect us from Internet service providers that could block, speed up or slow down web content based on its source—or charge you more depending on what website you are looking at.
But there’s hope: FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler can correct the agency’s past mistakes and truly protect our nation’s communications infrastructure.
We only have until the May 15 FCC meeting to pressure Wheeler to ensure the FCC maintains an open Internet
Tell the FCC to restore net neutrality rules.
http://www.moveon.org/r/?r=296192&id=95291-21095459-IqkPVmx&t=2
The agency must take the necessary steps to make broadband networks open, accessible, reliable, and affordable for everyone.
The FCC is currently hearing from lobbyists, interest groups and trade associations.1 We need to tell the FCC to start treating broadband like a communications service and to restore its net neutrality rules.
Add your name to this petition, and then pass it along to your friends.
http://www.moveon.org/r/?r=296192&id=95291-21095459-IqkPVmx&t=3
Thanks!
–Josh Levy
Source:
1. “Lobbying Efforts Intensify After F.C.C. Tries 3rd Time on Net Neutrality,” The New York Times, April 24, 2014
http://www.moveon.org/r/?r=298033&id=95291-21095459-IqkPVmx&t=4
This petition was created on MoveOn’s online petition site, where anyone can start their own online petitions. Free Press didn’t pay us to send this email—we never rent or sell the MoveOn.org list.
From: African Community in Germany
Dear Africans, friends, lovers and well-wishers of Africa,
The Lord Major of Tübingen University community –Boris Palmer and its community, the president of chamber of commerce and industry and its investors in Africa, join the African Diaspora in Germany, to welcome thousands of visitors with different backgrounds, culture, status and interest from 17 – 20 July 2014 – friends, lovers and well-wishers of Africa, Business partners, Investors, celebrities, African Ambassadors and Diaspora worldwide – 4days NONSTOP at the African- Village –Festplatz in Tübingen – Thursday 17th to Sunday 20th July 2014
ENOUGH IS ENOUGH – Africa´s image in Germany has been jeopardized, characterising the continent of Africa with catastrophes, hunger, poverty, corruption and diseases ONLY, reducing the integrity of Africa, a limitation for children and youths in our communities to discover and enjoy the benefits that AFRICA has to offer. Tübingen International African Festival organized and presented by the African Diaspora, share and present to you the true story of their different countries, values, potentials, business opportunities, tourist attractions as well as institutions with experience in dealing with different countries of Africa.
Tübingen International African Festival, powered by AFRIKAKTIV e.V – Founder & Projectmanager – Susan Tatah backed by the African Diaspora and its Ambassadors in Germany, aim at changing and redefining African narratives in Germany.
2014 Tübingen Africa Festival Campaigns & Memorial: MALARIA NO MORE, STOP RIVERBLINDNESS & Kwibuka 20 –WE REMEMBER RWANDA!
This festival gathers African Diaspora in Germany together, irrespective of their countries of origin, religious, status and gender to brand, present and promote the 54 African countries through partnership, networking, contacts and more
Registration open is to all sectors with focused on Africa – Dateline June 30th 2014
Online register now to participate just a click on this link
http://www.afrikafestival.net/de/exhibitors/aussteller-anmeldungsformular?view=form
VISIT: www.afrikafestival.net / CALL + 49 152-106-10374 – 24/7 service line
Susan Tatah – Founder & CEO – be the change you want to see in Germany today!
AFRIKAKTIV e.V- CONNECTING THE FUTURE
Homepage: www.afrikaktiv.de
Email: info@afrikaktiv.de
From: South Sudan Press
1. Political Situation:
April 30, 2014 (SSNA) — Following the last reshuffle of the government of South Sudan on 23 July 2013, which resulted to the removal of the entire cabinet members including the Vice President Dr. Riek Machar Teny by President Salva Kiir Mayardit, tensions had abruptly flared up within the SPLM ruling party. Before his dismissal from the position of Vice President, Dr. Riek Machar and other senior SPLM members within the SPLM ruling party voiced concerns about the President Salva Kiir’s dictatorial way of handling the affairs of the state, where he absolutely used to take most important decisions singlehandedly without consulting the SPLM Political Bureau which is the highest political organ in the ruling party or the executive wing of the government where the Vice President was deputising him in the party. President Salva Kiir’s apparently manipulated the Interim National Constitution in his favour where he appoints or dismisses any member of the cabinets without consulting the Vice President as it was already stipulated in the constitution that the President would act in consultation with his Vice President.
However, President Salva Kiir has been promoting tribalism, nepotism, chauvinism, corruption, human rights violation etc., which are considered as parts of bad governance at any level of government all over the world during his eight years reign in South Sudan. In his turn, the former Vice President decided to challenge the President openly in the next general elections, which is supposed to commence in 2015, whereas President Kiir adamantly rejected such decision from his former Vice President Dr. Riek Machar and other SPLM senior members who were challenging him within the SPLM leadership. He did not want to be challenged by any member from the SPLM ruling party. When he saw a looming threat from the party colleagues, President organised his supporters to sabotage any move from the supporters of the former Vice President to challenge him in the upcoming elections. This becomes a wrangling within the SPLM leadership on who to run for elections. The former Vice President’s position was vigorously supported by majority of the SPLM political Bureau members and the masses all over the country that got tired of President Salva Kiir’s style of leadership, which favoured only few members from his own ethnic group, the Dinka who he placed in most of the key strategic positions in the government. They are the ones controlling the finance, security, foreign affairs etc., just to mention a few.
In addition to that, President Salva Kiir secretly recruited and trained an army numbering 15,000 soldiers that were drawn up inclusively from his own Dinka tribe, from two states of Warrap and Northern Bahr El Gazal as personal protection guards. He never trusted the SPLA regular soldiers to be guarded by him because majority of them are from Nuer tribe, which constituted 60% of the fighting force. During the first and second weeks of December 2013, SPLM supporters of the former Vice President Dr. Riek Machar which included 14 senior SPLM Political Bureau members staged two consecutive rallies in Juba where they demanded for democratic transformation within the SPLM ruling party to be urgently realized and translated into reality. This idea brought several thousands all over the capital Juba to Freedom Square to attend the two rallies in which subsequent press releases were issued afterwards to highlight their six points that include; 1. SPLM reform, 2. Economic reform, 3. Corruption eradication, 4. Strengthening relations with foreign countries, 5. Human Rights violations, 6. Tribalism, nepotism and chauvinism etc.,
During the last SPLM rally of 15 December, which was overwhelmingly attended by all SPLM government and opposing political leaders who rejected President Kiir re-elections as Chairman of SPLM, and vied for Dr. Machar to take over the chairmanship of the party instead of the incumbent SPLM Chairman and President. The tension became high in which the President Salva Kiir hastily ordered his close associate and trustful General Marial Cenouer who was in charge of 15,000 (soldiers) so-called Presidential Guards based at Luri garrisons in southeast of Juba to immediately disarm the SPLA Nuer soldiers within the Presidential Guards in the evening hours. At around 10.00 PM, on 15 December 2013, the fighting ensued within the Presidential Guards of Dinka and Nuer members from SPLA in which several soldiers were reported to have been killed on both sides. SPLA mutinous soldiers briefly captured the Tiger Headquarters, which hosted the Presidential Guards. Dr. Riek Machar and other associate members escaped along with him to the bushes of South Sudan and the direction to Bor.
The 11 SPLM political leaders who were associated with Dr. Riek Machar were detained on the following day of 16 December, in Juba prison where they remained there for some months. Towards the end of January, 7 of them were released through SPLM – In Opposition, IGAD and Troika’s interventions and were flown to Kenya to participate in the ongoing peace talks in Addis Ababa. But they chose to remain as separate block negotiating on their own as a faction instead of siding with the SPLM/A – In Opposition that advocated for their unconditional release from jail. The other 4 political detainees including the SPLM Secretary General Pagan Amoum remained in jail and have recently been released in this April, by the government in Juba and are still confined inside the country. The government in Juba is denying them opportunity to participate in the peace talks in Addis Ababa while their presence in the talks is very instrumental indeed. The IGAD and Troika peace mediators in Addis Ababa should exert more pressures on the government in Juba to fully release them and allow them participations in the peace talks.
2. Human Rights Violation:
As mentioned above that on the 15 December 2013, a group of SPLA soldiers from Presidential Guard mainly from Dinka attempted to disarm their colleagues from the Nuer tribe who were in the same Presidential Guards. Unfortunately, the SPLA soldiers from Nuer refused the disarmaments and instead their rivals from SPLA Dinka started the shooting which result to the captured of Tiger Presidential Guards Headquarters by the SPLA Nuer soldiers. They occupied the said military garrison until the following day when SPLA combined forces from different units came and recaptured the Tiger Headquarters from the mutinous soldiers of Nuer elements. Dr. Riek Machar and his wife Mrs Angelina Teny who were prime targets of being implicated by President Salva of being behind the rebellion escaped the government planned onslaughts for hiding along with former Minister of Environment General Alfred Ladu Gore and former Governor of Unity State General Taban Deng Gai.
The three SPLM leaders and Madam Angelina Teny apparently escaped to the bushes for their own lives and made their way to Greater Upper Nile where the Nuer civilians known as “White Army” and some SPLA defectors from other garrisons mostly from Nuer when they heard that wanton massacres was being carried out by some SPLA of Dinka soldiers in Juba against the innocent Nuer civilians in Juba came to their rescues. In fact, Dr. Riek and his wife left behind most of their personal bodyguards. They were left behind in their official government residential quarter in Juba on the night of 15 December 2013, when the fighting erupted in Juba. On 16 December, the infamous Nuer massacre took place in Juba and lasted for three days up to 19 December 2013, by their Dinka attackers who masqueraded as Presidential Guards inside Juba town. They summarily executed over 10,000 civilians including 35 personal bodyguards of Dr. Riek Machar who were first disarmed by the government soldiers and later killed in cold blood when the government soldiers (SPLA) smashed a two storey government building used by the former Vice President with military tanks. Inside the same house it was sheltering over hundred civilians most of whom were closed or distant relatives of former Vice President and his dear wife who an emergency sought refuge there. Unfortunately, military tanks crashed all of them and this was the most gruesome massacre ever conducted in the history of South Sudan in one town since South Sudanese fought successive wars with Khartoum regimes in the past. The UNMISS and did not revealed the exact figures of those Nuer killed in Juba for fears of reprisals from that notorious government in Juba.
The UNMISS put the figures of the dead to 500 hundred persons only while the government soldiers conducted house-to – house searches for three days from 16 – 19 December, where they collected several thousands unarmed Nuer civilians in the neighbourhoods of Gudelle, Mia Saba, Thongpiny, Jabal Kujur, Manga teen, Souk Jabal, Khor William, Gumbo, New Site, Jabal Dinka, Guray etc., Hundreds of them were summarily executed at Gudelle Police Station and thousands others were killed in different locations where their bodies dumped on the River Nile or burnt to ashes beyond recognitions. This is very painful story but the UN and other human rights groups did not revealed the exact numbers of the Nuer civilians killed during the aftermath of the massacre in Juba and its surrounding areas. The real figures were later revealed by the victims themselves who fled to UNMISS camps at Jebel Kujur and Thongpiny or hidden by their Equatorian’s friends in Juba town.
When the news of the massacres of Nuer in Juba spread throughout the Nuerlands in Upper Nile, Unity and Jongeli States, ten of thousands of well armed Nuer youth and SPLA deserted soldiers flocked into government garrisons in Greater Upper Nile States where they attacked government loyalists which resulted to the capturing of the three state’s capitals of Upper Nile, Unity and Jonglei. In the process of these fighting many lives were lost on both sides. Since December 2013, the towns of Bor, Malakal and Bentiu were repeatedly captured or recaptured by SPLA – In Opposition or government soldiers and their Uganda (UPDF), JEM and SPLA-N allies more than four times, in which thousands of innocent civilians were sadly killed there and destructions of properties were enormous indeed. Government infrastructures and religious worshiping centres as well as hospitals were therefore demolished in all the three state capitals of Bentiu, Bor and Malakal as well as at counties level during the course of fighting between the two parties.
Following the recaptured of Bentiu by SPLA – In Opposition on the 16 April 2014, from the government forces in which the UN and other international NGOs expressed propound disappointments with alleged killing of over 200 Darfuri and Dinka civilians and 400 others wounded. This damning report was circulated all over media houses all over the world and several countries expressed strong condemnations against the rebel movement who were accused of perpetrating a deliberate massacre against the unarmed civilians caught in cross-fire in the town of Bentiu. The SPLM/A – In Opposition on their part, strongly repudiated the allegation made by UNMISS boss Mr. Toby Lanzer and journalists from several news media who visited the town of Bentiu following the capture of the town by rebels who said that those Darfuri killed or other South Sudanese men (Dinka) who died along with them were not civilians but government sponsored militias and mercenaries. The SPLA – In Opposition Spokesman and other sources from the ground indicated that there were no Darfuri traders existing in Bentiu since January 2014, when the government forces and their allies recaptured it from them.
All the Sudanese traders evacuated all along the town because it becomes a war zone, and virtually deserted by its entire population to UNMISS camp, where over 8000 IDPs resides there. There was no reason at all for 800 traders from Darfur to continue in Bentiu town where there was no market or buyers to buy their goods. It is true; while in combats they usually dressed with civilian clothes and used the Mosque during that attack by SPLM/A – In Opposition forces as human shields. They had indeed guns and fought vigorously against the rebel forces when they were denied access to UNMISS compound by rebel forces following the capture of Rup Kona’s Bridge. Those civilians who felt threats because of fighting they definitely ran to UNMISS compound in Bentiu before the fighting reached the town. The fight took nearly three days before the capture of Bentiu occurred. If the Darfuri traders were actually civilians who felt threatens they would have gone to UNMISS camp before the fighting escalated into town.
The same thing with the alleged Dinka civilians who were said by UN and other aid agencies that they were deliberately massacred by SPLA- In Opposition forces. Those Dinka men who got killed were also recruited government sponsored militias who were fighting actively on the side of the government against the rebel forces. The rebels denied killing of any unarmed civilians being elderly, women or children intentionally during the fight in Bentiu. If the rebels were intended to massacre the Darfuri and Dinka civilians as it was alleged, what would have prevented the 400 wounded not to be killed in the Mosque while the rebels were the ones in control of the town and not UNMISS? Definitely, the rebels would have killed them all if they really wished to do so. The UN and other NGOs had indeed given misleading information to the outside world, which was not the true picture in the ground. They are indeed inciting more massacres in South Sudan by issuing false allegations on the side of the rebels. The Radio of Bentiu was used only by SPLM/A – In Opposition commanders who captured the town to inform those still in hiding to avail themselves that the town was free and not used for projecting hate messages as it was later alleged by UNMISS representatives from Juba and their accompanied journalists. All the images shown on the news media had no any child or woman seen in it. They were all men wearing civilian clothes where the rebels collected their guns after they got killed in action. This is a propaganda that will not serve the purpose and instead it will certainly create more harm then good between the two rival communities of Dinka and Nuer respectively. This will also make peace in South Sudan difficult to be realised within a short time if the UNMISS and other international NGOs continuous to wage such negative propaganda campaigns against one group of the fighting parties or most importantly against the SPLM/A – In Opposition and their Nuer sympathizers.
What UNMISS has been preaching following the fall of Bentiu to the rebel forces on 16 April, through the international news outlets, the resultant of it was the worst gruesome and awful attacks on Nuer civilians at UNMISS camp in Bor on the 21 April, when some SPLA soldiers and other organised forces from the government along with Bor youth went on rampage and attacked 6000 IDPs from Nuer as retaliations by Dinka to what happened to their people in Bentiu. The attack on UNMISS camp in Bor was a government initiative which was directly spearheaded by some well-known senior government officials from Jonglei and Bahr El Gazal States to massacre Nuer. The UNMISS did not give adequate protection to the IDPs inside their centre in Bor and that was the reason why 145 persons mostly women and children were deliberately killed by their Dinka attackers. Another 273 persons sustained injuries and unknown numbers of Nuer youth fled to bushes in panics and never reported back to the camp. They are presumed dead because the same attackers pursued them. The UNMISS continuously kept the numbers of those IDPs killed or wounded down simply because they did not want an embarrassment from international community or get into loggerheads with the government in Juba. The survivors themselves were the ones who revealed the accurate figures because UNMISS always played down the numbers of those killed and wound. In the first place they gave conservative estimates of 20 persons killed and 48 wounded. This is a complete lie and at the same time a great insult to the Nuer victims and their loved ones. UNMISS should not act biasedly for fears from the government to terminate their activities in South Sudan. The UNMISS mandates in South Sudan is to protect human lives and their properties against any human rights violators no matter war. They have the full mandate from the United Nations in New York to use all the necessary means if human rights of any community is seriously violated by any warring party in the conflict.
On 23 April, the town of Renk was briefly captured by the SPLM/A – In Opposition forces in which they dislodged government forces and their ally’s forces from town. After the rebels withdrew from the town which bordering the White Nile State, Republic of Sudan, the Nuer officials in the government and other organised forces were deliberately killed by their Dinka colleagues and militia soldiers who were armed by the government to intentionally fight the rebels. According to various reports from different sources said that about 300 Nuer civilians have been killed in Renk alone. UNMISS has no present in Renk and no NGOs agency can easily verify this report because few of the NGOs who used to operate in Renk had evacuated the town before it was briefly occupied by the rebels.
On 27 April, Mapel SPLA Training Centre was attacked by a group of Dinka soldiers in which they killed about 192 unarmed SPLA Nuer trainees and several hundreds others fled to forests for their own safety. Their whereabouts are not known and the government still playing it down as if nothing had actually happened. According to the statement from the State Government of Western Bahr El Gazal State Hon. Razik Zachariah Hassan, he said that some widows whose husbands got killed by the rebels in Unity State carried out the attacks on Nuer SPLA trainees in Mapel. He also played down the death rates to be three persons killed and four other wounded. If this statement over Radio Tamazaj is true, could several hundreds of Nuer men who left behind their dear wives and children ran to the bushes to escape widow’s onslaughts? Could this episode provoke the defections of seven Brigadier Generals and their forces of not less than a complete brigade to forests? Would the widows managed to kill 192 persons as reported by the survivors in the bushes and defector generals from Wau area? And yet the attackers are still hunting after those who escaped such ordeals. This appalling situation aggravated the defections of 7 SPLA Brigadier Generals and their forces that are from Nuer simply because they did not want their own fellows Nuer to be humiliated in such a manner in their watch. The 7 brave Brig. Generals have decided to rescue their fellows Nuer instead of continued supporting this notorious government in Juba under dictator Salva Kiir Mayardit. The UNMISS did not report this incident to the outside world yet they are more concerned with the fates of Darfuri rebels from JEM and SPLA – N who were killed in action by SPLM/A – In Opposition in Bentiu. The government forces and their Uganda (UPDF) allies have recently captured the town of Ayod from the SPLA In Opposition forces in which they are now conducting gruesome killings against the civilians in the area and yet UNMISS and other international NGOs are keeping quiet and not reporting such wanton killing of Nuer in all these places.
3. Humanitarian Situation:
The humanitarian situation in Greater Upper Nile States of Unity, Upper Nile and Jonglei is pathetic indeed. Most of its population have migrated to neighbouring countries or UNMISS camps or to saver areas within the country. Over one million people are already registered by UN and NGOs agencies operating in South Sudan as IDPs within the country in which most of them are from Greater Upper Nile States. Juba alone has not less than 50,000 Nuer IDPs in the UNMISS compounds whereas Bentiu with 22,000 IDPs, Malakal has the same number of 22,000; Malut has over 30,000 and Bor with 6,000 IDPs. Wau has got over 1000 Nuer IDPs whereas some of them are being rejected entrance to UNMISS compound in Wau by the government of Western Bahr El Gazal State. Nuer students at Bahr El Gazal University are greatly affected by the recent skirmishes in the area. It is reported that a number of university students have been arrested of are presumed missing by their colleagues who fled to UNMISS compound in Wau. The families of Nuer unarmed soldiers in Mapel needs to be traced because some conflicting reports indicated that some Dinka soldiers had killed them all or some fled to forests for safety. This needs UNMISS and other Human Rights organisations to pay an urgent field assessment to see if the families of the murdered and fleeing Nuer soldiers are still alive so that they can be relocated to UNMISS camp in Wau town. The IDPs at UNMISS camps in all the states Greater Upper Nile and Central Equatoria need to be relocated to secure countries like Kenya, Sudan and Ethiopia instead of remaining in that sad conditions for too long. They are more less prisoners in their own country. They lack most of basic human necessities. Their children are at high risk of contracting water bone diseases and malnutrition and at the same time not attending schools. The elders are very much depressed and are facing state of hopelessness and uncertainties. The UN and other NGOs agencies can transport them to where their children can go to schools or move freely than being confined inside UNMISS compounds throughout the country like prisoners of war.
In the SPLM/A – In Opposition controlled areas, education is completely none existent where most of the teachers have abandoned their teaching jobs and joined either the government or the rebels rank. Several hundred thousands children of school aged are staying without attending classes. Food situation is also very sacred indeed and this will force millions of people to abandon their homesteads in search of food and protections in secured places. Health situation is also very demanding whereby majority of the victims have gunshot wounds and others are suffering with different ailments mostly children with severe malnutrition cases. Cross-border operations through, Sudan, Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia would serve more lives if negotiated in good face with the host countries and implemented by UN and NGOs agencies which is similar to that of OLS in 1990s, where both government of Sudan and (SPLM/A) controlled areas were served equally.
4. Peace in South Sudan:
If this war in South Sudan is not handled carefully, regional conflict may flare up very soon because the continuous supports of UPDF, JEM, and SPLA – N and other invisible actors like Egypt and Zimbabwe to the government of Salva Kiir in Juba would definitely attract other regional countries to join the ongoing war. Therefore, the international community has a task to pressurise the government in Juba to delink itself from his allies otherwise South Sudan will soon be a theatre of war between competing regional leaders over control of its vast oil and mineral resources. The most of its population will migrate into more secured areas in the neighbouring countries. This is because Juba is intensifying war vigorously with full supports from his allies, which are also enemies of other regional leaders. Uganda has been actively engaged in combat operations in Greater Upper Nile where they used cluster bombs against civilian’s targets in Jonglei State and jets in Unity and Upper Nile States. With the latest development where some communities are being targeted indiscriminately, the situation is already out of control and will be difficult to bring this war to an end very soon as long as some foreign mercenary allies of the government are still active in war in South Sudan. Norway must double its efforts to pressurise both Juba and Kampala to immediately withdraw the UPDF forces in South Sudan in order to give peace a chance. The same thing with Darfuri (JEM) and SPLM-N (Nuba & Ingessnia of Blue Nile) rebels who are siding with the government in Juba against the SPLA – In Opposition. The present of Sudanese rebels in South Sudan to protect the oil fields installations which are under threats from the SPLM/A – In Opposition forces and in turn they also receive their shares from oil revenues and in addition to supply lines through Upper Nile and Unity State to continue with their war against Khartoum. The JEM and SPLA – N have abandoned their cause for material gains in South Sudan. Therefore, UN should advise their leaders not to involve their fighters in conflict in South Sudan while at the same time disusing as Sudanese traders.
Generally, genuine Sudanese traders are free to operate anywhere in South Sudan without any intimidations. But the present of JEM and SPLA – N in war against the SPLM/A – In Opposition is highly posing serious threats to Sudanese traders operating in South Sudan. This is a very serious game in which people of South Sudan at the end of the days will be the losers from this war. The international community most save South Sudan from imminent collapse from Salva Kiir. The people of South Sudan are tired of war and are longing for a lasting peace where democracy, development, rule of law, accountability and human rights shall be the basis of principles of good governance in the country.
This report is compiled by: Daniel Wuor Joak
Executive Director of African Centre for Human Advocacy (ACHA)
Date: 30th April 2014
Email: Acha1@outlook.com
From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
SATURDAY, MAY 3, 2014
Yuvinalis from Kisii writes: “Hallo, the issue of divorced people receiving Holy Communion is something I have heard for the first time. While I know it is common to have divorced people in the Catholic Church, it has never come to my mind that one day they would be allowed to receive Communion.
So why does Pope Francis want to change the official teaching of the church which has been there for years that divorced people are remarried are not allowed to receive the Communion? Can you officially marry in the Catholic Church and also divorce officially and remarry?”
Maurice from Kisumu writes: “Fr. Beste now that the government has legalized the polygamy do you think Catholic Church can consider polygamous to receive Holy Communion?”
Virginia from Mombasa writes: “Fr Beste I read your article on marriage bill 2014 President Uhuru assented into law. You Father Beste you so genius you know almost everything under this earth. My question is a little bit outside your article. I just wanted to know why marriage banns are read in Catholic Church and not in Protestant Churches. I would also like if you can enlighten me on mix marriage, what are the requirements? Thank you”.
Yuvinalis has raised very important concern. The issue here is that official teaching of the Catholic Church has not changed. These are just proposals to be discussed in a special synod taking place in October. Let us wait until after then.
Concerning your second concern, yes there are some cases where marriage can be null and void. In such a case you can be allowed to remarry and receive Holy Communion. The Church follows Christ’s teaching that marriage is a covenant that cannot be dissolved, so it does not recognize divorce as “dissolving” the previous marriage.
At the same time the Church has a legal process for determining whether the previous marriage was valid—that is, that the couple freely gave themselves to one another in a way that brought about a valid marriage between them. If the Church determines that the previous marriage was not valid, it is said to be annulled. An annulment removes the impediment to marriage.
In order to enter a valid marriage, each person must freely choose to give his or her entire self to the other- and to accept the gift of the other, irrevocably (forever). Church law presumes that the words and actions of the couple during the wedding accurately reflect their intention to do this.
It explains why, in order to ensure that couples fully understand what it means to give oneself in marriage, the Church requires a period of preparation before marriage. Usually, the marriage cannot take place until this happens.
Question by Maurice is equally important. Maurice this law does not affect Christian marriage. It is only under customary, Islam and other laws. For that reason it does not allow polygamous to receive Holy Communion.
First of all thank you very much for this good compliments Virginia. In the Catholic Church the banns of marriage is very important. The purpose of banns is to enable anyone to raise any canonical or civil legal impediment to the marriage, so as to prevent marriages that are invalid. Impediments vary between legal jurisdictions, but would normally include a pre-existing marriage that has been neither dissolved nor annulled, a vow of celibacy, lack of consent, or the couple’s being related within the prohibited degree of kinship.
Your second question concerning mixed marriage is a concern often asked question. The Code of Canon Law states: “A marriage between two persons, one of whom has been baptized in the Catholic Church or received into it, and the other of whom is not baptized, is invalid (CIC 1086) also (CIC 1124).
That is to say the Church does allow bishops to grant permission for such marriages provided the following conditions are met: The Catholic party is to declare that he or she is prepared to remove dangers of defecting from the faith and is to make a sincere promise to do all in his or her power so that all offspring are baptized and brought up in the Catholic Church.
The other party is to be informed at an appropriate time about the promises that the Catholic party is to make, in such a way that it is certain that he or she is truly aware of the promise and obligation of the Catholic party.
Both parties are to be instructed about the purposes and essential properties of marriage, which neither of the contracting parties is to exclude (CIC 1125).
What Virginia and the rest of Catholics should know is that marriage in the Catholic Church, also called matrimony, is the “covenant by which a man and a woman establish between themselves a partnership of the whole of life and which is ordered by its nature to the good of the spouses and the procreation and education of offspring”, and which “has been raised by Christ the Lord to the dignity of a sacrament between the baptised. So a thorough observation must be made prior to the sacrament.
The Catechism of the Catholic Church further describes marriage as: “The intimate community of life and love which constitutes the married state has been established by the Creator and endowed by him with its own proper laws.
God himself is the author of marriage. The vocation to marriage is written in the very nature of man and woman as they came from the hand of the Creator. Marriage is not a purely human institution despite the many variations it may have undergone through the centuries in different cultures, social structures, and spiritual attitudes.
The Sacrament has been described by St. Pope John Paul II as “an act of will that signifies and involves a mutual gift, which unites the spouses and binds them to their eventual souls, with whom they make up a sole family – a domestic church.”
Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail obolobeste@gmail.com
Omolo_ouko@outlook.com
Facebook-omolo beste
Twitter-@8000accomole
From: Charles Banda
President Jacob Zuma will on Wednesday, 07 May 2014, cast his vote in the fifth national and provincial elections in Nkandla, KwaZulu Natal.
Details of the voting are as follows:
Date: 07 May 2014
Time: 10:00
Venue: Ntolwane Primary School, KwaNxamalala, Nkandla.
Enquiries: Zanele Mngadi on 082 330 1148 or Bongani Majola on 082 339 1993
Issued by The Presidency
Pretoria
From: Abdalah Hamis
[image;] http://www.blackwoodconservation.org/images/seba-2000.jpg
Sebastian Michael Chuwa (photo: blackwoodconservation.org)
By James Harris and Bette Stockbauer-Harris
A noted Tanzanian botanist and conservationist is mourned
Sebastian Michael Chuwa, Tanzanian botanist and winner of several international awards for his accomplishments in conservation in his country, passed away on April 8, 2014 in Kilimanjaro Region from complications following a stroke.
Mr. Chuwa was particularly noted for his efforts to replant the African blackwood tree, the national tree of Tanzania.
Known locally as mpingo, it is used by east African carvers and in the manufacture of woodwind instruments such as clarinets, flutes, bagpipes, piccolos and oboes. The species is listed as near-threatened on the IUCN Red List and is commercially extinct in many areas of eastern Africa, where harvesting is most intense. Through
Mr. Chuwa’s efforts one million mpingo have been planted in well protected areas where they are expected to become a valuable resource for the future.
Beginning in 2004 he also established nurseries in the Mt. Kilimanjaro area for the cultivation of new-variety, disease-resistant coffee seedlings. This was in cooperation with a national initiative to revive Tanzania’s coffee industry by replacing aged and disease-prone trees which were suffering from coffee berry disease. Under his supervision 2 million coffee trees were supplied to individual farmers and plantation owners in northern Tanzania.
Originally taught by his father, who was an herbalist, he became a well-known authority on native medicinal plants. After finishing secondary school he attended Mweka College of Wildlife Management, in 1974 receiving a certificate in Wildlife Management. From 1974-1991 Mr. Chuwa held the position of Conservator at Ngorongoro Crater Conservation District. In this capacity he established a widely-emulated program for protection of the endangered black rhinoceros. He also set up a herbarium of 30,000 plant species for the use of park personnel and visitors and cooperated with Kew Gardens in London, England by supplying that institution with native African plants. In the process he discovered four new species, two of which were named in his honor. Additionally he worked with Mary Leakey at Olduvai Gorge, mapping the plant life of that area.
In 1992 he returned to his ancestral home in the Moshi/Kilimanjaro area and found employment as a professional safari guide. Through his job, he met people from around the world and impressed many with his extensive knowledge of the wildlife and plant life of northern Tanzania. Volunteering countless hours of his personal time, he began a number of grassroots conservation and education based activities. Working through Malihai Clubs of Tanzania and Roots and Shoots, he established over 100 youth conservation groups and influenced teachers and administrators to include a conservation curriculum in primary and secondary schools of the area. The children were also taught horticulture through the establishment of school nurseries which supplied tree species for the domestic needs of farmers and householders. Chuwa assisted in the formation of a number of women’s groups, who founded tree nurseries and economic enterprises for community advancement. On the international level he was able to influence the creation of the US-based Rafiki Friends Foundation and the African Blackwood Conservation Project, both of which were specifically chartered to channel international funding towards his conservation and educational efforts.
In 2002, Chuwa was presented with the Spirit of the Land award during that year’s Winter Olympics by the (US) Salt Lake City Olympic Committee for international accomplishment in environmental education. Also in 2002 he received an Associate Laureate Award from the Rolex Awards for Enterprise Committee for his outstanding work in conservation. In 2006 he received the Conde Nast Traveler magazine World Savers award and in 2007 was honored by the US National Arbor Day Foundation, which presented him with their highest honor, the J. Sterling Morton Award. In 2011 he received a Malihai Club award for 30 years of service with that organization.
Sebastian Chuwa was a man who was at home on the world stage, yet totally committed to his beloved country, Tanzania. Fluent in multiple languages, he studied medicinal and botanical knowledge from numerous African traditions. He was likewise a font of information about the exotic animal life of the continent. Safari travelers fortunate enough to have him as a guide would be entertained for hours not only by this wide knowledge of his homeland but equally by his animated and humorous story telling. He was equally adept in describing the life ways of elephants in Ngorongoro as when directing visiting international naturalists to butterfly havens in south central Tanzania. He has been described as having a “mega-smile” and always had a friendly greeting for everyone he met.
His infectious enthusiasm instilled in others a commitment to nature that will doubtless have effects far into the future. His particular genius was in establishing a paradigm that equally provided for human economic empowerment and environmental preservation. He established mechanisms that helped the coffee farmers of Kilimanjaro establish organic shade-grown agricultural systems, thereby reducing costs and preserving the natural ecology. He showed how mpingo could be integrated into agriculture as a nitrogen provider and utilized in urban settings for shade and windbreak. All of his work had one eye toward human need and the other toward environmental protection. Through this deeply intuitive commitment – balancing the human world and the natural world – he has left a wisdom and legacy for us all, not only for the people of his Tanzania, but for all people of the world who similarly cherish this precious and fragile planet on which we dwell.
Sebastian is survived by his mother, his wife, Elizabeth, a primary school teacher in Kibosho East, Kilimanjaro, and 4 children, Margareth, Michael, Flora and Cyril.
* James Harris and Bette Stockbauer-Harris are Directors of African Blackwood Conservation Project
Article source: pambazuka.org, 2014-05-01, Issue 676
From: U.S. Department of State
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Embassy Juba
Juba, South Sudan
May 2, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, good afternoon. I just completed an in-depth, very frank, and thorough discussion with President Kiir. And throughout the meeting, I think it’s fair to say that both of us spoke very candidly, very directly, and we got to the issues that I came here to discuss. Throughout the meeting, I made it clear to him that he needs to do everything in his power to end the violence, and also to begin a process of national dialogue, a process by which there is the beginning of discussions – real discussions – about a transition government that can bring peace to the country.
It’s fair to say that President Kiir was very open and very thoughtful and had thought even before this meeting about these issues, because we have talked about them on the phone in recent days, and because our special envoy and others have had conversations with him about it. So he committed very clearly his intention to do exactly that: take forceful steps in order to begin to move to end the violence and implement the cessation of hostilities agreement, and to begin to engage on a discussion with respect to a transition government.
I just spoke a few minutes ago to Prime Minister Hailemariam of Ethiopia to convey to him President Kiir’s willingness to travel to Addis Ababa in the near term, sometime early next week hopefully, in order to engage in a discussion with Prime Minister Hailemariam, and hopefully with Riek Machar, who had previously indicated to the prime minister a willingness to do so. And I hope to talk to him sometime later in the course of today to encourage him to do so.
This meeting of Riek Machar and President Kiir is critical to the ability to be able to really engage in a serious way as to how the cessation of hostilities agreement will now once and for all really be implemented, and how that can be augmented by the discussions regarding a transition government and meeting the needs of the people of Sudan. President Kiir and I have spoken about this many times over the course of the last months. We particularly spoke almost every day during the period from December 15th through the Christmas period. In fact, I even talked to him on Christmas Day, and was particularly pleased today to be able to return to Juba in order to sit down and discuss these issues face to face.
I’ve told President Kiir that the choices that both he and the opposition face are stark and clear, and that the unspeakable human costs that we have seen over the course of the last months, and which could even grow if they fail to sit down, are unacceptable to the global community. Before the promise of South Sudan’s future is soaked in more blood, President Kiir and the opposition must work immediately for a cessation of hostilities, and to move towards an understanding about future governance of the country.
I might also say that we do not put any kind of equivalency into the relationship between the sitting president, constitutionally elected and duly elected by the people of the country, and a rebel force that is engaged in use of arms in order to seek political power or to provide a transition. Already, thousands of innocent people have been killed and more than a million people have been displaced. And it is possible – as we’ve seen the warnings, because people have not been able to plant their crops – that there could be major famine in the course of the months ahead if things don’t change.
Both sides are now reportedly recruiting child soldiers and there are appalling accounts of sexual violence in the conflict. The reports of Radio Bentiu broadcasting hate speech and encouraging ethnic killings are a deep concern to all of us. The United States could not be any clearer in its condemnation of the murder of the civilians in Bentiu or in Bor and all acts of violence, including those that use ethnicity or nationality as justification are simply abhorrent and unacceptable.
If both sides do not take steps in order to reduce or end the violence, they literally put their entire country in danger. And they will completely destroy what they are fighting to inherit.
The people of South Sudan – and I’m talking about all the people of South Sudan – all of them have suffered and sacrificed far too much to travel down this dangerous road that the country is on today. That is why both sides must take steps immediately to put an end to the violence and the cycle of brutal attacks against innocent people.
Both sides have to do more to facilitate the work of those people who are providing humanitarian assistance, whether from the UN or from the UN mission or any organization that is responding to increasingly dire needs of citizens. Both sides need to facilitate access for humanitarian workers, for goods, for cash in order to pay salaries, and they need to provide this access to South Sudan’s roads, to its waterways, including to opposition-held areas. And we talked about this very directly this morning with President Kiir and his cabinet members.
It is important that both sides also act to ensure the safety and the security of the humanitarian workers themselves, and both sides must stop dangerous verbal attacks on people who are bravely providing relief to the South Sudanese people. It’s unconscionable that people who have come here not with weapons but with assistance are being attacked by both sides, and nothing will do more to deter the international community and ultimately to wind up in an even worse confrontation in the country itself.
Both President Kiir and Riek Machar must honor the agreement that they made with one another to cease hostilities, and they need to remember as leaders their responsibilities to the people of the country. The fate of this nation, the future of its children must not be held the hostage of personal rivalry.
Yesterday in Addis I spoke with representatives from the African Union and South Sudan’s neighbors about how we can coordinate and restore peace and accountability. We support the AU’s Commission of Inquiry in South Sudan, and I met this morning with the leader of that commission and listened to their early reports of their work. And we support the IGAD’s monitoring and verification mechanisms. The United States is also prepared in short order to put sanctions in place against those who target innocent people, who wage a campaign of ethnic violence, or who disrupt the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
Even as we come here in this moment of conflict in an effort to try to find the road that has been obscured, I can’t help but remember – as I drove to meet with the president and as I came back here to our Embassy, having traveled here and been here a number of times – but particularly at the moment of self-determination for this country, it is important to remember what the people of South Sudan achieved for themselves recently. Through their efforts, through their commitment, through their patience, they helped to move this country to independence, to the creation of a nation, through peaceful, democratic, and prosperous future, and the opportunity to be able to try to achieve that. And they came together to create a new nation in that effort.
I remember walking in one community and watching people vote and talking to somebody who was standing out in the hot sun and who’d been there for hours. And I walked up to them and said, “Look, I hope you’re not going to get impatient. Don’t leave. You need to wait to vote.” And that person to me said, “Don’t worry” – I was then a senator – “Don’t worry, Senator, I’ve waited 50 years for this moment. I’m not going anywhere until I’ve voted.” The dedication that I saw, the commitment of people to try to create this nation deserves to be fully supported and the aspirations of those people deserve to be met by our efforts, all of us, to try to bring peace, and mostly by the leaders to fulfill the promise that made them leaders in the first place.
It is absolutely critical that to prevent that moment of historic promise from becoming a modern-day catastrophe, we all need to work harder to support the hopes of the people and to restore those hopes. We have to be steady in our commitment to the people of South Sudan. And I was encouraged yesterday in Addis Ababa by the unanimous commitment of the neighbors, of IGAD, of the foreign ministers I met with from Kenya, from Uganda, from Ethiopia, all of whom are committed and dedicated to helping to pull South Sudan back from this precipice and help to implement the cessation of hostilities agreement, and most importantly, help South Sudan to negotiate its way through this transition government that can restore the voice of the people in a way that can give confidence to the South Sudanese people, that their future is indeed being spoken for and that the best efforts are being made to meet it.
So with that, I’d be delighted to take any questions.
MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Michael Gordon of The New York Times.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) you’ve described some of the political and military steps that you would like to see unfold – expect to see unfold in the next weeks. If neither side honors their commitments, how specifically do you plan to hold them accountable? And how long do you plan to wait before holding them accountable? There’s been some concern in the Congress and by groups like Oxfam that the United States has moved too slowly on this. And are you prepared to sanction the president and Riek Machar themselves?
And lastly, yesterday, you spoke publicly about your interest in deploying African troops to create a more robust peacekeeping force here. How many troops do you think should – will be deployed? When do you think this will happen? Will there be – will it be necessary to secure a new UN Security Council mandate to make this happen? Basically, how real is this? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, it’s real. Each of the countries I just listed are all committed. And I met yesterday with the foreign ministers who say they are absolutely prepared to move with troops from those countries almost immediately. But yes, we do need to secure an additional United Nations Security Council mandate. I believe that can be done quickly. I hope it can be done quickly. And it’s very, very important to begin to deploy those troops as rapidly as possible.
How rapidly? Hopefully within the next weeks, and we’re talking about an initial deployment of somewhere in the vicinity of 2,500 troops. Well, I think 5,500 have been talked about, and it may be that there are even – it may be that, depending on the situation, more may have to be contemplated. But for the moment, that’s the limit, that’s what’s being talked about.
With respect to the hopes on the – what was the first part? The —
QUESTION: How long do you plan to wait before (inaudible)?
SECRETARY KERRY: Oh, okay. Let me just say – you asked about the – sort of what might follow if people don’t implement these steps. And the answer, very, very directly, is the global community will then make moves in order to have accountability. There is a commission of inquiry already underway. I met this morning with the head of the commission of inquiry and listened to former Nigerian President Obasanjo’s observations about his initial start of that effort. We support that effort; the global community supports that effort. That will obviously be ongoing.
I think the single best way for leaders and people in positions of responsibility to avoid the worst consequences is to take steps now, the kind of steps that we heard promised this morning. We are not going to wait. However, there will be accountability in the days ahead where it is appropriate. And the United States is doing its due diligence with respect to the power the President already has with respect to the implementation of sanctions, and I think that could come very quickly in certain quarters where there is accountability and responsibility that is clear and delineated.
MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Memoska Lesoba from Eye Radio.
QUESTION: You said that President —
SECRETARY KERRY: Can you hold it up real close?
QUESTION: You said President Salva Kiir has agreed to transitional government. What kind of a transitional government? Can you delve more into that? And I would want to know what kind of sanctions would be imposed if (inaudible) way of (inaudible) resolve the crisis, and what impact will it have.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, with respect to the transition government, ultimately it is up to the people of South Sudan. And it is up to an inclusive process which brings the civil society to the table and reaches out to political opposition and to all of the different stakeholders in South Sudan to shape that. What is important is that President Kiir is prepared to engage in that process in a formal way, to reach out, to work with IGAD, to work with the community, in order to make certain that that process is real, it’s transparent, it’s accountable.
Now, how that unfolds will be part of the discussions that we hope will take place between Prime Minister Hailemariam as the mediator and two of the principle antagonists in this conflict, President Kiir representing government and Riek Machar. But there are other players, lots of them. As you know, 11 detainees have now been released. And each of those detainees has – have had voices and roles to play in the politics of South Sudan.
So it’s really up for the process itself to take shape as the stakeholders and as the people of South Sudan speak up and speak out and demand a certain kind of participation. What’s important is that that participation is promised and it is available.
With respect to sanctions, we are – there are different kinds of sanctions, obviously – sanctions on assets, sanctions on visas, sanctions on wealth and travel and so forth. All of those options are available, among others. But in addition to that, with the commission of inquiry and other standards that are applied. There have been atrocities committed and people need to be held accountable for those kinds of atrocities. And there are methods by which the international committee undertakes to do that. So I think the real test is what happens in these next days, what kind of bona fide legitimate steps are taken by people to prove they want to move in a different direction. And that will be a significant guide as to what may or may not be pursued by members of the international community in the days ahead.
MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Lara Jakes of AP.
QUESTION: Thank you. Just to clarify, in this transitional government, do you see a place for either President Kiir or Riek Machar to be holding office in the future for this country? And then also, as you head to Congo tomorrow, what are you looking to hear regarding the prosecution of troops who were given amnesty and then returned to M23? And is the United States satisfied with the deep mobilization plan for all armed troops in eastern Congo, including Hutu troops – I’m sorry, groups? And then one last one. Could you comment on the new charges against Gerry Adams? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: I don’t have any comment on the charges issue. I’ve heard about it, I’m not familiar with all of the details of it. And he’s presented himself. He maintains his innocence. And we need to let the process in Northern Ireland work its way.
With respect to the Central African Republic – excuse me, the D.R.C. – we are hopeful that the terms that have been put in place, the Kampala Accords, are going to be implemented properly. But I’m going to wait to comment more fully on that until I meet up with Special Envoy Feingold, who will meet us there when we arrive there. And I think I would rather get the latest briefing up to date before I summarize it, because I may be outdated and I just would rather do that.
On the first part of your question —
QUESTION: (Inaudible.)
SECRETARY KERRY: Whether or not they can be part of in the future – that’s not a decision for the United States of America to make or to comment on. That’s for South Sudanese to decide. It’s for the process to decide. I think that certainly people will judge carefully, I think, what happens in these next days, which could have a great deal to do with respect to future legitimacy of any player engaged in this, not just President Kiir or Riek Machar, but anybody who is engaged. If there is a legitimate, open, transparent, accountable, and real process by which people are listened to and people come together, then the people of South Sudan will have an opportunity to make that kind of decision and it won’t be necessary for us to comment on it.
If it doesn’t go in that direction, it may be that the United States and other interested parties who have helped so significantly to assist South Sudan in this journey to independence and nationhood, it may be that they will be then more inclined to speak out about what’s happened with leadership here or not, but at the moment I don’t think it’s appropriate to do that.
MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Gabriel Shada from Radio Miraya.
QUESTION: Thank you. The background to the conflict in South Sudan refers to a disagreements, disgruntlements inside the SPLM ruling party on the modalities of election and selection of leaders. So reaching an agreement that does not resolve the SPLM leadership issues is like suspending the real issues, which means they will rise again in the nearest future. So how can the U.S. Administration help the SPLM sort out its problems.
Second question is about the U.S.A. promising a lot to help South Sudan in the past, and even now. But one of the promises was building the – an institutional capacity for South Sudan, and observers can see that institutional capacity in South Sudan is still very, very weak. What are the reasons for this failure, especially when building the capacity of the army and other institutions? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Very good questions. Very, very good questions. With respect to the first question, you’re absolutely correct: There are internal issues within the SPLM that need to be resolved. But it’s not up to the United States to resolve them. It’s up to the leaders and the members of the SPLM to do so, recognizing that their validity and credibility as a leading party to be the governing party of the country is at stake in how they do that.
And so it is – there’s already a process in place where they’re doing some meetings and evaluations, and will do that. What is important is that they recognize that the negotiations over a transitional government ultimately, in terms of what role they play or how that plays out, will depend to some measure on how they resolve those kinds of internal issues. And the credibility of the civil society, the credibility of the people of South Sudan, with respect to their leadership will depend, obviously, on their ability to do that.
So that’s part of the road ahead. And they know that work is in front of them. They understand that. They discussed it with us here today, and I’m confident that that’s very much in their minds as they think about the future structure of any kind of transition and future.
But it’s also related, I may say, to the second part of your question. Yes, the United States committed to do certain kinds of things, as did the international community. And for a certain period of time, many of those things were attempted to be done, but the truth is that there’s been a difficulty, as I think most people understand, in the governing process that gave people pause and made people stand back a little bit. And that’s been part of the problem. And that’s why this transitional government’s effort is so important, because it is the key to being able to open up the kind of direct help and input that would be then meaningful and not wasted and not lost. And it’s very important that there be a process in place where people have confidence that the way forward is clear and that assistance can be put to the use that it’s meant to be put to.
So I would say to you that that’s part of the reason why this transitioning effort is so critical, because it really is what can restore the legitimacy so that going forward all those people who care, and there are many who do – in Africa, in Europe, in America, elsewhere – would be able to hopefully help in the capacity building for the country. That’s really where all of South Sudan’s energy ought to be going, not into killing each other but into building a government that can serve the needs of the people. And our hope is that that is what can get restored out of this terrible conflict that has interrupted that path.
MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all. Appreciate it.
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From: Abdalah Hamis
Last week, the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation held an election debate in Cape Town, in the Western Cape, on intergenerational justice. It would have been great if some terms, like intergenerational justice, had been framed more definitively beforehand. I imagine many people take the term to be a call for a moderation of economic demands on, for example, natural and other resources in this generation so that future generations might also enjoy their benefits.
However, the economic reality is that future generations do not spring forth from the aether, with no connection to the current generation. Parents bequeath their socioeconomic positions to their children, despite the many ubiquitous, grand and oversold tales of a universally available social mobility predicated on “hard work” and “equal opportunity”. And if there is to be intergenerational justice in South Africa, one based on the truism that justice delayed is justice denied, then the present-day racial inequalities—a direct result of centuries of imperialist, colonialist and apartheid policies and actions—will have to be dealt with swiftly, definitively and with a singularity of purpose in this generation’s lifetime.
Alas, this wasn’t the debate that unfolded on the night. Most of the represented political parties—the ANC, the national incumbent; the DA, the party in government in the Western Cape; and two new unrepresented parties, EFF and Agang—ignored the topic and delivered campaign speeches.
The institute had also invited students from Phillipi High School and Cape Academy, two differently resourced schools for poorer Black students, mostly. At question and answer time, the students seemed to have a firmer grasp than some of the politicians of the present state of injustice into which they were born. They asked about gangsterism on the Cape Flats; being made attend school in buildings not made of brick and mortar; and what it means to be Black in South Africa today.
They seemed perplexed that these were still issues present in their lives, two decades after the supposed start of freedom’s reign.
I wasn’t the only one in the audience to realise that they lacked the words and historical context with which to speak to the interrelatedness of their socioeconomic positions and their blackness. And it wasn’t the first time I’d come across this.
Without these words and context, being Black in South Africa today must be a baffling, sometimes humiliating experience.
With that in mind, I drew up a non-exhaustive list of seven Black consciousness themed conversations I will have with my three-year-old nephew and two-year-old niece (and any young person who will listen), so they might cope with being Black in modern-day South Africa. These are the bare-minimum educational conversations we should all be having with young Black South Africans:
1. Apartheid, in substance, was an economic system that took legal form through segregationist policies and disenfranchising Black people. The legal form was abolished in 1994, but the economic system remains. Any reference to apartheid’s “legacy” is speaking about the system proper.
2. Apartheid was the final, all-encompassing consolidation of the white-supremacist economic project that began with the initial Dutch settlement in the Cape.
3. The separation of the colonialist era from the apartheid era is artificial, as is the separation of the “post-apartheid” era from both. History cannot be sealed off from the present through watershed moments, no matter how appealing their emotive value. History is not something that can simply be “moved on” from, not without a radical and massive correction of historical injustices; something that did not happen in this country. Even with such a correction, history is always the lens through which to understand the present.
4. You aren’t poor because you are Black. There is nothing about the tone of your skin, the texture of your hair or the languages and cultural practices of your mothers that makes you innately suitable for lives of servitude. You are poor because it was economically expedient for a group of white men whose interests in empire building and wealth accumulation trumped any notion of justice or commitment to democratic values they might have had.
5. You aren’t poor because you are Black. You are poor because the economic reality is that you inherited the socioeconomic position of your parents, which was crafted by this imperialist colonialist economic project steeped in white supremacy.
6. You aren’t poor because you are Black. You are poor because the intransigence of whiteness meant the people’s movement acting to liberate you from this white-supremacist tyranny was, under threat of war, made to delay the justice to which you are entitled and to offer it to your generation piecemeal. This was always going to be a long, if not impossible, task owing to the nature of the global economy into which this country has locked itself. This is why many of your generation were born into an unjust society and will die in an unjust society.
7. The older generation (and the movements and structures they founded) no longer has the appetite to fight for the justice you deserve. You have to fight for it, and you have to convince others around you of these incontrovertible truths.
http://africasacountry.com/20-years-of-freedom-seven-things-to-tell-young-black-south-africans/
From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste
FRIDAY, MAY 2, 2014
While World Press Freedom Day is celebrated tomorrow, May 3, 2014, Catholics will celebrate theirs on May 25, 2014. The Pope’s general Prayer intention for the month of May is “that the media may be instruments in the service of truth and peace”.
World Press Freedom Day was proclaimed by the UN General Assembly in December 1993, following the recommendation of UNESCO’s General Conference. Since then, 3 May, the anniversary of the Declaration of Windhoek is celebrated worldwide as World Press Freedom Day.
It is an opportunity to celebrate the fundamental principles of press freedom; assess the state of press freedom throughout the world; defend the media from attacks on their independence; pay tribute to journalists who have lost their lives in the line of duty.
In his message for the 48th annual World Communications Day, Pope Francis challenges us to consider how the media can either create understanding and unity or divide people. He asks, “How can we be ‘neighbourly’ in our use of the communications media?”
His answer is: “We need to recover a certain sense of deliberateness and calm. And this calls for time and the ability to be silent and to listen.” Communication is not simply about talking but also listening and recognizing that, even if we disagree with the person speaking, he or she is our neighbour.
Pope Francis writes: “There is a danger that certain media condition our responses so much that we fail to see our real neighbour.” As an example of good communication, Pope Francis proposes the story of the disciples on the road to Emmaus.
The disciples are closed in on themselves and their own ideas but Jesus listens and gently shares with them the truth about the messiah. Their hearts are set on fire by the truth and burn with love. Their dialogue with Jesus leads to a deeper encounter with him, when they recognize him in the breaking of the bread.
During the month of May, let us pray that the media may serve the truth and not manipulate people and promote half-truths or lies. May it help people to enter into dialogue with one another, so that the foundations for peace may be laid.
What Pope is expressing, that is, respect for truth and for the right of the public to truth should be the first duty of a journalist. As journalists we need to protect the privacy of individuals in a manner that secures the public interest.
This is all about what the code of conduct and practice of journalism should be. We need to write a fair, accurate and an unbiased story on matters of public interest. The code of conduct is helping us journalists to avoid misleading or distorted story.
When stories fall short on accuracy and fairness, they should not be published. Sometimes this happens because of bribe which has become a big problem of journalists not only in developing countries but also in developed nations.
This should not happen given that journalism is the fourth estate which protects and safeguards the democratic values in the society.
You find in many countries, Kenya included that after every press conference, the media will give the organizers of the meetings rough time until they part with the money. In other words, your story will not be reported unless you pay journalists money.
Journalists, while free to be partisan, should distinguish clearly in their reports between comment, conjecture and fact. In general, provocative and alarming headlines should be avoided, especially those containing allegations.
Even though letters to editor are expressing the opinions of the writers, an editor is not obliged to publish all the letters received in regard to that subject. Only some of them either in their entirety or the gist thereof should be published.
The editor has the discretion to decide at which point to end the debate in the event of a rejoinder upon rejoinder being sent by two or more parties on a controversial subject. Unnamed sources should not be used unless the pursuit of the truth will best be served by not naming the source who must known by the editor and reporter.
This is very important because in general, journalists have a professional obligation to protect confidential sources of information. That is why journalists should generally identify themselves and not obtain or seek to obtain information or pictures through misrepresentation or subterfuge.
In general, the media should avoid publishing obscene, vulgar, or offensive material unless such material contains a news value which is necessary in the public interest. In the same vein, publication of photographs showing mutilated bodies, bloody incidents, and abhorrent scenes should be avoided unless the publication of such photographs will serve the public interest.
This is specifically toTelevision stations which must exercise great care and responsibility when presenting programmes where children are likely to be part of the audience. Bringing pictures where men and women deeply kiss each other on the lips can be an embarrassment to parents who watch TV with their children.
Although most of these programmes are aired because they have been paid for, some of them are not morally upright. Think of an advertisement where, for example where condoms have been demonstrated how to use them, or sex positions, like what had been going on in one of Kenyan television stations.
This is a programme where a sex educator and therapists demonstrates several styles of having good sex. While such programmes can be extremely very important for couples, especially those who have difficulties in making love, they can be embarrassment to parents with their children.
Meanwhile, using someone else’s work without attribution – whether deliberately or thoughtlessly – is a serious ethical breach. However, borrowing ideas from elsewhere is considered fair journalistic practice.
Media should also avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to a person’s race, tribe, clan, religion, sex or sexual orientation or to any physical or mental illness or handicap. These details should be avoided unless they are crucial to the story.
Things concerning a person’s home, family, religion, tribe, health, sexuality, personal life and private affairs are covered by the concept of privacy except where these impinge upon the public.
The media should generally avoid identifying relatives or friends of persons convicted or accused of crime unless the reference to them is necessary for the full, fair and accurate reporting of the crime or legal proceedings.
Finally, media should also avoid presenting acts of violence, armed robberies, banditry and terrorist activity in a manner that glorifies such anti-social conduct. Also, newspapers should not allow their columns to be used for writings which tend to encourage or glorify social evils, warlike activities, ethnic, racial and religious hostilities.
Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
E-mail obolobeste@gmail.com
Omolo_ouko@outlook.com
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Twitter-@8000accomole
From: Charles Banda
May, June, July 2014 (MJJ) The Department of Meteorological Services (DMS) has concluded that during the months of May, June and July 2014; The northern parts of the country (Ngamiland, Chobe and northern parts of the Central Districts) are expected to experience largely normal with a tendency to below-normal temperatures.
Normal maximum and minimum temperatures for this region are 27°C and 9°C respectively. The eastern parts of the country (Northeast and southern parts of the Central Districts) are expected to experience largely normal with a tendency to above-normal temperatures. Normal maximum and minimum temperatures for this region are 24°C and 7°C respectively. The southern halve of the country (Kgalagadi, Ghanzi, Southern, Southeast Kgatleng and Kweneng) are also expected to experience largely normal with a tendency to above-normal temperatures. Normal maximum and minimum temperatures for this region are 23°C and 5°C respectively.
The Department has reviewed the state of the global climate systems and analyzed the temperature prospects for the period of May to July 2014. Subsequently, the temperature forecast for the upcoming winter season for Botswana was issued. The conclusions reached are based on the state of the Sea Surface Temperatures (SSTs) over the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans amongst others.
Note: DMS advises that the seasonal prediction is relevant only to seasonal time scale and relatively large areas. Nevertheless local and intra-seasonal variation may occur. This may result in cold spells from time to time. Users are therefore strongly advised to contact the DMS for further clarification, updates and additional guidance.
Department of Meteorological Services
P.O. Box 10100, Gaborone
Tel: 3612200
Corner Maaloso-Metsimothaba Road
Gaborone Village
From: Sam Muigai
SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY HON. UHURU KENYATTA, C.G.H., PRESIDENT AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE DEFENCE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA ON 5TH NORTHERN CORRIDOR INTEGRATION SUMMIT AT SAFARI PARK HOTEL, NAIROBI ON 2ND MAY, 2014
Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government,
Heads of Delegation Present,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me begin by thanking you for honouring my invitation to this important Summit. It is a pleasure for me to welcome you all to Nairobi and in particular to this Forum. We highly appreciate your presence as it bolsters our bonds. Karibuni Nairobi!
Let me also commend the Ministers and senior officials who have been meeting during the last two days, for their diligence in preparing for the Summit. We look forward to reflecting on your report, and to advancing the work you have done.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Our region still faces a significant infrastructure deficit challenge:we must,therefore, continue to construct the infrastructure we need to raise our economies to the path of higher growth. In the near term, we will need to expand, upgrade and rehabilitate the transport network throughout our entire region to open wider economic opportunities for our peoples.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Since our first Summit in Entebbe last year, we have made remarkable progress in the priority areas we identified as crucial to our engagement. This builds on the longer history of the summits, which have seen a successive expansion of the scope of our cooperation – animated, as always, by our long-term aim of full integration. Allow me to mention some of our signal achievements so far.
As you know, our region remains beset by serious deficiencies in energy production. We chose to deal with that difficulty by investing in several generation and transmission projects, particularly in the production of geothermal power, in the construction of oil pipelines, in power interconnection and in the construction of an oil refinery. There is progress to report: the Memorandum on Geothermal Energy was signed in Februarythis year, while the electricity inter-connections between our countries are on track for completion by April next year.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We long ago recognised that we would need to build our people’s skills if we were to achieve our ambitions. It is, therefore, my pleasure to remind you that, at our last summit, we resolved to identify priority skills needed in the Integration Projects, through a regional skills audit for each sector. We also agreed to consider allocating funds for capacity building for various institutions across the region; the aim was to rehabilitate and upgrade their facilities.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
These measures will enliven the training programmes we must have, if we are to meet the demand for skilled men and women that will follow the expansion of our infrastructure.
I wish also to recall our resolution to cooperate in the development of our commodities exchange.To hasten the integration of Commodities Exchange in the region, we agreed to establish a Joint Technical Committee at the regional level. I look forward to hearing from our Ministers on the advances they have made in this task.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
At the Fourth Summit in Kampala this year, we launched the East African Tourist Visa and agreed to permit the use of each other’s identity documents for travel within the region. These two initiatives have been rolled out successfully;a real evidence of the region’s desire for deeper integration. The advent of the single tourist visa eased the travels of our visitors, and effectively turned the participating countries into a single tourist destination.
Our acceptance of ID cards for travel across our borders substantially eases our peoples’ travels, opening new opportunities for cross- border trade, as well as integration at the level that matters most – between citizens. In the same spirit, we also set out to operationalize the One-stop Border Post Concept and to budget for e-visa, e-identity card and e-border management systems. I am informed that work on these matters continues at the experts’ level.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Congestion at our ports and diverse barriers along the main transport corridors have long hindered the movement of our goods. Since our first Summit, considerable improvements in the movement of cargo along the Northern Corridor have been realised. Containers from Mombasa once took 18 days to reach Kampala; that has now been reduced to 4 days. Equally worth noting is that the journey from Mombasa to Kigali now takes six (6)days in contrast to 22 days not long ago.
But this is not all about our achievements:I note with satisfaction that multiple customs declarations for fuel have since dropped by 90%. These
are great achievements; but to sustain them, we also agreed to remove all technical and non-tariff barriers to trade. Today’s Summit should therefore aim to build on these achievements by agreeing on new measures to remove the obstacles that remain.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Our achievements so far are threatened by the insecurity and terrorism that has recently caused so such concern in our region. We, the Heads of States, signed the Mutual Defence Pact and the Mutual Peace and Security Cooperation Pact during the last Summit.
These pacts expressed our common commitment to take the fight to those who prefer violence and theft instead of honest toiling to earn prosperity and freedom. Allow me now to encourage the partner states to hasten the full enactment of these agreements.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen, Let me now touch on other infrastructure programmes we are working on.
Some time ago, we set ourselves the goal of developing a standard gauge railway system byMarch 2018. For my part, I can report that work on the Mombasa-Nairobi section was launched in Novemberlast year.
Full construction is expected to begin in July this year, and the line from Mombasa to Malaba is on schedule for completion by March 2018. The LAPSSET project, which we all expect to multiply the opportunities for trade and interaction between our nations, continues to make steady progress.
We also agreed to establish seamless operations across our air space – whether in the management of our air traffic, or in the use and sharing of the information and resources held in trust by our institutions. These plans are backed by, and depend on, our commitment to partner in the development of an ICT infrastructure-related concept.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen, In conclusion, I wish to note that these projects and initiatives are extraordinarily ambitious. But we have no choice if we desire to fully exploit the potential of our region. We agreed to undertake those initiatives confident that we are equal to the task. It remains only to rededicate ourselves to completing what we have begun.
Thank you. God bless you all, and may He bless and lead East Africa.