A SYMPOSIUM SPEECH READ AT JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA MEMORIAL CHARITY EVENT AT TOM MBOYA LABOUR COLLEGE

ON FRIDAY 5TH MARCH 2010 AT 3.00 P.M.

BY PROF. FRANCIS OWINO REW

GREAT LAKES UNIVERSITY OF KISUMU

JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA’S VISION AND LEGACY FOR DEMOCRACY IN KENYA.

“…I believe in truth and that truth never perishes” (Oruka, 1992: 39).

“To speak the truth and to stand by it is courage” (Oruka, 1992: 40).

“I simply stand firm, very firm, on what I know (and even others know) as the truth and what is good for our people. I do not compromise on questions of the people’s interests…. I stand for truth and the good of our people. And, what is true and good for our people is as true as anything else in the world” (Oruka, 1992: 52).

Democracy, defined as a government of the people, by the people and for the people, has remained very elusive to newly established African governments on attainment of their independence from colonial rule.

During the struggle for independence, the agitation throughout the continent was good governance to overcome the three ills in society: poverty, illiteracy and disease. Such was the case with Kenya at the attainment of uhuru in 1963. But to overcome poverty, there was need for fairness in resettlement of citizens who were dispossessed of their land.
And so the politics of land became a major conflict between the leaders and the led. Soon the conflict found its way among the then leaders resulting in a historical rift between Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and the then president Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.

The character of the rift was given impetus by the personality and charisma of Jaramogi. As the plot thickened with conspiracies targeted at him, Mzee was convinced some daring action was not avoidable. He was right when at Limuru KANU conference the schemers thought they outdid him by creating provincial vice-presidents with Mzee rigged out for Sagini for the Nyanza slot. Less than three years after independence, Jaramogi quit the government to form his own party, the Kenya Peoples’ Union – KPU – with a clear vision to champion the cause of democracy for Kenyans who were beginning to realize that Kenyatta government was keen on derailing the aspirations for which uhuru struggle was waged. A year later, Jaramogi released his earth shattering autobiography, Not Yet Uhuru, which remains as prophetic today as it was 43 years ago. Pertinent issues he wrote about then, particularly fight against poverty, equality for all and restoration of human rights to the citizens, have continued to form the struggle motif sixteen years even after he has physically left the scene.

For those who may not have known Mzee well, or for purposes of jogging the memories of those who might be developing amnesia, I would like to briefly take you through my little understanding of Mzee during those difficult days. For Kenyans, Mzee was such a large personality with unique qualities that cannot be covered in a short symposium: he was an institution complete with all the tenets of governance even during the 23 years when he was officially banned from politics. Attempts were made at his life using compromised Luos, but somehow he got the wind of such moves from his networks. He was as mystical a character as the Luo leaders we have only heard of in folklore: Lwanda Magere and Gor Mahia.

Here was a man who traversed the country and international community in thought and deed but did not abandon the cultural traits of his Luo community and was not apologetic about it. He was polygamous and practiced African socialism that allows space for all: he practiced Luo culture to the full, including giving homage to a widow and her children; he had mondo and several granaries, cottage (simba) for the first son, abila built in the shape of African hut and a homestead that was typical of a Luo elder.
Revered and referred to as Mzee throughout Nyanza and in Kang’o his village, at no time did he assume his elder brothers, even though they also treated him with great respect. He would consult Albert and Tobias every time he was at home. I believe Raila took the cue of his respect for his elder brother, Dr. Oburu, from here. He was so close to the children of all ages whenever he was at home. I recall occasions when we would line up for him to shake our hands and fondly cares us (including his last son then, the late Shadrack Osewe) before he ensured there was something for us eat.

Going by his interest to internationalize the African culture, he adopted artifacts coloured with beads typical of African costumes at the time: flywhisk in hand, headgear, goatskin on his side; and sandals (akala) in his feet. In June 1958, he astounded all when he entered the National Assembly adorned in these. It must have been his overwhelming presence that led to the adoption of the axe, the spears, the shield and the cockerel on Kenya’s coat of arms at independence. All these were implements the Luo used in war and in the establishment of a new home (boma).

Contrary to the spirit of his contemporaries like Obote and Nyerere who were enthused by western culture with Obote inspired by Milton the poet of Paradise Lost fame culminating in Obote taking his name, and Nyerere epitomizing his admiration for Shakespeare by adopting Julius and translating Julius Caesar and The Merchant of Venice, Mzee found value in his indigenous upbringing. In his own account in Not Yet Uhuru, he began to reject western names. I cannot imagine what his sister-in-law Lorna Adur would have said to this because she was an example of a born again Christian. I suspect these were matters of political struggle that were vaguely understood by the folks in Nyamira Kang’o like Ludia. Of course they wept whenever the government oppression touched Mzee!

By his very nature, it is obvious the search for national dress would not have taken Millions without success. He cared less about the western culture and their language on occasion he confounded whites with expressions that were Dholuo articulated with English pronunciation: Kenya is maruas (ours) and anybody attempting to block our effort will be thrown out through the gandambewas (ventilation)! Having been brought up through a cultural education by the village elders, Mzee could not take the leadership of the country as was proposed by the colonialists because that would have been like ‘drinking the blood of the Mau Mau warriors’ who were symbolized by Jomo Kenyatta. A true Luo who had gone for hunting expeditions never took the portion of an antelope hunted down if he did not kill the animal or shout recognition of the one who has felled the animal. Those who would rob from their mothers have not been able to understand this extreme honesty.
When Raila did it 2002, it was to give the devil its due. Kibaki had salivated for presidency longer than him, and there was no harm in giving him a chance. That way you reduce the number of detractors when you ascend to the throne. In any case, a great leader should weigh all the alternatives. In so doing Mzee, and Raila recently, made the point that the struggle was not for individual aggrandizement, but for the greater good of the society.

This quality of live and let live was Mzee’s trademark. He did not hold grudges. He stood up for what he believed was the truth, no matter how big the odds were against him. You may recall the exchange he had with Kenyatta at the occasion of the official opening of New Nyanza General Hospital (then called Russia) in 1969. Later in 1981, while about to enter Parliament following the resignation of Jonah Hezekiah Ougo, Odongo Omamo wriggled his way into his place through machinations that was the character of the government of the day. Later at his home he advised his charged supporters that they should follow Omamo as their representative irrespective of the manner he got into Parliament.

A day later after the altercations and the massacre that followed, Mzee was detained along with his close associates in KPU. It did not take long before Kenyatta government realized that Mzee was becoming more popular and the presence of his two sons in the Eastern bloc added to the scare of what might have been brewing out there. On his release, those of us who witnessed the delegations to his Milimani home, and later Nyamira Kang’o learnt that there is strength in being persecuted.

The delegations were a show of the networks Mzee had all over the world. People traveled over land and water to present gifts and honour from all over East African region. The network he had made within a short time he was in government was immense. Unlike his contemporaries who had traveled to the west to acquire the Whiteman’s education and acculturation in western thought, Mzee mysteriously got networked from his local base. Occasional trips abroad cemented the new found friendships. In the days of no cell phones, his opponents wondered how he got to know things before they became public knowledge. In return, he visited all contacts whenever he got an opportunity. He had a way of paying last respects to the departed who had been known to him, even years after they had been buried.

Some of these connections became handy to him during the cold war between the US and the Soviet Union. Because of this he was branded a communist by the west, a charge he dismissed in his authoritative autobiography. If being a social democrat meant that one was a communist, so be it. Raila has had to contend with such queries mainly because he had his university education in the East.

In the process of building these connections, endeared himself to the Eastern block – Soviet union, East Germany and China at a time when most politicians in Kenya and East Africa were engaged in everything Western Europe. Is it not surprising that Kenya government has benefited greatly through Eastern Europe in many spheres of development than from the West?
Most African governments have belatedly found comfort in trading with China, Japan and former Soviet black countries; Jaramogi had expanded the space of relationship much earlier than his colleagues were ready for.

Taking account of events in Kenya today, Political, Economic and Social decisions and practices, one cannot fail to see a sense of afterthought or coming to terms with ideas propagated by Jaramogi but were shunned as idealist and unworkable. These connections gave rise to long time education connection gave rise to long time education connection resulting in great achievements evident in his son, Raila. Although some of his airlifts were frustrated in the Kenyatta leadership, their presence in local communities added great discomfort to the west and Kenyatta’s regime. They attained practical education currently very useful in our midst. Nyanza was rewarded with one of the greatest health institutions- New Nyanza General Hospital.

In 1981, he amplified his distaste for amassing land when he firmly referred to Kenyatta as having been a land grabber. Moi government vilified him for stating what was common knowledge with Njonjo leading the pack of Mzee’s accusers. They eventually blocked his attempt to get into Parliament. The backlash was so great that the ‘rehabilitation’ that had been on course to embrace his intellect in the management of the state was lost. Little did the critics know that truth never gets diminished. A year into Kibaki’s government the revelations of Ndungu land report that Kenyatta had land larger than the whole of Nyanza province vindicated Jaramogi.

In 1966 when he started agitating for a return to multiparty rule, weak kneed ‘gentle’ sycophants threw mad at him that he was hungry for power, and that he was a disgruntled communist. But, as he would occasionally opine, democracy in Kenya is like a river. It will eventually find the sea and settle on its own; no amount of effort to block a river can prevent water from moving towards its chosen direction. True to his thoughts, the push for democratic space never ceased and is still with us to date.

Other notable surprises are the cash transfers to local communities, free primary education (though still dogged by mismanagement), bursary to the students in Secondary schools, cash support to the aged and vulnerable, all tenets of social democracy frowned upon whenever Jaramogi mentioned or wrote about them in his early years in an attempt to agitate for equality and social justice.

Towards the sunset years of his life, Mzee engaged in one forceful move towards the attainment of his vision when he led all and sundry to return the country to multi-part democracy. It was like a long distance runner making a final dash to the tape. The result was the return to a de jure multi-party state and the formation of a mass movement, Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD). Mzee was the inspiration long sought after because Moi regime had succeeded in silencing any dissent against his intolerant rule.

Having been expelled from the ruling party in 1981, and following his house arrest after the attempted coup, Mzee’s options for diplomacy and boardroom conferences to appeal to the government to remove oppressive tendencies were reduced every year. Like an ant bear that digs deep and sealing its passage away from the hunters, Mzee defeated every move by Moi regime to spy on him. The ‘Big Brother’ was watching, but Mzee played Mahia tactics to the spies. At one moment the state machinery was embarrassed when they announce that he had sneaked out to Uganda, only for Mzee to emerge and confirm that he had been with the Provincial commissioner of Nyanza. It would appear even the P.C, the representative of iron curtain, feared to provide accurate reports on Mzee’s movements.

With de jure multiparty space provided, the methodology had to change before Moi’s regime could reorganize itself to frustrate the gains.
Peaceful mass actions set in, with Jaramogi at the driving seat. The young turks took instructions under his guidance. The outcome is known. Former enemies like Njonjo found opportunity to climb on Odinga’s back for recognition. Like Saul of Damascus, oppressors went through transfiguration and joined the democracy movement. The truth had sunk deep; no more lies.
But the Mr Fox, the professor of scheming was not done yet. The power of money was unleashed in society to confuse the citizens for Moi to survive another decade at the helm.

True to Mzee, political games are like a soccer match. He was back on the road to stabilize the running of state even though his supporters thought he had been cheated out of presidency once more. Instead of taking the mood of 1992 campaign to make Moi’s continued leadership uncomfortable, he was at the forefront in shutting down the fire brands led by his own son. At a function in Bondo Township, his constituency, against all expectations, Mzee astounded his party including his own son, Raila, when he showered president Moi with praises and figuratively referred to him as “the umbrella” of the people of Kenya!

Such was the rich life of an “irresistible and marvelous” doyen of Uhuru struggle and democratic push. Although he did not savour the fruits of his effort, we can proudly accord him the garlands for a struggle won because he bequeathed us with his carbon copy in the name of “Aluo”. The history of Kenya has seen inexperienced young ones or spouses being imposed on constituents to carry the mantle of fallen politicians. This was not so in Odinga’s case.

But as we celebrate his demise, the Kenyan society has come to realize the greater loss than they ever had of their leaders gone by in the past. There might not have been official state funeral, but citizens and the international guests continue to pay homage to him at his mausoleum. Even those who were petrified at the time of his fall have found time to bow at his graveside in recognition of the immense impact Jaramogi’s shadow continues to cast upon us.

With hindsight, I recall an occasion in 1982 when I visited him while he was at his Milimani home. I had traveled from Nyeri where I had been posted to teach at Kamwenja Teachers College. Perhaps I could have been among the many who called on him past the security detail at his  “prison”.  Surprisingly, I was ushered in by the red-bereted men who had just been served porridge. The detainee had overwhelmed the state guards with his generosity. In the inner pockets of my coat I hid a play by Henrick Ibsen (An enemy of the people). I thought I would encourage him by going over the story and leave him to pore over the text. But I was wrong.
Mzee engaged me with details of secrets of his survival and a list of useful contacts in Nyeri that I could touch base with on my return. Top on the list was Waruru Kanja, at the time on the watch list of the ‘Big Brother’.

The hate that had been magnified against Mzee and his family, particularly his son Raila, could be analogous to Dr. Stockmann, in An Enemy of the People, the medical advisor who refused to let the people suffer illness from toxic water just to save the town money. The mayor, his brother, turned the Public wrath against him, stoned his home and ostracized him.
Like Dr.Stockmann, Mzee Odinga stood for the truth and was always several decades ahead of his time.

It is with such spirit that we gather every year to celebrate the life of a visionary whose thoughts we have failed to catch up with. His thoughts will continue to guide us from generation to generation as we cherish the democracy whose foundation he laid through difficulties.

THANK YOU!

Prof. Francis Owino Rew

Great Lakes University of Kisumu

rewlinks@yahoo.com