Category Archives: Yona Fares Maro

MH370: 10 questions that are still unresolved

From: Yona Fares Maro

As the search for missing Malaysia Airlines flight MH370 continues in the southern Indian Ocean, some key questions remain unanswered.

Here are 10 questions about what happened to the Boeing 777 that disappeared after leaving Kuala Lumpur bound for Beijing on 8 March, with 239 people on board.

1. Why did the plane make a sharp left turn?

Military radar logs show flight MH370 turned unexpectedly west when it diverted from its planned flight path, by which time the plane’s transponder had already been switched off, and its last ACARS datalink transmission sent.

Sudden turns like this are “extremely rare”, according to Dr Guy Gratton of Brunel University’s Flight Safety Lab. He says the only real reason pilots are likely to make such a manoeuvre is if there’s a serious problem on the plane which makes them decide to divert to a different destination, to get the aircraft on the ground.

That could be a fire or sudden decompression, according to David Barry, an expert on flight data monitoring at Cranfield University.

Malicious intent – by a pilot or intruder – is another possibility.

But unless the “black box” flight recorders are found, whatever happened in the cockpit at that moment will remain in the realms of speculation.

2. Is it reasonable to speculate that a pilot could have intended to kill himself?

There has been much speculation in the media that suicide might have been behind the loss of the plane.

It wouldn’t be the first time it’s happened. The crashes of Egypt Air flight 990 in 1999 and Silk Air flight 185 in 1997 are both thought to have been caused deliberately by a pilot, though the view has been contested. The Aviation Safety Network says there have been eight plane crashes linked to pilot suicide since 1976.

So far, no evidence has been released from searches of the homes of Captain Zaharie Ahmad Shah and his co-pilot Fariq Abdul Hamid that back up any similar explanation for MH370. There has been speculation that Shah may have been upset after breaking up with his wife, but there is so far no reliable source for his state of mind. It’s been reported police are still examining a flight simulator found in the captain’s home.

Barry says the apparent turning off of certain systems might give weight to the theory, but “pilot suicide is a theory like any other”. Gratton agrees. “There simply isn’t any evidence to prove or disprove it,” he says.

3. Is a hijack scenario even possible?

Airliners have been fitted with strengthened flight deck doors – intended to prevent intruders from taking control – since 9/11. David Learmount, safety editor at Flight International magazine, says they are “bulletproof” and “couldn’t be penetrated with an axe”.

Sylvia Wrigley, light aircraft pilot and author of Why Planes Crash, agrees it’s unlikely anyone would be able to force their way in. “Even if the door was being broken down, they wouldn’t be able to get in before there’d been a mayday call, unless the pilots were incapacitated,” she says.

However, one former pilot, who did not wish to be named, has suggested there is theoretically a way to disable the lock and get into the flight deck.

But in any case, however secure the door, there are times when the door is open – when a member of the crew either visits the toilet or has to check on something in the cabin. It’s always been pointed out that it would be possible to rush the cockpit when this is the case. Some airlines, including Israel’s El Al, have double doors to guard against this scenario. Gratton says there’s a procedure which requires a member of the cabin crew to guard the door when it’s opened.

But even in the event of hijackers rushing the cockpit, it would be easy for either crew member to send a distress signal.

The security of the cockpit door offers protection against intruders, but it also prevents action being taken if something does go wrong. Last month the co-pilot of an Ethiopian Airlines flight waited for the pilot to go to the toilet before hijacking the aircraft and flying it to Switzerland.

There’s also the possibility that a pilot invited a passenger in. Photographs have emerged of the co-pilot of MH370 entertaining teenage tourists in an aircraft cockpit during a previous flight.

Boeing said it would be inappropriate to comment on an ongoing investigation.

4. Is there an accidental scenario that stands up to scrutiny?

So far most theories have been based on the assumption that the communications systems and the plane’s transponder were deliberately disabled, a view endorsed by Malaysian officials.

However, Wrigley believes it’s possible a sequence of events may have taken the plane so far off course by accident. “Something could have gone wrong in stages. A fire could have taken out part of the plane, or led to some systems failing, but left the plane intact. Then there could have been decompression – not an explosive decompression, but a gradual one,” she says.

Wrigley cites the Helios Airways flight 522 which crashed into a mountain in Greece in 2005 after a loss of cabin pressure and lack of oxygen incapacitated the crew, but left the plane flying on autopilot, as an example. “I’m not saying it’s a likely scenario, but it’s not impossible,” she says.

Pilots have pointed out that one of the very first actions in many emergency drills is to send a message to air traffic control or some other form of signal. For a purely accidental scenario to make sense, whatever initial event took place must have simultaneously knocked out all regular means to communicate with the ground.

5. Why was no action taken when the plane’s transponder signal went off?

MH370’s transponder – which communicates with ground radar – was shut down as the aircraft crossed from Malaysian air traffic control into Vietnamese airspace over the South China Sea.

If a plane disappeared in Europe, Barry says someone in air traffic control would have noticed and raised the alarm pretty quickly. Gratton agrees. “In Europe handover is extremely slick.

“At the very least I’d expect air traffic controllers to try and contact a nearby aircraft to try and establish direct contact. Pilots frequently use TCAS [traffic collision avoidance system], which detects transponders of other aircraft to ensure they aren’t too close to each other,” he adds.

However Steve Buzdygan, a former BA 777 pilot, says that from memory, there’s a gap or “dead spot” of about 10 minutes in the VHF transmission before the plane would have crossed into Vietnamese airspace.

Learmount says it’s also perfectly feasible that nobody on the ground noticed the plane’s disappearance. “Malaysian air traffic control had probably handed it over to the Vietnamese and forgotten about it. There could have been a five-minute delay before anyone noticed the plane hadn’t arrived – a gap in which nobody pressed the alarm button,” he says.

Even if air traffic control did notice the plane was amiss, they wouldn’t necessarily have made it public, he adds.

The Civil Aviation Authority of Vietnam says the plane failed to check in as scheduled at 0121 with air traffic control in Ho Chi Minh City. However, an unnamed pilot flying a 777 heading for Japan says he briefly established contact with MH370 minutes after he was asked to do so by Vietnamese air traffic control.

6. Why isn’t it easier to track missing planes by military satellite?

The search effort on seas some 2,500km (1,500 miles) to the south-west of the Australian city of Perth has relied on images provided by commercial satellite companies.

Dan Schnurr, chief technology officer at Geospatial Insight, says there are 20 known satellites that have a resolution capable of obtaining these images in the “vast tracts of the ocean passing over the poles”. Of those, probably about 10 of them capture images on a daily basis.

The images are beamed down from the satellites in very near real time, and are probably on the ground within two or three hours of image capture, he says. The delay in detecting valuable images is down to the time it takes to analyse the large volume of imagery.

There are also satellite sources owned by the military and government, but these have not been prominent in the search. This has led to some speculation that the fate of the plane was known about earlier in the search, but not revealed.

Laurence Gonzales, author of flight 232: A Story of Disaster and Survival, says some nations are bound to have more sophisticated surveillance systems than they are letting on. “A very small, fast ballistic missile can be picked up easily, so how can they lose a big, slow-moving object like a jumbo jet? It tells me somewhere in the angles of power in the world someone knows where the plane is but doesn’t want to talk about it, probably for reasons of national security because they don’t want to reveal the sophistication of the material they have… that their satellite technology is so good it can read a label on a golf ball,” he says.

But Gratton says military satellites looking for ballistic missiles probably wouldn’t have thrown up much useful data because they wouldn’t have been calibrated to pick up aircraft of this size.

“This aircraft was seven miles up and travelled at three-quarters of the speed of sound. Ballistic missiles go up to four or five times the speed of sound, and 30 to 50 miles up – they have very different profiles,” he says.

7. Did the plane glide into the sea or plunge after running out of fuel?

The MH370’s final moments seem to depend on whether the plane was still being flown by a pilot.

“If it was under control, the plane was capable of being glided. The Airbus that went into the New York’s Hudson River lost both engines – which is an identical outcome to running out of fuel – and the pilot managed to land on the water,” Gratton says.

Barry agrees there could have been a gentle descent. “Aircraft of this size will normally fly or glide over 50 miles before they hit the sea if they run out of fuel,” he says. However, if no-one was at the controls, he says the descent could have been “pretty severe”.

8. Would the passengers have known something was wrong?

If a major malfunction had not occurred, it is unclear whether passengers would have known anything was awry, especially if there were no obvious signs of a struggle onboard. Joe Pappalardo, senior editor at Popular Mechanics magazine, says in most scenarios where a plane flies off course for hours, passengers can remain oblivious. At 01:00, many would probably have been asleep. In the morning, the astute might have worked out the Sun was in the wrong position.
Malaysian authorities have said the plane rose to 45,000ft, before falling to 23,000ft, after it changed course. If that’s the case, passengers might have felt the loss of altitude, according to Pappalardo.

However one theory is that the plane’s apparent climb could have been designed to induce hypoxia – oxygen deprivation – which could have knocked people unconscious and even killed them.

Wrigley thinks it could have played out in one of two ways. “In the horror story version passengers would have realised something was wrong as the plane climbed – and a decompression event would have led to oxygen masks coming down, and an awareness that oxygen was limited. A better scenario is they didn’t know anything had happened until impact,” she says.

9. Why didn’t passengers use their mobile phones?

One commonly asked question is why, if it had been obvious something was wrong, passengers wouldn’t have used mobile phones to call relatives and raise the alarm. This seems especially puzzling in light of the example of United flight 93, where passengers communicated with people on the ground after the plane was hijacked during 9/11.

It’s been stated that it’s extremely unlikely that anyone could get mobile signal on an airliner at 30,000ft. Barry agrees the chances of a mobile phone working on the plane were “virtually impossible”. “It can be hard to get a signal on a remote road, let alone seven miles up, away from mobile phone masts, travelling at 500mph,” he says.

10. Why can’t planes be set up to give full real-time data to a satellite?

Arguably the most baffling thing to a layperson about the disappearance of MH370 is how it is even possible for a plane of this size to disappear so easily. In an era when people are used to being able to track a stolen smartphone, it’s perplexing that switching off a couple of systems can apparently allow an airliner to vanish.

Barry says the technology exists to allow planes to give off full real-time data. The problem is planes are “snapshots in time from when they are designed”.

“We’re doing research into devices that will allow aircraft to start transmitting information by satellite when something unusual like a fire or decompression happens, but it’s hard to fit things into a plane retrospectively.

“The 777 went into service in the early 90s… the technology is of that era,” he says.

However, Gratton says ACARS would have done the job if it hadn’t been turned off. A more complex satellite system would also be open to that risk, he argues, unless the industry wanted to go with a system that couldn’t be manually switched off, and that would come with other risks.

“It’s not a particularly easy question. Is the bigger risk an aircraft going missing, or electronics overheating? Both situations can’t be met,” he says.

– See more at
http://diaalnews.com/news/14883#sthash.09ZCEjIc.dpuf

The State of the World’s Children 2014 In Numbers: Every Child Counts

From: Yona Maro

The State of the World’s Children 2014 In Numbers: Every Child Counts highlights the critical role data and monitoring play in realizing children’s rights. Credible data, disseminated effectively and used correctly, make it possible to target interventions that help right the wrong of exclusion. Data do not, of themselves, change the world. They make change possible – by identifying needs, supporting advocacy, gauging progress and holding duty bearers to account. Making the possible real is up to decision makers.
Link
http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/SOWC2014_In_Numbers_28_Jan.pdf

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

What we can learn from India’s war on corruption?

From: Yona Maro

It appears that honesty comes at a cost that no one wants to bear. Corporations shy away from transparency, as many believe it may hurt their interests. Everyone wants the other one to be honest first.

Governments, politicians and business leaders can’t stop talking about it. But few want to start doing something about it. Besides, according to the corruption barometer, government agencies and private corporations are perceived to be the most corrupt.

So what can be done to convert talk into action? What can be done to prod organizations, leaders and institutions to draw their swords on corruption?

Naming and shaming, for one. Governments and industry bodies should start publicly identifying organizations and individuals who are caught in bribery cases.

Often, industry links anti-corruption activity with investor sentiment. If governments act tough, industry says, investments will fall. Instead of bringing best practices to new markets, global companies are being accused of undermining laws. Leaders and officials in Mongolia say privately that multinational corporations are deploying a worrying combination of muscle, charm and bribery to get lucrative contracts.

Industry leaders have to give up this attitude. They must come together and ensure that companies do not focus on competitive corruption. Those who are out of line should be exposed. From crooked cartels, we need to build clean coalitions.

But it’s not down to the private sector alone: governments should create policies that reduce the scope of corruption. When India auctioned 2G spectrum in an opaque manner in 2008, it resulted in a multibillion-dollar scandal that scalped a minister and senior officials. Many telecom companies lost their licences to operate. Quick to learn from the fiasco, the 3G spectrum allocation, which earned billions for government, was held through an open online auction. There was not a whisper of corruption.
Link:
http://forumblog.org/2014/01/can-learn-indias-war-corruption/

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Statement by Public Protector After Probe into Cost of South African President’s Nkandla Home Upgrade

From: Yona Maro

52-page statement by Public Protector Adv. Thuli Madonsela during a media briefing to release the report on an investigation into allegations of impropriety and unethical conduct relating to the installation and implementation of security measures by the Department of Public Works at and in respect of the private residence of President Jacob Zuma at Nkandla in KwaZulu-Natal.

Link:
http://allafrica.com/download/resource/main/main/idatcs/00081056:f0817998cba3445cf0a5115362f29f47.pdf
.pdf – 823.64 KB

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Why foreign aid fails – and how to really help Africa

From: Yona Maro

The idea that large donations can remedy poverty has dominated the theory of economic development — and the thinking in many international aid agencies and governments — since the 1950s. And how have the results been? Not so good, actually. Millions have moved out of abject poverty around the world over the past six decades, but that has had little to do with foreign aid. Rather, it is due to economic growth in countries in Asia which received little aid. The World Bank has calculated that between 1981 and 2010, the number of poor people in the world fell by about 700 million — and that in China over the same period, the number of poor people fell by 627 million.

In the meantime, more than a quarter of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa are poorer now than in 1960 — with no sign that foreign aid, however substantive, will end poverty there. Last year, perhaps the most striking illustration came from Liberia, which has received massive amounts of aid for a decade. In 2011, according to the OECD, official development aid to Liberia totalled $765 million, and made up 73 per cent of its gross national income. The sum was even larger in 2010. But last year every one of the 25,000 students who took the exam to enter the University of Liberia failed. All of the aid is still failing to provide a decent education to Liberians.

Link:
http://www.spectator.co.uk/features/9121361/why-aid-fails/

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Africa’s Willing Taxpayers Thwarted by Opaque Tax Systems, Corruption

From: Yona Maro

Afrobarometer survey data, covering 29 countries in sub-Saharan Africa reveal widespread citizen commitment to the principle of taxation and to taking responsibility – by paying their taxes – for national development. But taxation systems across the continent remain opaque to large majorities. Most find it difficult to know what they owe, and the public is even more in the dark when it comes to understanding how tax revenues are actually used by governments. Moreover, perceived corruption among tax authorities remains significant, and evidence suggests these perceptions undermine public commitment to the integrity of the tax system and increase the likelihood of non-compliance.
link:
http://allafrica.com/download/resource/main/main/idatcs/00080971:c99eb6b369b03c20dde4210a867c6c05.pdf


Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Young people will invent their future

From: Yona Maro

Kelvin Doe found that batteries were too expensive for a project he was working on in 2009. He used acid, soda, and metal parts that he found in trash bins in his neighborhood to build his own battery. Doe, then a 13-year-old from Sierra Leone, constructed a generator to light his home and operate an FM radio station that he built. He now employs his friends at the radio station.

Doe’s inventions caught the attention of David Sengeh, a doctoral candidate at MIT Media Lab. Doe participated in a solutions challenge Sengeh launched in 2012 asking “students to invent solutions to problems that they saw in their daily lives.”

Sengeh, also a Sierra Leonean, wanted to enable youth in developing countries to find solutions to local problems. Sengeh arranged for Doe, one of three winners, to become a resident practitioner at the MIT Media Lab.

It is the very shift in values and access to technology that is empowering millions of youth like Doe and Sengeh to overcome present challenges. The idea of success is changing as youths work tirelessly for their collective future. Young people are bound to invent a brighter future!
Link:
http://blogs.worldbank.org/youthink/young-people-will-invent-their-future

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

The Right to a Personal Identity

From: Yona Maro

What role can biometrics play in aiding development? Alan Gelb, explains why new biometric identification technologies may be the key to radically expanding the social, political, and commercial opportunities for people in the developing world. Biometrics, he says, make it possible to fulfil for people everywhere the right to a unique, personal identity.

Alan explains that there are three principal ways in which people can identify themselves. The first can be something that you have, like a driver’s license or credit card. The second is something you know, like a PIN or a password; and the third is something that you are, like a finger print or iris scan. Biometric technology relies on this third method in order to uniquely authenticate individuals—and the costs are plummeting.

Although biometrics are often associated with law enforcement and security, especially in the post-9/11 world, two upcoming conferences, the Third Biometric Summit in Miami on March 3-6 and the Connect ID conference in Washington, D.C. later that month also will include discussions of a booming new market: providing individual identities to hundreds of millions of people in developing countries.

Biometrics “most rapid growth is in developing countries,” Alan tells me. “Increasingly the applications are moving from security and law enforcement to a variety of development programs.”
Link
http://cgdev.org/blog/right-personal-identity-alan-gelb

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

International Debt Statistics 2014

From: Yona Maro

International Debt Statistics (IDS) 2014 is a continuation of the World Bank’s publications Global Development Finance, Volume II (1997 through 2009) and the earlier World Debt Tables (1973 through 1996). IDS 2014 provides statistical tables showing the external debt of 128 developing countries that report public and publicly guaranteed external debt to the World Bank’s Debtor Reporting System (DRS). It also includes tables of key debt ratios for individual reporting countries and the composition of external debt stocks and flows for individual reporting countries and regional and income groups along with some graphical presentations. IDS 2014 draws on a database maintained by the World Bank External Debt (WBXD) system. Longer time series and more detailed data are available from the World Bank open databases, which contain more than 200 time series indicators, covering the years 1970 to 2012 for most reporting countries, and pipeline data for scheduled debt service payments on existing commitments to 2019. International Debt Statistics 2014 is unique in its coverage of the important trends and issues fundamental to the financing of the developing world.

This report is an indispensable resource for governments, economists, investors, financial consultants, academics, bankers, and the entire development community. In addition, International Debt Statistics will showcase the broader spectrum of debt data collected and compiled by the World Bank. These include the high frequency, quarterly external debt database (QEDS) and the quarterly public sector database (QPSD) developed in partnership with the International Monetary Fund and launched by the World Bank.
Link
https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/17048/9781464800511.pdf?sequence=1

Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Who are we to judge?

From: Yona Maro

Ndorwa West Member of Parliament David Bahati, mover of the private member’s bill, finally got his wish after President Museveni declared last week that he would sign into law the controversial Anti-Homosexuality Bill.

The president had earlier refused to sign the bill passed by parliament in December 2013, arguing in a lengthy letter to the Speaker of Parliament that homosexuals and lesbians are simply abnormal people who need help rather than punitive legislation.

That the President’s latest stand is popular with many Ugandans is without doubt. However, not everything popular is necessarily right. Not everything on the law books is necessarily right either.

It’s important to separate what is wrong from what we don’t like. Abusing children, whether homosexually or heterosexually, is wrong and must not go unpunished. Likewise, initiating children into homosexuality as has been alleged is wrong and should be punished too.

However, a blanket condemnation, victimisation and stigmatisation of all people deemed to be homosexual just because we don’t like their ways is also wrong.

As far as consenting adults are concerned, we believe the state has little business legislating as to how they should relate sexually. Not only is it unnecessary and intrusive, it is almost impossible to implement.

Like President Museveni wrote in his letter before the u-turn at Kyankwanzi, a tough new law against the practice won’t eliminate homosexuality, just like other laws have not eliminated vices such as prostitution.

And Uganda doesn’t have to listen to Western voices trying to dictate how the country should exercise its sovereignty. The approach by some of these countries is in fact another form of intolerance that doesn’t help.

Ugandans only need to listen to their consciences and make up their minds on whether it’s proper to imprison people just because their sexual preference is different.

Strangely, many religious leaders whose cardinal duty is understood to be preaching the virtues of love, tolerance, repentance and forgiveness are instead pushing the state to institutionalise vengeance against some in their flock.

The words of Pope Francis, head of the Roman Catholic Church, should be instructive to such leaders: who am I to judge. Indeed, we should all ask ourselves, who are we to judge?

http://observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=30226&catid=35&Itemid=61&fb_action_ids=10203335994943499&fb_action_types=og.likes&fb_source=other_multiline&action_object_map=%5B1393671764230650%5D&action_type_map=%5B%22og.likes%22%5D&action_ref_map=%5B%5D

Yona Fares Maro

Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Google Launches Global Forest Watch Website With Real-Time Deforestation Data

From: Yona Maro

“Google has come up with a new website to help keep a watch and also to track deforestation in real time and across the world. It is named as Global Forest Watch and is leveraged with the data of deforestation. It contains curated maps along with in-depth reporting of the current scenario of any region.”

By Cody Chan, The Algamest, February 23rd, 2014

Link:
http://www.thealmagest.com/google-launches-global-forest-watch-website-real-time-deforestation-data/10448

Yona Fares Maro

Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Privacy and Open Government: We need your feedback!

From: Yona Maro

Making government more open and responsive should not mean compromising on privacy and data protection. At the Open Government Partnership Summit last year, privacy was identified as a “thorny issue”. Taking up the challenge, the authors of the Open Government Guide recognised the primacy of privacy to good governance and asked Privacy International to contribute a chapter on this topic. This draft chapter identifies that privacy and data protection are implicated in the work of many government institutions, but particularly the police and public security services, whose work necessarily involves intrusion into the private sphere.

Because technologies are so rapidly changing the nature and value of information, and because huge volumes of personal data are being rapidly generated, transmitted, shared and collated, it is essential that governments are transparent about the types and amount of data they collect and the means and modes of surveillance they conduct. There must be strong oversight and accountability mechanisms in place and clear, explicit laws must govern State use of surveillance powers and access to communications data.

Another significant issue is ensuring that when officials make existing government datasets public in digital form (“open data”), the rights to privacy and data protection are at the forefront of their minds. This means thinking about, for example, whether an anonymised dataset, when matched with other datasets, could reveal personal information about individuals.
Link
https://www.privacyinternational.org/blog/privacy-and-open-government-we-need-your-feedback


Yona Fares Maro
Institut d’études de sécurité – SA

Methods Used in Economic Espionage

From: Yona Maro

Several well-known modus operandi (MO) are used by foreign governments attempting to acquire sensitive corporate or proprietary information (economic espionage). These include:

Unsolicited requests for proprietary information

Inappropriate conduct during visits

Suspicious work offers

Targeting at international exhibits, seminars, and conventions

Exploitation of joint ventures and joint research

Acquisitions of technology and companies

Co-opting of former employees

Targeting cultural commonalities

These activities serve as indicators of economic espionage. While these do not always mean there is an actual foreign collection threat, they can serve as a signal. Several indicators occurring in a given situation might warrant further examination.

Top of Page

Unsolicited requests for proprietary information

Unsolicited requests for proprietary or classified information are associated with foreign collection activity. Requests frequently involve faxing, mailing, e-mailing, or phoning individuals rather than corporate marketing departments. The requests may involve surveys or questionnaires and are frequently sent over the Internet.

Marketing surveys can elicit sensitive technological and business information. With this particular method it is important to consider who is the end-user of the information and who is completing the survey. Increasing use of the Internet provides a method of direct communication with government and Canadian industry for foreign collection purposes. Internet access to a company’s bulletin board, home page, and employees provide a foreign collector many avenues to broaden collection efforts.

Indicators

The Internet address is in a foreign country.

The recipient has never met the sender.

Information on the technology requested is classified, export-controlled, or has both commercial and military applications.

The requester identifies his/her status as a student or consultant.

The requester identifies his/her employer as a foreign government or the work is being done for a foreign government or program.

The requester asks about a defence-related program, project, or contract.

The requester asks questions about defence-related programs using acronyms specific to the program.

The requester admits he or she could not get the information elsewhere because it was classified or controlled.

The requester advises the recipient to disregard the request if it causes a security problem or if it is for information the recipient cannot provide due to security classification, export controls, and so forth.

The requester advises the recipient not to worry about security concerns.

The requester assures the recipient that export licenses are not required or are not a problem.

Marketing surveys may be faxed or mailed to an individual via the company marketing office.

Marketing surveys may be sent by foreign consortiums or consulting companies. Foreign companies with foreign intelligence involvement are likely to be a consortium of officials, military officers, or private interests.

Marketing surveys often may exceed generally accepted terms of marketing information.

Strong suspicions that the “surveyor” is employed by a competing foreign company.

Surveys may solicit proprietary information concerning corporate affiliations, market projections, pricing policies, program or technology director’s names, company personnel working on the program, purchasing practices, and types and dollar amounts of Canadian government contracts.

Customer and supplier bases for a company may also be sent marketing surveys that exceed accepted terms of marketing information.

Inappropriate conduct during visits

Foreign visits to Canadian companies can present potential security risks if sound risk management is not practised and appropriate security measures implemented.

Indicators

Visitors are escorted by a diplomatic or embassy official who attempts to conceal their official identities during a supposedly commercial visit.

Hidden agendas, as opposed to the stated purpose of the visit; that is, visitors arrive to discuss program X but do everything to discuss and meet with personnel who work with program Y.

Last minute and unannounced persons added to the visiting party.

“Wandering” visitors, who act offended when confronted.

Using alternate mechanisms. For example, if a classified visit request is not approved, the foreign entity may attempt a commercial visit.

Visitors ask questions outside the scope of the approved visit, hoping to get a courteous or spontaneous response.

Suspicious work offers

Foreign scientists and engineers will offer their services to research facilities, academic institutions, and defence contractors. This may be an MO to place a foreign national inside the facility to collect information on a desired technology.

Indicators

Foreign applicant has a scientific background in a specialty for which his country has been identified as having a collection requirement.

Foreign applicant offers services for free. Foreign government or corporation associated with government is paying expenses.

Foreign interns (students working on Masters or Doctorate degrees) offer to work under a knowledgeable individual for free, usually for a period of two to three years.

The information on the technology the foreign individual wants to research is proprietary, classified, or export-controlled.

Targeting at international exhibits, seminars, and conventions

International exhibits, seminars and conventions offer opportunities to link programs and technologies with knowledgeable personnel but such events can also present some security risks.

Indicators

Topics at seminars and conventions deal with classified or controlled technologies and/or applications.

The country or organization sponsoring the seminar or conference has tried unsuccessfully to visit the facility.

Invitation to brief or lecture in a foreign country with all expenses paid.

Requests for presentation summary 6-12 months prior to seminar.

Photography and filming appear suspicious.

Attendees wear false or incomplete name tags.

Exploitation of joint ventures and joint research

Co-production and various exchange agreements potentially offer significant collection opportunities for foreign interests to target restricted or proprietary technology.

Indicators

Foreign representative wants to access the local area network (LAN).

Foreign representative wants unrestricted access to the facility.

Enticing Canadian contractors to provide large amounts of technical data as part of the bidding process, only to have the contract cancelled.

Potential technology-sharing agreements during the joint venture are one-sided.

The foreign organization sends more foreign representatives than are necessary for the project.

The foreign representatives single out company personnel to elicit information outside the scope of the project.

Acquisitions of technology and companies

Foreign entities attempt to gain access to sensitive technologies by purchasing Canadian companies and technologies.

Indicators

New employees hired from the foreign partner’s company, or its foreign partners, wish to immediately access sensitive corporate or proprietary information.

Co-opting of former employees

Former employees who had access to sensitive, proprietary, or classified program information remain a potential counter-intelligence concern. Targeting cultural commonalities to establish rapport is often associated with the collection attempt. Former employees may be viewed as excellent prospects for collection operations and considered less likely to feel obligated to comply with Canadian export controls or company security requirements.

Indicators

Former employee took a job with a foreign company working on the same technology.

Former employee maintains contact with former company and employees.

Employee alternates working with Canadian companies and foreign companies every few years.

Targeting cultural commonalities

Foreign entities exploit the cultural background of company personnel in order to elicit information.

Indicators

Employees receive unsolicited greetings or other correspondence from embassy of country of origin.

Employees receive invitations to visit country of family origin for the purpose of providing lecture or receiving an award.

Company personnel are singled out by foreign visitors of same cultural background to socialize.

https://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/prrts/spng/mthds-eng.asp

John Mnyika on Tanzania’s East African Legislative Assembly election

From: Yona Maro

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Hon. John Mnyika’s witness statement regarding The Election of Tanzania’s East African Legislative Assembly IN THE EAST AFRICAN COURT OF JUSTICE FIRT DIVISION AT ARUSHA REFERENCE NO.07 OF 2012

(In the matter of interpretation of Article 50 of the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community)

BETWEEN

ANTON CALIST KOMU………………….CLAIMANT

AND

THE HONOURABLE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA………………………….RESPONDENT

WITNESS STATEMENT OF JOHN MNYIKA

I, John Mnyika Member of Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania for Ubungo Constituency, make the following witness statement regarding The Election of Tanzania’s East African Legislative Assembly members:

I wrote a letter dated 8th February 2012 with reference no. OMU/BJMT/004/2012 to the Clerk of The Parliament of United Republic of Tanzania requesting amendment to be made in the third schedule of the Parliamentary Standing Orders (The East African Legislative Assembly Election Rules).

I made those proposals commensurate with the requirement of sections 3(3)(a) and (b) of the eighth schedule made under standing order 115 of the Parliamentary Standing Orders (2007 Edition).

I requested the Clerk to recall what transpired in the Election of East African Legislative Assembly that was conducted in the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania on the 2nd of November 2006.

In that particular election complains arose and were raised that indicated the need for amendment of the East African Legislative Assembly Election Rules of the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania. I also drew to the attention of the Clerk that The East African Assembly had passed the EALA elections Act of 2011.

In that context, I recommended Parliamentary Standing Committee on rules to utilize powers vested on it by third schedule 3(a) to discuss and propose amendments to be made. I further expressed my intention to submit proposals for amendment and requested to be provided with procedures and program of the EALA Election.

I appealed for Clerk to consider my recommendations and requests urgently as elections of the EALA members had resumed in some other member states and there have been conflicts/contradictions.

I informed the Clerk that such conflicts have in some cases resulted into court objections regarding the electoral process and I cited the example of the Ruling of the Court dated 30th November 2011 of Application no. 6 of 2001 in the East African Court of Justice.

In March 2012 I received a letter dated 9th February 2012 with reference number CA/155/232/01/57 requiring me to submit my proposals for the amendment; I submitted the respective proposals on 28th March 2012 with reference number OMU/BJMT/005/2012.

I proposed the following amendments be made in the third schedule (The East African Legislative Assembly Elections Rules) in accordance with section 3 sub section 3(a) of Parliamentary Standing Orders (2007 Edition):

In section 5 sub section 5: add “Group E: Youth Candidates”;

In Section 9: add sub section 3 “The Members Elected shall in as much as it is feasible represent:

Political Parties represented in the National Assembly

Shades of Opinion

At least one third shall reflect either gender

Institutional Memory

In Section 11 sub section 3: Add “Group E: Youth Candidates”.

On February 2012 through another letter with reference number OMU/BJMT/007/2012 I submitted to The Clerk of The Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania further proposals for immediate amendment of the East African Elections Rules.

I emphasized that the EALA Elections Rules were made on the basis of Standing Order No. 12 and Article 50 of the treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community.

Standing Order No. 12 provides in Kiswahili and I quote:

“Uchaguzi wa Wabunge wanaokwenda katika vyombo vingine ambavyo kwa mujibu wa Sheria zilizounda vyombo hivyo vinatakiwa viwe na wawakilishi wa Bunge na uchaguzi wa kuwachagua Wabunge wa bunge la Afrika Mashariki utafanywa kwa kuzingatia, kwa kadri iwezekanavyo,uwiano wa idadi ya Wabunge wa Vyama mbalimbali vya Siasa vinawakilishwa Bungeni, uwakilishaji wa jinsia na uwakilishaji wa pande zote mbili za Muungano”.

“The operative words are utafanywa kwa kuzingatia, kwa kadri iwezekanavyo –

Uwiano wa idadi ya wabunge wa vyama mbali mbali vya siasa vinavyowakilishwa bungeni”.

I underscored that the plain and natural meaning of these words is that each political party is entitled to have a representation in the EALA which is equivalent to the percentage of its members in the National Assembly.

I indicated to The Clerk that in the present set up, the parties that are entitled to sponsor candidates for the EALA in terms of Rule 5 (5) of the EALA rules are the following:

CCM has 258 MPS = 74%
CHADEMA has 49 MPS = 14%
CUF has 36 MPS = 10%

In other words, CCM is entitled to sponsor 74% of the total 9 EALA members which translates into 6.66% representatives.

CHADEMA’S 14%, translates into 1.26% of the 9 members and CUF which has 10% is entitled to 0.9% of the 9 members.

However, we all know that human beings cannot be split into portions; as such CCM’S 6.66% will be rounded up to 7 members, CHADEMA ‘S 1.26% will mean that it gets one member and CUF’S 0.9% will give it one member.

The other parties which have far less than 1% of representation in the National Assembly are not entitled to sponsor candidates for election to EALA.

However the extract of rules of procedures for nomination of candidates for the election of members of the East African Legislative Assembly provided 6(2) from Standing Order Schedule 3 Section 5(5) “Any political party which is entitled to sponsor candidates, except for the ruling party which will not submit names of candidates for group C, may submit to the Returning Officer names of three candidates for each vacant seat…”.

The second limb of Standing Order 12 which dealt with the taking into account of gender and people from the other side of the Union, I explained in my opinion that did not apply to CHADEMA and CUF because the two parties are only entitled to sponsor one candidate each.

As for CCM which, as we said is entitled to sponsor 7 candidates, it was to take into account both gender and representation of both sides of the Union in its nomination of the seven candidates.

Consequently I proposed relevant amendment needs to be done and also the returning officer is supposed before nomination to indicate party’s that are entitled and for which groups.

I also proposed other immediate amendments to rectify errors of substance and form in the EALA Elections Rules such as:

Rule 5 (3) (b) and (c)
The question whether a candidate has the requisite experience and or interest should be left to the National Assembly. The Returning Officer’s role should be confined to ensuring that the application is accompanied by the relevant information or documents.

Rule 6 – “instead of deposit a non refundable deposit” it should
read to “deposit a non refundable application fee” the word
– “for” should be deted after ‘cover’

Rule 7 – The Returning Officer cannot raise objections and determine
those objection himself. If the nomination papers do not comply
with Rule 5 (2) (a) (b) and (3) (a) (b) the Returning officer should
simply return the papers to the candidate.
The issue of the merits of the application should be determined
by the National Assembly.

Rule 8 – The proper wording should be “which shall not be more”

Rule 9 – The comma should be placed after the word “thereafter” and
not before the word.

Rule 10 (2) – The word “length” should be deleted so as to read “for such
time”

Rule 11 (3) – The groups mentioned under this subsection are
superfluous.
The parties entitled to sponsor candidates, should be
reminded to comply with Standing Order 12 on issues of
gender and the both sides of the union when submitting
names of their candidates.

Rule 12 (1) – The word “casted” should read ‘cast’

-The counting agents should be four instead of two and one
half of them should be appointed by the respective opposition
parties (those entitled to sponsor candidates)

12 (2) The word “votes” standing between ‘have’ and ‘been’ should
be deleted so as to read “ballots have been collected”
– needs recasting so as to read as follows:

“Immediately after all the ballots have been collected, the
Returning officer, with the assistance of Clerk Assistants shall
count the votes in the presence of the counting agents”

Rule 13 (b) – delete the word “number” so that it read “majority of votes”

Having realized that The Clerk was continuing with the electoral process as the Returning Officer without the requisite amendments I decided to make the matter public by issuing a press release on 8th April 2012 calling for response.

Also appealed to stakeholders to push for amendments before the nomination of candidates that was scheduled to be made on 10th April 2012 and the elections that was planned to be conducted on 17th April 2012.

The Returning Officer (The Clerk) nominated the candidates prior to addressing my requests and few days before the Election Day, I was called to make presentation on by proposals for amendment to the Parliamentary Committee on rules.

On 16th April 2012, I received a letter from the Clerk of the Parliament of United Republic of Tanzania that after seriously considering my proposed amendments to the East African Legislative Assembly Election Rules (i.e Third Schedule to the Parliamentary Standing Orders 2007 Edition) they were unable to take them on board.

They replied that my proposals were not considered because they were contrary to the letter and spirit of Article 50 of the treaty, save for the typographical error which shall be rectified accordingly in future accordance with the established and applicable parliamentary procedure.

The Clerk further provided the following grounds for the decision:

The East African Legislative Assembly Election Rules are made under Article 50 of the Treaty for the East African Community (EAC Treaty) and Order 12 of the Parliamentary Standing Orders, 2007 Edition.

Article 50 of the EAC Treaty is the Grand Norm and enabling provision for part of the provisions of Order 12 of the Parliamentary Standing Orders 2007 Edition, and the East African Legislative Assembly Election Rules, and for that reason, Order 12 and the said Rules ought not to be in conflict with the provisions of that Article.

That general rule was laid down in the case of Prof. Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o & 11 Others Vrs. Attorney General of Kenya & 4 Others [East African Court of Justice Reference No. 1 of 2006], in which the Court held inter alia as follows:-

National Assembly procedure for election of the nine members of the East African Legislative Assembly, in the form of election rules which embody the democratic principle of proportional representation, does not reflect the correct object and purpose of Article 50 as intended by the parties to the Treaty by the reason that, representations of various political parties represented in the national Assembly, shades of opinion, gender and other special interest groups are not achieved.

The nine elected members have to as much as feasible, be representative of the specified groupings, (i.e. the various political parties represented in the national Assembly, shades of opinion, gender and other special interest groups).

The election rules which provide to the effect that, that National Assembly shall elect the nine members of the East African Legislative Assembly “according to the proportional representation of every political party in the National Assembly”, are in partial compliance with Article 50 of the Treaty because, the absence of any provision to carter for gender, shades of opinion and other special interest groups is a significant degree on non-compliance, notwithstanding the discretion of the National Assembly in determining the extent and feasibility of the representation.

Rules made for the purpose of implementing provisions of the Treaty cannot be permitted to violate any provision of the Treaty through use of legal fiction.

To uphold legal fiction (i.e. importing the democratic principle of proportional representation) would be tantamount to upholding an amendment of Article 50 of the treaty, by one Partner State unilaterally.

National Assembly Election Rules which are inconsistent with or in infringement of Article 50 of the Treaty renders them null and void to that extent of their inconsistency.

According to the Judgment o the East African Court of Justice, the provisions or Order 12 of the Parliamentary Standing Orders, 2007 which purport to import the principle of “proportional representation” of political parties represented in the National Assembly are null and void to that extent of their inconsistency with Article 50 of the Treaty.

On The Election Day 17th April 2012, I raised the matter in Parliament requesting for Speakers Guidance through rule 68 (7) regarding the Rule no. 12 of Parliamentary Standing Order (Edition 2007) that provides for proportionality in the Election of East African Assembly members. I requested for the Speaker to ensure that proportional representation is guaranteed in the elections of the two members representing the opposition.

The was also a plea by Hon. David Silinde who apart from calling for the rule of proportional representation be maintained inquired response of the complain and objection letters he submitted on 11th and 15th April 2012. He had objected among other things the nomination of a candidate from a non parliamentary party in the EALA election.

However, the Speaker’s decision was commensurate to grounds provided before by The Clerk of The National Assembly. In which case, I deliver this witness statement for this Honorable court to deliberate on whether or not the election of EALA members in Tanzania conformed fully to Article 50 of the treaty.

On whether or not, Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) the official opposition party deserved to have a seat as per its proportion in The Parliament of United Republic of Tanzania.

I beg to submit,

John Mnyika (MP)
18/02/2014

World press freedom index 2014

From: Yona Maro

The 2014 World Press Freedom Index spotlights the negative impact of conflicts on freedom of information and its protagonists. The ranking of some countries has also been affected by a tendency to interpret national security needs in an overly broad and abusive manner to the detriment of the right to inform and be informed. This trend constitutes a growing threat worldwide and is even endangering freedom of information in countries regarded as democracies. Finland tops the index for the fourth year running, closely followed by Netherlands and Norway, like last year. At the other end of the index, the last three positions are again held by Turkmenistan, North Korea and Eritrea, three countries where freedom of information is non-existent. Despite occasional turbulence in the past year, these countries continue to be news and information black holes and living hells for the journalists who inhabit them. This year’s index covers 180 countries, one more than last year. The new entry, Belize, has been assigned an enviable position (29th). Cases of violence against journalists are rare in Belize but there were some problems: defamation suits involving demands for large amounts in damages, national security restrictions on implementation of the Freedom of Information Act and sometimes unfair management of broadcast frequencies.

Link:
http://rsf.org/index2014/en-index2014.php

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Behind the Headlines: The Deeper Roots of Malawi’s Cashgate Scandal

From: Yona Maro

For a country heavily reliant on foreign aid since independence, the recent Cashgate scandal has come at a substantial cost, as an estimated $150 million in aid committed to Malawi is now not being disbursed. Following Malawi’s multiparty reforms in 1994, donors have shown greater willingness to withdraw aid if certain conditions for economic and democratic governance are not met. The decision of numerous donors to delay assistance to Malawi in response to the Cashgate scandal is case in point. Beyond the sensational headlines, closer analysis of the scandal reveals political challenges that Malawi faces in its management of public finances, complicated by the effects of foreign aid provision and withdrawal.

Cashgate refers to a corruption scandal in Malawi where government funds have been siphoned through fraudulent payments and loopholes via the country’s Integrated Financial Management Information System (IFMIS) platform. Malawians dubbed the scandal “Cashgate” because the first arrests made were of low-level bureaucrats found with stockpiles of cash in their homes and vehicles. To date, 81 people have been arrested and 35 bank accounts have been frozen. Estimates of funds siphoned during Cashgate range from $20 million to $100 million.

The financial system through which the funds were stolen, IFMIS, has been heralded as an anti-corruption solution. Though there has not yet been a systematic assessment of IFMIS’s impact on corruption, it was expected to have a deterrence effect by increasing risks of detection. But the problem with government spending and budgeting in Malawi is not merely technical – it is also political.

Link:

http://aiddata.org/blog/behind-the-headlines-the-deeper-roots-of-malawis-cashgate-scandal

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Human Rights Watch: World Report 2014

From: Yona Maro

World Report 2014 is Human Rights Watch’s 24th annual review of human rights practices around the globe. It summarizes key human rights issues in more than 90 countries and territories worldwide, drawing on events through November 2013.

Reflecting on the “Rights Struggles of 2013,” Executive Director Kenneth Roth highlights the slaughter of civilians in Syria in the face of a weak international response; “abusive majoritarianism” among governments who voice commitment to democracy but in reality use the real or perceived preferences of the majority to limit dissent and suppress minorities; and new disclosures in the United States about the use of dragnet surveillance and targeted drone killings.

The World Report reflects extensive investigative work that Human Rights Watch staff undertook in 2013, in close partnership with human rights activists on the ground.
Link:
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/wr2014_web_0.pdf

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Stop Violence Against Girls in School: Success Stories

From: Yona Maro

Every day millions of girls in Africa and across the world see their rights violated, without having the opportunity to express themselves or be heard, either because they are children or simply because they are female, and as a result they are constrained into submission both to men and wider society, as dictated by “morality” and patriarchal culture.

One of the single most important opportunities that could lead to their independence – education – is also denied to them, as families do not prioritize their children’s education, much less that of girls. Moreover, laws, policies and regulations, in general tend not to safeguard girls’ rights and even when they do they are not properly implemented.

On countless occasions, girls are accused of or blamed for the violence they experience, and are often held responsible for the consequences of the violence of which they are victims, on the pretext that they should have done something to avoid it, or should have avoided doing whatever it was that provoked the violence.

In this document, you will also find stories told by the girls themselves (from Ghana, Kenya and Mozambique) about how they have been able to challenge the deeply-rooted culture of violence in all sections of society, and how the community-level work helped to promote changes in legislation, policy, school regulations and harmful practices at home and in the wider community. The collection of strategies and windows into the lives of girls and their communities that make up this document are worth reading, as they will undoubtedly inspire you to help thousands of girls whose rights continue to be denied across the African continent and indeed, the wider world.
Link:

http://www.ungei.org/files/ActionAid-Stop_Violence_Against_Girls_at_school_project_in_Ghana_Kenya_and_Mozambique-success_stories-_Nov_2013.pdf


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Oil & Mining; Hunger Scorecard;

From: Yona Maro
Subject: Oil & Mining Countries: Transparency Low Official Impunity High

A survey of public opinion in 22 countries which stake their countries’ economic futures on development of mineral or oil production.
Link:
http://allafrica.com/download/resource/main/main/idatcs/00080431:218c13398d4344cd90df9701ba8e7f5a.pdf

From: Yona Maro
Subject: 2014 Africa Multiple Indicator Scorecard on Hunger and Food Security.

New 2014 Africa Multiple Indicator Scorecard on Hunger and Food Security.

Link:
http://allafrica.com/download/resource/main/main/idatcs/00080509:c4065c285335e1a6173fa8bcceda7b41.pdf


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Citizens’ role in political settlements

From: Yona Maro

Question
Citizens’ role in political settlements: Identify literature on the role of citizens in creating and maintaining political settlements. Where possible identify material that discusses the role citizens are allowed to play; how citizens view their roles; compromises citizens are prepared to make; and differences, if any, between their roles in national and subnational political settlements.

Helpdesk response

Key findings: Political settlement literature focuses predominantly on elites, with citizens often seen as passive beneficiaries or potential spoilers. However, emerging literature on the role of civil society in peace processes identifies roles that citizens have played and can play, in creating and maintaining what are essentially political settlements. This report outlines the concept of political settlement and introduces literature on potential citizen roles in such settlements. In particular, this report draws on an upcoming, unpublished document which synthesises current thinking and draws insights from an on-going project on civil society participation in peace processes.

It is important to note that contexts vary significantly and research for this report was not able to find literature that provides generalities in how citizens view their roles, the compromises they are prepared to make and differences between national and sub-national political settlements. Instead, the literature suggests these issues are very much dependant on social, cultural and historical factors and constraints.

Full response:
http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/HDQ1014.pdf


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