Category Archives: Alerts

Kenya: Do not be hoodwinked, bamboozled, Fumba Fumbuad, Pata Poteyad, by the No sayers. Katiba ni sasa, kama si sasa, ni sasa hivi!


There is a petition filed at the Constitutional Dispute Resolution Court asking to allow Diasporans to vote. You may be asked to join this petition. Whereas it is a good cause for 2012, It is a bait by Okiya Omtatah & Barack Abonyo to derail or delay the referendum. Do not join this petition at this time. By joining they want money from you which they intend to fund their ulterior motives and to fund the NO campaigns. If you join it, we may not deliver Katiba of Wanjiku this time again.

If you intended to vote YES, do not be hoodwinked, bamboozled, Fumba Fumbuad, Pata Poteyad, by these No sayers. Katiba ni YES. Katiba ni sasa, Kama si sasa, ni sasa hivi!

Thank You Good People.

Joram Ragem
wuod Ndinya, wuod Onam, wuod Amolo, wuod Owuoth, wuod Oganyo, wuod Mumbe, wuod Odongo, wuod Olwande, wuod Adhaya, wuod Ojuodhi, wuod Ragem! (Are you my relative?)

Uganda: Kampala police battle against taxis robberies continues netting many more suspects

Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Kisaumu City

THREE men who were masquerading as town service taxi operators are being detained at Kiira road Police station. They were suspected of robbing a lady passenger. The incident occurred on May 3 at 11:30am.

Hassan Kazibwe, John Musoke and Moses Ssembwa, were in a Toyota Hiace, UAM 832L that was heading for Kampala city along Jinja Road.

However, mid way, they branched off BAT, drove through 1st Street Industrial Area and joined the Old Port Bell Road. When the taxi approached Meat Packers, the conductor forced the lady passenger to a light, grabbed her handbag and sped off. The lady screamed and alerted boda-boda riders at the stage that the conductor had grabbed her bag.

The cyclists volunteered to pursue the taxi to Kamyokya, where other cyclists joined the chase. On realising that they were being tracked, the taxi branched off to Cooper Road, Kisementi and joined Bukoto Street. Fortunately, their luck ran out at a pothole on Bukoto Street. They could not drive through and opted for Kanjokya Street where they got caught up in the traffic jam. Six men tried to abandon the taxi but the boda-boda riders had surrounded them.

Three managed to escape and one jumped over a wall into offices in the area but was arrested. The mob pounced on the suspects but were saved when the officers from Kira Road Police Station intervened. They were loaded onto the Police patrol truck and the taxi was driven to the station. On searching the taxi, a purse was recovered under the seats. It belonged to another lady who had fallen victim earlier in the day and had reported her case to the Police.

According to Frank Natamba, the assistant superintendent of Police at Kira Road Police Station, five to seven cases of taxi robbery are reported in a day.

“The taxi drivers and their conductors use the excuse of telling passengers in the drivers’ cabin to firmly close the door, while others use the trick of advising passengers to fasten the seat belts. While the passenger pays attention to the door or belt, their neighbour, or the driver stealthily feels the pockets or handbags to pick money, wallets or mobile phones.”

Statistics from Jinja Road Police Station indicate that on average five to 10 cases of taxi theft are reported every week. Edward Ochom, the CID director, notes that although taxi theft is on the rise, it is one of may other tricks being used to rob people. Ochom cautions passengers to be vigilant and watch out for their property while they are travelling.

Chris Ssegoba, the deputy chairman of the Uganda Taxi Operators and Drivers Association, says the practice was so rampant in August and September 2009 but ceased due to the tight measures that were put in place.

He attributes the rapid increase of taxi thefts to people who hire taxis from drivers claiming that they are transporting school children or helping people shift, yet they use them to steal.

Ssengoba added: “UTODA staff is registering every taxi that stops to pick passengers at every stage. Besides, every driver whose taxi is caught will be arrested as an accomplice and will face charges.” He urged passengers to take precaution and note the taxi’s registration number before boarding it.

Natamba says the thefts normally take place between 11:00a m and 2:00pm when there are few passengers on the road, although there are cases reported early in the morning, late evening and at night.


Natamba advises passengers to be observant. If the taxi has a few passengers (about 4-6), especially men, you should not board it.

If the conductor insists on you occupying the front seat then later tells you to check the locks or fasten your seat belt, it should alert you that you could be in the hands of thieves. Immediately disembark and record the car registration number plate.

You should take care of your property. Even fellow passengers can be pickpockets.

Avoid moving with lots of money. You can access money anywhere. But if you have to move with money, do not keep it in the wallet or purse, since they are a target for thieves.

Once you have fallen victim, you should report to the Police immediately. The thieves could dump your documents at the scene of crime, which could get you arrested as an accomplice. The police letter would also help you process new documents, for example driving permits and identity cards.

If your ATM card is stolen, run to the nearest branch and request that your card number be blocked.


Cpl. Catherine Namulwasira,
Kamyokya Police booth

Namulwasira is a one of the lady victims of taxi registration number UAM 832L. She identified the driver and the taxi when they were taken to Kamwokya police booth. She narrates the incident that occurred on April 3 at about 11:00am: “I was coming from Centenary Bank main branch on Entebbe Road where I had withdrawn money.

“I boarded a taxi at Crane Bank, Kampala Road and occupied the front seat. Immediately the conductor started telling me to fasten the door. I placed my handbag on my laps and turned to fasten the door. When we approached Fido Dido, the driver and conductor urged me to move to the back seats.

“When I moved out, I realized my handbag had been unzipped. The taxi sped off but I managed to note the figures 832L. It was after I had boarded another taxi that I realized that my purse, containing the sh150,000 I had just withdrawn, was missing. I reported the matter to the UTODA Offices in Kamwokya and they said that number was not a regular on the Kamyokya route.

“The incident happened in 3-5 minutes. I boarded a taxi at Lugogo Shoprite stage and occupied the front seat, heading for New vision offices. The conductor asked me to close the door firmly.

“The other passenger in the front, who must have been one of them, pretended to help me fasten the door. While I turned towards the door, he unzipped my handbag and picked my purse. I did not notice that my purse was missing until I reached the office. However, luck was on my side and after they robbed me they branched off to Old Port Bell Road and stole another lady’s handbag.”

The lady alerted boda boda cyclists who pursued the taxi to Kamyokya, where they were waylaid, arrested and taken to Kamyokya police booth. When the was searched, the Police found my purse under a seat. I was called to identify it. I was shocked to find the man was seated next to me among the passengers.


Kenya: Fw: New Tactics thugs are using.

sent by Olita Reuben

— harrietolita@ . . . wrote:

Grace Kimani/LTO/KRA
To LTO Staff

New Tactics thugs are using.. Please be careful..


Hi all,

Yesterday afternoon I went through an experience, I would not wish any other person to go through.

My younger brother was mugged at Baricho road just behind the Nakumatt Uhuru highway Supermarket, at around 12 noon by thugs who were pretending to be athletes joggings along that road. They stole his phone too and used the same to call my elder brother who incidentally had just parted with the younger one in about 30 minutes and headed to upper hill. The thugs scrolled through this stolen phone and noticed that the last call made was from his brother as he had saved it as brother. They called my elder brother claiming to be policemen from Langata station and that my younger brother had been hit by a vehicle and had died instantly and that they were on their way to City Morgue to drop his body there, so they wanted my elder brother to link up with them at a point along uhuru highway , near bunyala road, where they had parked their vehicle with the remains of my brother before proceeding to city mortuary. (Please note..the notorious spot where the KQ pilot was mugged )

Since they spoke with a lot a confidence just like the police do, my brother could not suspected anything. So my bother called me and a few other people. We linked up so worried and sorrowful and with a lot of grieve ,knowing that that’s where everyone of us will pass through some day . We gathered at a point in upper hill to figure out our next move; either to go to the accident site and confirm or to join the said police where they had told my elder brother to meet them or just plan on the next move to take.

Just by sheer luck and God’s grace and indeed a good coincidence even before we could think of going to view the body and confirm as they had said, I got a call from a simu ya jamii number and it was my younger brother whom we had been told had been killed by the car accident. He said he was safe and that the muggers only took his phone .He was calling to inform us just in case we call and we don’t get him on his phone, we know he is just fine.

As you can imagine this was a huge relieve that not only confirmed that he was fine and alive but also that it was a planned plot by the muggers that somebody goes to the said bunyala junction of of course get mugged or who knows…

I thought of the many other people who would be tricked this way and I thought we could play it safe by letting lots of people get to know of this tricks being played in Nairobi. Anyone could easily fall for this trap and the more we forward this the more people will know and avoid such tricks.

I also learnt some few lessons:

Avoid saving in your phone books names as brother, sister, mom ,dad wife husband and the like it gives them an edge should you loose your phone. Never rush to meet any stranger telling you to meet them especially in risky places which you could easily identify as a risky. Always memorize at least two most important numbers which you can call from any other phone should something like this gets hold of you. Always try and get means to alert people who are close to your once you loose your phone.

Ensure to call at least the two numbers and alert them that your phone is stolen and that you are safe in case such calls come their way. Finally do not resist if confronted by thugs especially if you are alone they might end up hurting you.

Please forward to your friends too.

Ethiopia: Genocide of Luo in Ethiopia

Dear Netters,

I would like to respond, however briefly, to the above current topic in the Forum. Please be informed that Luo Heritage Foundation (LHF) was aware of this tragedy as early as two years ago, from the outset of this diabolical campaign; the ulterior motive being to dispossess the Anuak/Anywaa people of their very fertile ancestral land.

LHF immediately alerted some leaders in the Great Lakes Region, as a human rights issue, regarding what seems to be a concerted campaign of ethnic cleansing in the region with striking similarities to what the world has witnessed and perhaps still ongoing in Rwanda, Burundi, Eastern DRC, North/North Eastern Uganda and the Chollo (Shilluk) people of South Sudan. We were assured that our concern would be raised at the highest level with the Addis-Abba regime. If as it seems clear now, the genocide is still on-going then it is becoming more and more difficult for the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s regime to convince anyone that it is not responsible for this odious crime against humanity.

I would like to suggest that it may be worth your while to occasionally visit our website (, even though it is not yet fully operational. There is some basic information in the website about Luo people and Luo societies/organisations all over the continent and the world. Occasionally the website is updated with news and notices from the wide-Luo world.

LHF is a cultural charitable organisation, limited by guarantee, and incorporated in the UK, in 2007.

We regret to say that our official launch has been inevitably delayed due to lack of funds. We are still hopeful however that we shall soon be able to raise the necessary funds to enable us to do just that, from a prestigious academic platform such as the University of London (SOARS). Hopefully the publicity will enable us to solicit funds more easily than hitherto. Already a number of Professors, Academicians, writers and scholars from Africa, North America and the UK have indicated their eagerness to present their papers on this august occasion.

One member of our board is from Gambella (Anuakland). I will request him to forward to this forum, for the benefit of our readers, whatever he has in his archive, about the people of Anuak, their way of life, the history of the conflict, etc. Netters can also help themselves by googling ‘Anuak of Ethiopia’, for more readily available information.

I am copying this posting to other Luo groups (including Anuak groups in North America) and Luo websites around the world in the hope that they will bring this gross violation of human rights to the attention of all the powers that be, including the UN and other human rights groups around the world.

I greet you all.

Vincent Oola
Chairman, LHF

Uganda: Fresh landslides hit Kisoro and Kabale districts destroying houses and sweeping crops in the field


Writes Leo Odera Omolo.

KISORO district suffered two more landslide incidents in the last ten days, resulting in 15 houses being destroyed and flattened.

According to the area District Commissioner, Gideon Ahwhwo, no one was reported killed when the latest eruption occurred at Nyabisenya and Matora sub-counties, which were hit on Thursday night.

The residents of the two villages, however, reported that all their crops in the field were destroyed and covered by a mixture of red soil and rocks.

Landslides also hit Rubaya Butanda sub-counties, where some 15 homesteads were flattened. The Rubaya-Katuna road was also blocked by rocks, thereby cutting it off for motorists.

The Minister for Water and Environment, Jenipher Namuyangu said floods were likely to occur in Central, Eastern and Western Uganda. She advised the communities living in low lying and flood prone areas to shift to the higher grounds.

“Those responsible for relief are also advised to prepare for possible flooding in the high risk regions”, the Minister said during the government briefings at the Media Centre in Kampala on Thursday. She was flanked by weather experts from the meteorological department.

She said the scientists have predicted that there will be strong dust winds, hailstorms and lightening as the El-Nino rains continue to hammer the country.

The Minister also expressed the fear that water born diseases, like cholera and typhoid, may also occur and she appealed to the Health Ministry officials to equip hospitals and health centers with drugs. “Appropriate action should be taken to avoid more loss of lives and destruction of infrastructures”, she added.

But despite the gloomy outlook, she said, the El Nino rains bring some benefits to the farming communities as increased agricultural output, as the soil mixture will be higher.

“Regions that are expecting normal and above the normal rainfall should use this chance to improve agricultural activities. The farmer should take the advantage and make good use of the rainy season by planting enough food crops that will also cater for the usually drought stricken areas. The rains will also enhance the potential for hydro-electric power generations due the enhance water volume”, said the Minister.

At the same time, hope of finding more survivors of the massive landslide, which buried three villages in Buduba dimmed yesterday, five days after the incident occurred on Monday, and after rescuers who continued to dig up the earth in search of survivors said it would be hard to find anyone alive five days after disaster struck.

The army, the Uganda Red Cross personnel, residents and volunteers continued digging up the earth with bare hands and using rudimentary tools like hoes and spades, while relatives who clung into some hope of finding their loved ones alive sunk into further agony.

Uganda Peoples Defense Force {UPDF}has deployed more than 250 soldiers from the engineering department, who are helping in the search for survivors and bodies, and also rendering the local communities with help, so that they can return to the normal life.

“ I really don’t think there is any slight hope of finding more survivors because of the mixture of mud soil and the rocks. The hand tools the rescuers are using are inadequate”, Michael Nateka, the general Secretary of the Uganda Red Cross was quoted as saying.

Since Monday, only 94 bodies have been found, says local village leaders. The UPDF operations is led by Brigadier Patrick Kankiriho, the Commander of the 3rd Division.

Brig Kankiriho said, “ Our role is to evacuate casualties, rescue the trapped and recover the bodies”. He said this as his men attacked the soil with hand hoes and spades. There was evident lack of heavy earth moving machineries in the place, according to an eye witnesses.

The Army chief said it was impossible to take the heavy earth moving equipment to the affected areas, given the poor land terrain.

Curious onlookers, relatives and sympathizers walked from distance villages to witness one of the worst natural calamities to ever occur in Uganda, and walked back to their home under heavy downpour.

Survivors of the Monday evening horrifying landslide eruption, which took place in the three villages located on the slopes of Mt Elgon, in Bugisu, in which hundreds of people perished, have given the shocking details of the account of what happened on that fateful night.

They said it had been raining the whole day, but the busy villagers went about their business as usual without any fuss.Then exactly at 8PM, a loud bang was heard as rolling rocks hit the villages.

“We heard a loud bang up the mountain ranges. The nearby trading center was still busy with people who had taken shelter along the shops from rains. It caught many people unawares of the unfolding event. Then the rocks rolled down at high speed and hit the shopping center like lightening. Many people fled to scamper for safety, but it was too late.

It was the same story in the nearby Namatsi village, which bore the brunt of the raging weather.

What the survivors’ narrated looked like miracle escape and the futile attempt to come into terms with their predicament.

Landslide with less causalities occurred in the region in 1997.

Mr Isaac Watyekere, a 20 year old man who lost his father, Efusa Nasibi 49, mother Rosemary Nanduki 47, four brothers and six sisters, said he received the sad news while learning in class room at Bushika Senior Secondary, via a mobile phone call from a relative, who advised him to take a Boda Boda motorbike taxi and rush home.

But on the way, a friend told him exactly what happened. He could not believe his eyes. His entire family had been wiped out and the home turned upside down, leaving a trail of red soil and mud mixture with heavy rocks. He said he was unable to recognize and pin-point the exact position of his parents homestead. But he was lucky, because by the time he arrived, he was shown the bodies of his mother and one brother.

Another village visited by this disaster was Kibehwo. There, the residents said they heard an unusual sound, but only started fleeing after some rocks flew past their homes. At first, there were some loud cries by the victims, but the cries faded too fast and within minutes there were no more sounds of anybody around.

Everything had been buried underneath of rock’s and mud, and the survivors tried to dig out their kin in vain”, said Damascus Wanyenga, 27, who said that his entire family of eight people, two women, three sisters and two young men, were gone, and none of the bodies had been retrieved from the mud soil, which is as heavy as 20 feet high.

Michael Musema, 19, said his parent’s farm was flooded, forcing them to dig out channels and trenches so that water could flow downstream. After completing the drainage work, it was too cold, and he and his brothers and tired father went home. They feel like warming themselves up with cups of tea. The father rushed to the nearby shopping centre to buy a kilo of sugar. And that was the last time he saw his father alive. He perished together with dozens of other people who had taken shelter in the shops, as well as all the shop keepers. What was left is only red soil and heavy rocks

Many survivors had a lot to tell.


Kenya: Displaced Persons begin 200Km March to Petition Kibaki


This is the way to go people…..Walk for your freedom…….where is the money Balala,
Uhuru, Kalonzo, and Ruto with others, collected for the ressettlement of IDPs?……I am
aware, there were some money Uhuru also removed from Finance Ministry without being allocated
to him by the Parliament…..Can these IDPs be treated more humanly?…..

We DEMAND to know the whereabouts of the money collected…….These IDPs people
are also Human Beings, and after collecting money, it should not take too long to
ressettle them……..It is a Criminal Offense and a Violation of Human Rights to expose
humans under conditions at which IDPs have been inhumanly treated…….

Let President Kibaki respond immediately, effectively and fairly….


Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

Displaced persons begin 200km march to petition Kibaki

IDPs from Mawingu camp, Ol Kalou, started a trek to Nairobi to petition President Kibaki to order their immediate resettlement. [PHOTO: James Munyeki/STANDARD]

By James Munyeki

More than 10,000 internally displaced persons at Mawingu camp in Ol Kalou want President Kibaki to order their immediate resettlement.

And to achieve this, they began a protest march to the State House to deliver the message to the President.

The IDPs, including their children and the elderly, started the 200km journey to Nairobi from their camp yesterday to petition President Kibaki over the matter.

“It will not matter the number of days we will take to get to State House, but the President must now listen to our grievances since we fear the coalition government might collapse before we are resettled,” said Mr Peter Kariuki, who is leading the demonstration.

Mr Kariuki said they had withdrawn their children from schools to participate in the protest.
“We are determined to make a statement and be heard. That is why we have ensured all our children accompany us. We are tired of living in these deplorable conditions. Someone, this time the President, must listen to us,” said Kariuki.
He said since they moved to the camp two years ago, 52 people had died due to deplorable conditions.

Central PC Kiplimo Rugut said they had pleaded with IDPs to give the Government more time to resettle them. “We believe someone has been inciting them on this. We want them to understand that we are doing something about their resettlement and we are doing the best that we can. We understand the poor conditions they are living under but we are calling for their patience,” said the PC.

Mr Rugut said the Government had resettled more than 1,000 families saying plans to resettle the other 2,000 families still in the camp were under way.

By mid-day Tuesday, the IDPs had covered more than 20km on their way to Gilgil town.


The Officer Commanding Station,
Central Police Station,
P. O. Box 45796,

Dear Sir:


This is to notify you that we, civil society organisations, including the membership of the National Civil Society Congress, Bunge La Mwananchi, the National Community Based Organisations Council, Amnesty Youth, La Vie Foundation, Integrity Quest and Environmental Rehabilitation of Kenya (IQER), Centre for Law and Research International (CLARION) , Name and Shame Corruption Networks (NASCON) Campaign, Social Reform Centre (SOREC), Social and Public Accountability Network (SPAN), Kibera Human Rights Network, Ujamaa Center, New Vision Kenya, Elimu Yetu Coalition, Daraja, and Kenyans for Justice and Development (KEJUDE), will congregate at Uhuru Park’s Freedom Corner for a peaceful procession on Wednesday, February 17, 2010, between 10.00 am and 12.00 pm.

Being non-violent change agents, we will march peacefully from Uhuru Park ’s Freedom Corner, along Kenyatta Avenue , to Moi Avenue , to Harambee Avenue , and terminate at the President’s Harambee House office.

The purpose of the peaceful march is to publicise our general displeasure at President Mwai Kibaki’s lax management of State affairs, especially his habit of treating with kid gloves those implicated in graft, and to petition him to change for the better. We want to see the war on corruption become a high-handed war on the corrupt. We specifically demand that, to facilitate independent investigations into the maga FPE funds, Maize, IDPs funds, and Triton Oil scams that have violated the integrity of the Republic, His Excellency President Mwai Kibaki orders independent forensic audits immediately and suspends the following individuals:
(i) Prof. Sam Ongeri, Minister for Education, for the money stolen in the Ministry of Education, and for publicly admitting that he was not impartial in the discharge of his duties.
(ii) Mr. William Ruto, Minister for Agriculture, for not just failing to stop the theft of strategic maize reserves as we expected him to do as our watchman, but for encouraging the said vice by writing letters recommending individuals to be given a share of the loot, that resulted in the starvation and deaths of many Kenyans.
(iii) Ms. Naomi Shaban, Minister for Special Programmes, for the loss of money meant for the resettlement of IDPs and for the theft of strategic maize reserves that resulted in the starvation and deaths of many Kenyans.
(iv) Mr. Kiraitu Murungi, Minister of Energy, for his complicity in the Triton Oil saga where billions of shillings were stolen from the Kenyans.

Last but not least, we also want the President to either ask Ambassador Kiplagat to resign. If he doesn’t resign, the President should establish a tribunal as required by law to dismiss Ambassador Kiplagat as the Chair of the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission, given his compromised past which disqualifies him from being a Commissioner but qualifies him for the witness or the defence box.

Thanks for your cooperation.

Yours faithfully,

Petition Co-ordinator


(i) Internal Security Minister Prof. George Saitoti
(ii) Police Commissioner Mathew Iteere
(iii) Nairobi PPO
(iv) OCPD Central Police Station
(v) Attorney General Amos Wako
(vi) Kenya National Commission on Human Rights
(vii) Ombudsman’s Office
(viii) Media
(ix) Kinoti & Kibe Co. Advocates


from Leo Odera Omolo

Dear Sir,

May I take this opportunity through the forum of your esteemed newspaper to alert the Safaricom MPESA, operations section, that a group of fraudsters and crocks using celltell Safaricom Number 0723 375382 have of late been phoning MPESA account holders asking for their Pins Numbers and amount of money in balances they held in their MPESA accounts, while pretending to be calling from Safaricom headquarters claiming they had Kshs 50,000 which they would like to remit to the customers MPESA accounts, but first of all before doing so they customers must tell them their names and their balances of money in their accounts.

At time these crocks have been concealed or hidden number or using please call me or beeping asking to be called back. The trick has been going on for some weeks and the crocks seemed to be very conversant with the MPESA operational system

Could anybody in position within the Safaricom investigate this number [Repeat} 0723 375382 and establish as the one whose name this phone number is registered?

S.L Odera Omolo
– – –
date Thu, Jan 28, 2010 at 2:00 PM

Journal of Democracy – Tanzania’s opposition

From: Zitto Zuberi Kabwe
Thu, Jan 7, 2010

Ingawa utafiti huu ni mambo mengi tunayoyajua, inatupa mwanga na kuona watafiti wanavyoona upinzani Tanzania. Imetoka katika jarida la Journal of Democracy la October.

tanzania’s missing opposition

Barak Hoffman and Lindsay Robinson

Barak Hoffman is the executive director of the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at Georgetown University. Lindsay Robinson is a master’s student at Georgetown University in the Department of Government’s Democracy and Governance program.

Just before the announcement of the results of Tanzania’s 1995 elections—its first multiparty contest in more than thirty years—the soon-to-be president-elect, Benjamin Mkapa of the long-ruling Revolutionary Party of Tanzania (Chama Cha Mapinduzi—CCM), proudly boasted that the party “didn’t need to cheat because it was quite certain that CCM was going to win.”1 Such swagger is characteristic of the CCM’s electoral campaigns. In the nearly fifteen years since Tanzania inaugurated multiparty elections, the CCM has not faced any serious opposition to its rule.

What explains the chronic weakness of opposition parties in Tanzania? The easy explanation is a combination of uninspiring leadership and little popular demand for change, a line of reasoning that also defines the CCM as a relatively benign hegemon acceptable to the vast majority of Tanzanians. Although this argument is based on a significant amount of truth, it overlooks the CCM’s deliberate attempts to suppress those who contest its near-monopoly of power, including its willingness to resort to coercion when other methods fail. Such realities raise serious questions about the ruling party’s benevolent reputation.

Many of the hurdles that CCM opponents face are self-imposed, but that explanation alone does not suffice. Instead, the marginal status of rival parties results in large measure from the CCM’s intentional methods of silencing them. The CCM employs three strategies to impede its competitors: 1) regulating political competition, the media, and civil society; 2) blurring the boundary between the party and state; and 3) the targeted use of blatantly coercive illegal actions. Before considering these measures in greater detail, however, we must first take a look at the country’s history and the background to its transition toward democracy.2

The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between two newly independent ex-British colonies, Tanganyika (mainland Tanzania) and the People’s Republic of Zanzibar (comprising the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba). The unity agreement granted Zanzibar a fair degree of autonomy, allowing it to keep its own president and parliament in addition to its national representation. Julius Nyerere, the leader of Tanganyika’s liberation movement and its president since independence in 1962, became president of Tanzania in 1964.

The mainland and Zanzibar possess sharply different demographics. The mainland of Tanzania has a population of approximately forty million, primarily black African with no dominant majority ethnic group, and it is fairly evenly split between Christians and Muslims. Zanzibar, by contrast, has a population of about one million, divided mainly between Arabs and black Africans, and is almost entirely Muslim. While there are few ethnic tensions on the mainland, there are tensions between Africans and Arabs on Zanzibar, deriving from the long history of Arab economic and political dominance over Africans on the islands. Overall, however, the country has remained peaceful and united despite its diversity, in part because of Nyerere’s advancement of Swahili as the national language.

In 1967, guided by Nyerere, Tanzania became a socialist state. Ten years later, with a new constitution and the formation of the CCM—a merger of Nyerere’s Tanganyika African National Union and the islands’ Afro-Shirazi Party—it became a de jure one party-state as well. In the mid-1970s, however, the country’s economy began to atrophy, and by the middle of the next decade, it had become clear to the CCM leadership that socialism was not viable. Thus they began to move toward a more market-oriented system.

Although the CCM undertook Tanzania’s economic transition to capitalism from a position of weakness, it initiated political changes from a posture of strength. The party began to move the country toward democracy in the early 1990s, largely due to the influence of former president Nyerere, who had voluntarily left office in 1985. When Nyerere commenced discussions on a political transition, neither an organized opposition to the CCM nor a demand for a multiparty democracy existed. On the contrary, in a 1992 public-opinion survey 77 percent of respondents claimed that they preferred the country to remain a one-party state with the CCM in control.3

Nyerere advocated a democratic transition in Tanzania not because of internal opposition but because external donors, who provided more than 30 percent of the country’s GDP in aid from 1985 to 1993, were pressuring the government to open its political system. In addition, Nyerere and his supporters believed that the growing number of democratic transitions elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa would inevitably catalyze pressures for similar changes in Tanzania. CCM leaders who supported moving to a multiparty system understood that if they initiated changes before calls for them grew strong, they would be able to shape the new democratic rules in their favor. In this the party has largely succeeded, and Tanzania today is not a democracy, but a one-party hegemonic regime under CCM rule.

Tanzania’s transition toward democracy corresponds to what Gerardo Munck and Carol Leff term “transition from above” and what Samuel Huntington calls “transplacement.”4 These terms refer to a ruling power that initiates a transition in the context of a weak opposition so that the ruling power can establish rules favorable to its retention of political control. The CCM’s actions correlate closely with Munck and Leff’s argument that the mode of transition and the balance of power among agents of change strongly affect posttransition political institutions. The CCM took full advantage of being the sole agent of change, putting in place a set of policies that significantly impedes the development of an effective political opposition.

Lack of Demand for Democracy

One of the simplest explanations for the weakness of opposition parties in Tanzania is lack of demand for them, and a reading of selected survey data can support this contention. According to the 2008 Afrobarometer survey, 56 percent of respondents in Tanzania claimed to trust opposition parties either not at all or only a little bit, while 51 percent claimed to trust the CCM a lot. Along the same lines, of the 81 percent of respondents who said that they felt close to a political party, 90 percent responded that the party they felt close to was the CCM.5 Similarly, 79 percent responded that if an election were held tomorrow, they would vote for the CCM. In addition, Tanzanians are overwhelmingly pleased with the way in which democracy is functioning under CCM rule. Seventy-four percent of respondents considered Tanzania to be a full democracy or nearly so, far above the mean of 59 percent in the nineteen countries included in the 2008 Afrobarometer survey. Moreover, 71 percent claimed to be satisfied or fairly satisfied with democracy, the third-highest level of satisfaction (behind Botswana and Ghana) and 22 percentage points above the mean for all the countries surveyed. Given these results, one might surmise that Tanzanians either do not desire multiparty competition or do not understand the concept of democracy.

This reading of the data, however, presents a skewed picture of Tanzanians’ beliefs and knowledge about democracy. First, demand for multiparty democracy is strong. In the 2008 Afrobarometer survey, 72 percent of Tanzanian respondents preferred democracy to any other form of government, and 63 percent rejected one-party rule. In addition, 61 percent did not believe that party competition is likely to lead to conflict.

Moreover, Tanzanians largely understand the concept of democracy. The Afrobarometer survey described three hypothetical countries and asked respondents to what extent each was a democracy. Eighty percent of respondents claimed that a country with many political parties and free elections is a full democracy or a democracy with minor problems. By contrast, 76 percent claimed that a country which has one dominant political party and a feeble opposition, and where people are afraid to express their political opinions, is not a democracy or is at best a democracy with major problems. Finally, only 20 percent responded that a country that has one major political party and many small ones, and where people are free to express their opinions (the situation that most resembles Tanzania today), is a full democracy. Thus it is difficult to accept the argument that Tanzanians do not desire multiple political parties or understand the concept of democracy.

The aforementioned data are difficult to interpret. While the vast majority of Tanzanians prefer multiparty democracy to any alternative form of government, they express no strong desire to elect any party other than the CCM. Although reconciling these divergent preferences is challenging, they are understandable given the CCM’s conduct compared to that of opposition parties, especially during elections.

CCM campaigns are highly sophisticated, and the party spends lavishly on them. In the 2005 election, now-president Jakaya Kikwete attended approximately nine-hundred rallies and spoke to an estimated 70,000 people each day. Most rallies were highly orchestrated affairs, combining political speeches with entertainment and widespread distribution of CCM paraphernalia, such as t-shirts, hats, and posters. Moreover, in a recent by-election for the parliamentary seat from Busanda in Mwanza Region, the CCM dispatched twenty top leaders to election rallies, including regional MPs and three ministers, and raised approximately US$1.5 million (about $12 per voter) for the campaign. Because such organizational capacity and resources greatly exceed those of any other party, it is not surprising that voters continue to choose the CCM over the alternatives. In addition, while the CCM’s campaigns highlight the party’s achievements, those mounted by opposition parties often advertise their weaknesses.

Opposition parties in Tanzania need little assistance in marginalizing themselves: They fight each other constantly and consistently fail to work together, and their leaders behave in ways that do not inspire confidence, thereby discouraging all but their most loyal adherents. The Civic United Front (CUF) is the only opposition party that consistently wins a respectable level of votes in parliamentary elections, largely due to its strength in Zanzibar, its home base.6 CUF supporters, however, have attacked CCM members and destroyed their property, primarily in Zanzibar, thus gaining a reputation for violence that has harmed CUF efforts at widening its narrow regional appeal. During campaigns, CUF partisans frequently tussle with CCM supporters, and they are the most likely perpetrators of a number of assaults against the CCM and state property—stoning CCM cars, attacking campaign meetings, vandalizing CCM branch offices, and bombing government buildings. The CUF also acquired a reputation for ineptitude after failing to negotiate a power sharing agreement with the CCM in Zanzibar following the 2000 election (which many, including international observers, suspect that the ruling party had rigged).

The most promising opposition figure outside the CUF has been Augustine Mrema, formerly of the National Convention for Constitution and Reform–Mageuzi (NCCR-Mageuzi) and now the leader of the Tanzania Labor Party (TLP). Mrema’s actions, however, make it difficult for voters to support him, as he has managed to wreck both opposition parties to which he has belonged. Prior to joining opposition forces, Mrema had held three ministerial posts, including deputy prime minister, under various CCM governments and acquired a reputation for integrity and fighting corruption. After being dismissed as minister of labor and youth development in early 1995, however, Mrema left
the ruling party to become the NCCR-Mageuzi’s presidential candidate.

At the time, Mrema was the great hope of anti-CCM forces, and the ruling party considered him a real threat. Despite CCM harassment during the campaign, Mrema still managed to win 28 percent of the vote. Yet after the election, he accused a number of NCCR-Mageuzi leaders of being CCM infiltrators, causing a major rift in the party. In 1999, Mrema quit NCCR-Mageuzi, stealing its property on his way out, and then joined the TLP, where his embarrassing and reckless behavior escalated. Besides fragmenting the TLP’s leadership, he used members’ dues to purchase a home and, while campaigning for the 2005 election, helped himself to $98,000 from the party’s coffers for ethically dubious expenditures—$83,000 to buy alcohol for voters and $15,000 to hire a monkey to attract people to his rallies. Not surprisingly, Mrema’s popularity imploded. In the 2005 election, he received less than one percent of the vote.

Finally, the opposition has consistently failed to work together. The planned unity ticket between NCCR and CUF in 1995 collapsed because they were unable to agree on a running mate for Mrema. In 2000, both the CUF and the Party for Democracy and Progress (Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo—known as Chadema) backed the CUF’s Ibrahim Lipumba as their presidential candidate, but other opposition parties did not. And a coalition was never seriously considered in 2005,
because CUF leaders suspected that their counterparts in the smaller opposition parties were CCM plants and refused to collaborate with them.

Suppressing the Opposition

Although the CCM’s opponents are weak and the demand for their point of view is low, these factors alone do not account for the party’s continued dominance in the multiparty era. In fact, opposition parties have been more effective than many realize, especially considering the methods—both legal and illegal—that the CCM employs to ensure that those who oppose it do not achieve meaningful representation. Thus the opposition parties’ electoral performance tells only part of the story.

The ruling party has developed sophisticated legal mechanisms to ensure its continued control through the regulation of political competition, civil society, and the media. Groups seeking to oppose the CCM routinely confront policies that regulate political competition in ways that make them appear even weaker than they are. These include biases in the electoral formula that allot the CCM more than its proportional share of seats in parliament, an electoral commission that lacks independence, campaign-finance rules that overwhelmingly favor the CCM, and onerous party-registration procedures.

The most critical institutional design favoring the CCM is that of the electoral system, which has guaranteed an overwhelming CCM majority in parliament even though the party’s share of the vote has not always been equally large. Tanzania uses a single-member, first-past-the-post (plurality) electoral system for presidential, parliamentary, and local elections—the same electoral system utilized prior to Tanzania’s return to multiparty competition. The plurality system means that parties failing to receive a majority of votes can still win office.

Plurality voting has permitted the CCM to win a share of parliamentary seats exceeding its share of the popular vote by 20 percent in each of the three parliamentary elections since the country’s transition toward democracy: In 1995, the CCM received 59 percent of the vote and 80 percent of the seats; in 2000, it received 65 percent and 87 percent, respectively; and in 2005, 70 percent and 90 percent.7 As a result, the CCM has kept the two-thirds majority needed to pass constitutional amendments in the National Assembly, even though its vote share reached that level only once, in 2005.8 The margins have been similar in local elections.

The CCM has also used the design of the ballots to discourage voters from supporting opposition parties. In the 1995 and 2005 national elections, ballots provided a space for voters’ registration numbers or had serial numbers printed on them that connected the ballot to the voter’s identity. Despite opposition protest, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) refused to change the ballot designs, and the NEC director defended the system by saying that it was necessary to “assist when queries arise through petitions after the polls and results are announced.”9

The NEC also allowed the CCM to use the Tanzanian national emblem as its ballot picture in 2005, a clear suggestion that a vote for the party was a vote for the country, while a vote for the opposition was not. It is not surprising that the NEC allows ballots compromising secrecy and portraying the opposition as anti-Tanzanian. While officially the commission is independent, de facto it is not. The president has the sole authority to appoint and remove all commissioners, and the commission’s funding is dependent on the CCM-dominated parliament.

Campaign finance is another major built-in hurdle for the opposition. Campaigning in Tanzania is expensive and difficult. Much of the country’s population lives in rural areas. Villages typically lie miles apart on unpaved roads, making it difficult and expensive to visit voters. In the 1995 election, the government granted subsidies to all candidates for presidential or parliamentary office (approximately $10,000 and $1,000, respectively, per candidate), because it did not fear any real threat, wished to appear supportive of democratic competition, and wanted to divide its opponents’ vote share by attracting more candidates. But when the opposition captured more of the popular vote that year than the CCM expected—roughly 40 percent in the parliamentary and presidential races—parliament passed a new subsidy law strongly favoring the CCM.

The new statute disburses half the subsidy in proportion to a party’s popular vote share in the previous election and the other half according to how many seats a party holds in parliament and local governments.10 Since the distribution of seats in parliament and in local councils is skewed heavily toward the CCM, the formula benefits the party disproportionately even after accounting for the CCM’s massive margins of victory. Take, for example, the 2005 election subsidies: The CCM received more than seven times the amount of the next largest party, the CUF, even though the CCM received only five times as many votes. Moreover, this money often finds its way directly into the hands of the electorate, as the law permits candidates to distribute gifts, including money, to voters.11

Opposition parties must also overcome burdensome party-registration procedures. In addition to fulfilling certain ideological conditions, such as secularity and acknowledgment of the union, parties must produce proof of a membership that includes at least two-hundred people from ten or more of the country’s 26 regions; two of these regions must be in Zanzibar. Thus parties that have a limited support base geographically, but in their own localities are stronger than the CCM, are not allowed to compete. This policy also makes it costly to form a new party because registration requires proof of a nationwide presence. In addition, the statute prohibits existing parties from forming official coalitions without registering as a new party.

Regulating Civil Society and the Media

The CCM actively thwarts not only aspiring opposition parties and politicians, but also civil society and the media. The Non-Governmental Organizations Act of 2002 is major roadblock that keeps civil society from playing an active role in politics. This statute requires that NGOs must serve “the public interest,” defined as “all forms of activities aimed at providing for and improving the standard of living or eradication of poverty of a given group of people or the public at large.”12 Since the law defines the public interest in terms of economic development, the government can and has prohibited NGOs from undertaking political activities, thereby keeping groups unable to register as political parties from forming NGOs as an alternative way to address political concerns. The law also prevents NGOs whose interests might be aligned with opposition parties from campaigning on their behalf.

The NGO legislation permits the government to regulate all aspects of civil society, not just restrictions on political activities. Once an NGO has registered, the government monitors it via a required annual report. If at any time the organization oversteps its mission as outlined in its state approved constitution, the government has the authority to suspend the group.13 Choosing not to register as an NGO, however, is risky. Any member of a group that attempts to evade government regulation by not registering faces criminal charges and hefty fines (sometimes up to $400), a year in prison, or both, plus a ban on joining another NGO for five years.14

The CCM has wielded the NGO law against organizations that it perceives to be a threat. For example, when HakiElimu (Education for All) broadcast a series of advertisements in 2005 criticizing the government for failing to improve primary education as it had promised, the government prohibited the NGO from undertaking studies or publishing information on the education sector, and enforced the ban for eighteen months.

The ruling party has also imposed a legal framework inimical to freedom of the press. In 1993—two years before the country’s return to multiparty elections—the CCM passed a broadcasting law that established state-owned radio and television, prohibited stations without a state issued license from operating, and allowed the government to regulate media content.15 Since most Tanzanians get their news by radio, the law allowed the CCM effectively to monopolize the dissemination of information to the vast majority of the electorate. As a result, the CCM receives far more media exposure than opposition parties. During the 2005 election cycle, it received almost thirty hours of radio coverage—as much as the next thirteen largest parties combined and more than three times the coverage of the CUF, the largest opposition party.

Legislation also deters journalists from criticizing the ruling party or the government, and enables the government to keep the media from exposing information that it would rather keep under wraps. The president has “absolute discretion” to prohibit the broadcasting or publishing of information that is not in “the public interest or in the interest of peace and good order.”16 In addition, sedition and libel clauses are often vague and give the judiciary wide discretion over their interpretation. For example, defamation need not be “directly or completely expressed.” Rather, speech must stay within the bounds of what is “reasonably sufficient” to make a point, and judges have the authority to determine what constitutes gratuitous criticism.17 Consequently, in 2004 there were more than eighty libel suits pending in high courts,18 and in 2008 the weekly Mwanahalisi was suspended for three months for publishing a story alleging a rift in the CCM leadership.

The press’s fight against these regulations has succeeded in persuading the ruling party to relax their enforcement, but not to change them. This limited achievement is due in part to the rapid expansion of the media: Between 1992 and 2006, the number of newspapers with more-than-local readerships increased from 7 to 42; radio stations from 1 to 47; and television stations from 0 to 15. These media outlets have joined together to form a lobby powerful enough to impose a four-month-long blackout on coverage of the minister of information, culture, and sport after he suspended Mwanahalisi without what the media considered to be just cause. The media also played an active role in exposing corruption scandals that led to the resignation of former prime minister Edward Lowassa and the firing of former Bank of Tanzania governor Daudi Ballali.

During Tanzania’s transition to a de jure multiparty system, the CCM made no moves to separate the party from the state. Rather, its leadership deliberately created a set of political institutions that blurred the distinction between the two in order to keep its position and power secure. This strategy is twofold: First, the CCM’s rigid organizational structure ensures members’ compliance with the prerogatives of the party leadership. Second, the CCM’s control over civil servants allows the party to use government institutions to inhibit the opposition.

In most Tanzanian cities and towns, CCM offices are typically open, party officials are working hard, and their knowledge of the party’s policies is strong. The CCM leadership set in motion this machine-like efficiency by aligning its own goals (winning elections) with incentives (advancement through the party) for the party’s branch-level workers. CCM branch-office staffers are responsible for bringing citizens to party rallies and for securing their votes. Senior CCM officials can easily verify how effectively the branch worker has carried out these tasks—the former by turnout, the latter by election results. Those who perform well advance in the party hierarchy. In other words, ambitious junior party officials have every incentive to give the CCM leadership what it wants. In addition, since any elected official who votes against the party can be expelled, the party structure allows CCM leaders the freedom to adopt whatever policies they desire.

As a result of this impressive structure, the CCM has the capacity to implement far-reaching social changes without losing political control. Socialism (ujamaa) may have led to disastrous economic consequences, but creating a one-party state, nationalizing the economy, and implementing collective farming nonetheless required a highly organized political structure. This institutional setup has proven extremely useful and resilient, and has allowed the party to change policies radically when necessary without losing political control. For example, when in the late 1980s it became clear that socialism was causing an economic catastrophe, the party was able to restructure the economy along capitalist lines without suffering any loss of political authority.

The CCM’s structure is as useful for suppressing opposition as it is for implementing policy. This is most evident at the regional and district (local) levels. The highest regional and district authorities—the regional commissioner (RC) and the district commissioner (DC)—are appointed directly by the president rather than elected.19 At the same time, the CCM constitution explicitly states that the RCs and DCs are the party’s representatives in the region and the district, thus obscuring where the party ends and the state begins.20

RCs and DCs use their power—especially control over the police—to promote CCM activities and interfere with those of the opposition. For example, holding any large gathering, demonstration, or rally requires police permission—due to public safety concerns, according to the government. Moreover, permit applications require that the applicant list every topic on the agenda, and if an allowed rally strays from that program, the police can break up the meeting. The police frequently reject permit applications for rallies where popular opposition leaders will be speaking—as happened in the run-up to the 2000 elections. In late 1999, Mrema, running for the TLP,
was repeatedly refused permission to hold rallies in his home region of Kilimanjaro. The following year, CUF’s Ibrahim Lipumba was barred from speaking in the Kagera and Kigoma regions. By hiding behind the defense of public safety, the state can claim that its decisions are for the common good rather than for narrow partisan purposes. But the pattern of bans belies these claims: Although opposition candidates consistently run afoul of complex campaign procedures and laws, CCM candidates seem to avoid these problems entirely.

RCs and DCs have final approval over not just the police, but all government employees in their jurisdiction. Civil servants are accountable to the district executive director (DED), who reports to the DC. DEDs have employed numerous tactics to ensure that civil servants help the CCM to maintain political control, including:

• Allowing the CCM to use public facilities (stadiums, schools) for campaigning, but denying such use to opposition parties;

• Having tax collectors target opposition supporters as well as business owners who fail to support or vote for the CCM;

• Threatening to revoke the licenses of business owners who do not support the CCM;

• Ordering police to shut down businesses during the CCM rallies to boost attendance;

• Telling public-school teachers to encourage their students to attend the CCM rallies and to discourage them from going to opposition gatherings;

• Telling citizens that basic services are contingent on a ruling-party victory in their area;

• Threatening civil servants with firing if they fail to mobilize the electorate for the CCM;

• Placing civil servants on fundraising committees for CCM candidates.

Typically, these legal means of controlling political competition, containing civil society and the media, and blurring the lines between party and state are effective at suppressing opposition movements quietly, and hence the party has a reputation for benign hegemony. When these tools fail to eliminate a particular threat, however, the CCM has employed clearly coercive and illegal measures to win elections.

Skirting the Law

As the ruling party, the CCM can for the most part act with impunity. Because it controls the police and security services, it can even operate outside the bounds of the law, jailing or beating opposition supporters at will. And when campaign funding runs dry, the governing party can dip into state coffers, stealing public monies so that it can keep campaigning.

The police have jailed opposition-party leaders and members, members of NGOs, and journalists under numerous pretexts in order to prevent an unwanted activity, in retaliation for something, or to intimidate other activists. The CCM will go to great lengths when it perceives a political threat. For example, during the 1995 presidential campaign, the minister of home affairs wrote to the inspector-general of police, requesting him to find some reason to arrest Mrema, the leading opposition figure at the time, and to ban his party’s rallies. When the private weekly Shaba printed the letter making this demand, its editor and director were arrested. The state did not deny the letter’s veracity; instead, it claimed that the pair had been detained for revealing official secrets.

The CCM plot to end Mrema’s campaign was not an isolated occurrence. Before each election, opposition parties find that they are banned from holding campaign events, and their presidential candidates spend an inordinate amount of time in jail. Mrema was arrested on sedition charges twice before the 2000 election and once before the 2005 election. CUF’s Lipumba was detained without charge twice in the run-up to the 2005 election. Christopher Mtikila, the outspoken leader of the unregistered Democratic Party, has been arrested at least eight times over the years. Yet only one conviction resulted from all these arrests—Mtikila’s for sedition in 1999—and most cases never went to trial. The police have never arrested a CCM presidential candidate.

The CCM has also frequently resorted to violence against its opponents and critics. During the 2005 campaign, Lipumba received death threats via cell-phone text messages and was beaten and robbed in Bukoba. In 2004, a popular opposition MP representing the Moshi Rural constituency, who had already been arrested five times while campaigning for a by-election, was run off the road, beaten, and robbed the night before the poll. In January 2008, shortly after Mwanahalisi published a list of corrupt officials, two of the paper’s editors were disfigured when an assailant threw acid in their faces. In October of that same year, police employed heavy-handed tactics against Chadema in a by-election for the Tarime District’s parliamentary seat. The deceased Chadema MP had been popular in the area, thus the CCM leadership saw his death as an opportunity at last to capture the seat. Prior to the election, police broke up a Chadema rally using tear gas and rubber bullets and arrested 29 people, including Chadema’s parliamentary candidate. In response to the attack, the head of police special operations said, “In a war anything can happen,” and accused the Chadema supporters of attacking police.21

The highest levels of violence that the CCM has countenanced have occurred in Zanzibar. The October 2000 election, in particular, exposed the willingness of the island’s CCM faction to use force to retain control. While harassment, violence, and intimidation occurred before the election, the greatest brutality came afterward—once voters realized that the CCM had rigged the poll. The blatant theft of the election led CUF members to demonstrate. In retaliation, police fired on a group of three hundred or so CUF protestors, and there ensued a massive wave of repression featuring the arbitrary arrest, torture, and murder of suspected CUF supporters. The violence continued to escalate until January 2001, when police killed at least 35 CUF supporters and wounded hundreds at a party demonstration. It is important to recall, however, that because of the semiautonomy of the CCM branch in Zanzibar, we cannot directly attribute its actions there to those of the overall party.

Subjecting the opposition to physical violence and incarceration is not the only unequivocally illegal measure that the CCM uses to stay in power. Party members have also conspired to steal state resources to finance electoral campaigns. Most egregious was the 2005 theft of $111 million from the Bank of Tanzania. Those under investigation for the crime claim that high-ranking CCM officials ordered them to do it, and a Ugandan newspaper traced at least $20 million of this money to CCM campaign expenditures in the competitive 2005 parliamentary races in Songea Urban and Kigoma Urban constituencies.

A decade and a half after Tanzania’s transition to a multiparty system, a viable opposition still does not exist, nor is there evidence to suggest that one will materialize in the near future. On the contrary, the opposition’s vote share has declined with each election, as has their representation in parliament. Not surprisingly, public opinion about Tanzanian politics mirrors this pattern. While we can attribute the opposition parties’ failure to win over the public in part to their own insalubrious behavior, that alone does not explain why opposition parties remain feeble in Tanzania. The ruling party’s sophisticated and ruthless techniques have largely kept the opposition ineffective and unpopular. The CCM has overwhelmingly succeeded in utilizing its vast spheres of control to ensure its continued dominance. To repress opposition quietly, the CCM manipulates the rules that govern political competition, civil society, and the media, and consciously obscures the division between itself and the state. If those methods fail, the party takes other actions, often coercive and illegal, to guarantee that it will prevail at the polls.

Although it would be inaccurate to say that the CCM silences all opponents—opposition parties do win seats in parliament, and the CUF is a powerful political force in Zanzibar—there are nonetheless troubling signs of political suppression. The international community has long known that elections in Zanzibar have never been free and fair, but the situation on the mainland also is far from perfect. The mainland CCM has mobilized, sometimes violently, to squelch political threats. Beneath the CCM’s image as a benign hegemon lies a merciless force. Relentless in its quest to extend its reign, the CCM employs a deliberate strategy to repress pposition. Thus, while the ruling party currently allows for generally free and fair balloting, it is an open question how the party will react if a
nationally competitive opposition party should manage to emerge.

1. “Future Tanzanian President Rejects Election Fraud Claims,” Agence France Presse, 20 November 1995.

2. Although the term “transition toward democracy” is awkward, it better characterizes recent political changes in Tanzania than “transition to democracy,” as the country still is not one.

3. Amon Chaligha et al., “Uncritical Citizens or Patient Trustees? Tanzanians’ Views 136 Journal of Democracyof Political and Economic Reform,” Afrobarometer Working Paper 18, March 2002; available at

4. Gerardo Munck and Carol Skalnik Leff, “Modes of Transition and Democratization:
South America and Eastern Europe in Comparative Perspective,” Comparative Politics 29 (April 1997): 343–62; Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).

5. Excluding those whose responses were coded as “not applicable.”

6. The CUF consistently receives approximately 40 percent of the popular vote in Zanzibar and controls about 40 percent of the seats in the Zanzibar House of Representatives. The party’s base of support is the islands’ non-African population.

7. Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, “Tanzania: Election Archive”; available at

8. One can argue that since single-member districts are the systems most likely to create two parties, the electoral system will not benefit the CCM in the long run, as it will hasten the creation of a national opposition. While this is certainly a possibility, so far it has magnified CCM’s victories, not caused the opposition to coalesce.

9. “Opposition Party Threatens to Pull Out of Election Over Defective Ballot Papers,” Radio Tanzania, via BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 16 October 1995; “Tanzanian Poll Body Defends Ballot Paper Design,” Guardian (Dar es Salaam), 15 October 2005.

10. If a candidate runs unopposed, he or she is deemed to have won 51 percent of the vote for purposes of subsidy allocation; see Government of Tanzania, Act No. 11 (1996) to Amend Political Parties Act No. 5 (1992), secs. 16, 17, and 18.

11. Benson Bana, “A Framework Paper for Studying Political Parties on Issues Related to Party Conduct and Management,” Research and Education for Democracy in Tanzania Working Paper, 2007. Recently, the High Court judged the practice to be illegal, although it is not yet clear whether it will be allowed in the 2010 election.

12. Government of Tanzania, Non-Governmental Organizations Act, 2002, part I, sec. 2.

13. Global Integrity, “2006 Country Report: Tanzania”; available at

14. Non-Governmental Organizations Act, 2002, part IV, section 35.

15. Government of Tanzania, Broadcasting Services Act, 1993.

16. Government of Tanzania, Newspapers Act, 1976, sec. 27 (2).

17. Newspapers Act, 1976, sec. 40 (2) and 43.

18. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, “Tanzania: 2004 Country Report on Human Rights Practices,” 28 February 2005; available at; we were unable to find more recent data.

19. Government of Tanzania, Regional Administration Act, 1997, part II, sec. 5 (2).

20. CCM Constitution, secs. 5 and 6.

21. “Opposition Party and Police Spar in By-Election Campaign,” Citizen (Dar es Salaam), 8 October 2008.

Rwanda launches first Wireless Broadband “hot spot” capital city in Africa

Subject: Kigali to become a wireless City

Kigali will soon go wireless after the government launched a $7.66 million wireless broadband (WiBro) facility that is set to make it the first “hot spot” capital city in Africa.

The service will go commercial in three months.

The wireless Internet facility was built by Korea Telecom, South Korea’s
largest fixed-line telephone operator and second-largest mobile carrier.

Korea Telecom clinched the $7.66 million deal in 2007 from the Rwandan
government to build an infrastructure for the WiBro technology-based

“The launch marks the first entry of WiBro technology into Africa.

Along with a number of similar projects in Africa, the South Korean company is also undertaking a $40 million project that commenced in 2008 to provide a network for Internet access in Rwanda called the Kigali Metropolitan Network.

The Kigali Metropolitan Network (KMN), which is laid on a fibre optic loop, is a large computer network that spans a metropolitan area.

It also provides Internet connectivity for local area networks in a
metropolitan region, and connects them to wider area networks like the

Sandra Nassali
Community Facilitator
UgaBYTES Initiative ( (
Plot 2218 Ggaba Road,
2nd Floor Kangave House
P.O. Box 6081 K’la

Carrying of weapons banned along the Luo-Maasai border areas


News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

The government has banned the carrying of all kinds of weapons in public places along the entire border of Rongo districts, and at the same time told those holding illegally acquired firearms to surrender them to the security agents within two weeks period of time, or else face the music.

These were parts of the contentious resolutions passed at a well attended border meeting held at Angaga market on the Rongo-Trans-Mara district border. The meeting was called to reconcile the two warring Maasai and Luo communities

Cabinet Minister Dalmas Otieno, and the Southern Nyanza and South Rift regional commissioners Erastur Ekidor and Naftally Munyadhia attended the meeting. Also in attendance were the Trans-Mara and Rongo District Commissioners, as well as district police chiefs.

This is the border area where two people were killed after being shot with arrows, when skirmishes erupted between the Maasais and Luos.

The dispute, according to police and administration sources, was over the parcel of land plot, which a Luo farmer is said to have bought over 40 years ago, and settled  his family on. An administration chief, whose location is lying along the border area, is said to have developed the interest on the piece of land, and has been the tool of incitement, pitting the two communities.

The latest skirmishes came hardly two months after the previous clashes, which resulted in the death of two people, and close to 16 houses torched on both sides of the volatile border.

During the incident on Sunday morning, a large number of people believed to be Maasai morans, armed with a mixture of lethal weapons, launched a surprise dawn attack against the sleeping Luo villages, and killed two people among the Luos.  Several hundreds of acres of sugar cane, both mature and immature were also set ablaze in the fields.

The government immediately dispatched a contingent of General Service Unit {GSU}, to supplement the regular and administration police teams already on the ground, to calm the situation. Both the Trans-Mara and Rongo D.C’s also rushed to the border and held the meeting, and appealed to the combatants from both sides to lay down their arms and allow the government to sort out the messes
The two Regional Commissioners announced their banning of carrying of weapons in the area, and also the surrender of all illegal firearms within two weeks.

Before the public rally took place, Dalmas Otieno, who is the Minister for Public Services, and the two teams held a close door meeting, which lasted for four hours, while members of the public waited patiently at the meeting venue.

 In his address, Mr. Otieno told the Luos and the Maasais to live peacefully and harmoniously, respecting each other’s constitutional and legal rights to live in any part of the country, so long as the land on which one is living on is legally acquired.

The Minister said he had consulted widely with cabinet colleague, the Minister for Internal Security, Prof. George Saitoti, and his Kilgoris counterpart Gideon Konchellah, and all agreed that peace and tranquility must be maintained at all costs. The use of private militia by anyone community against their neighbor is not permitted by the law, said the Minister.

Mr Otieno announced that three more police posts would be established along the borderline, so that the security agents can monitor the area, with the view to ensure that peace prevailed, and nobody is harassed. The move will also ensure an end to constant skirmishes along the border. He told the residents to resolve their disputes, even those affecting land, amicably and through the established court of laws, instead of resorting to the use of violence.

As a result of last Sunday skirmishes, a location chief is in policed custody, and the Nyanza P.C, Johnson Mutie, has confirmed that the chief would soon appear in court to answer charges of incitement.

Contacted, the Security Assistant Minister, Joshua Orwa Ojode said that anyone arrested and charged in court with the offense of inciting Kenyans against each other, must be interdicted immediately if such a person is a civil servant. He said that is what the law says, and added his voice to the two communities to maintain law and order, and to discard those inciting them for personal gains and interests.

Last Monday, a team of CID police arrested Chief SamsonOle Muntet of Olontury Location, that lies along the borderline between Nyanza and Rift Valley.

The Nyanza P.C, Johnson Mutie, confirmed that he chief would soon appear in court to answer the charges of incitement. The police were also looking for other persons including, another chief, suspected to be war-mongers along the border areas.


Karachuonyo in state of shock following the shooting to death of a young anti Malaria Researcher


Reports Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

The residents of  Kendu-Bay and its environs in Rachuonyo North district are in state of shock following the shooting to death of a young researcher with the Kisumu based KEMRI/CDC Malaria Research Station.

Reports from the area say Dr. Alfredo Obure, Phd degree holder had entertained some visitors in his home, located in East Karachuonyo Locations and had decided to escort his friends back to their homes in his car. As he droves around Akwakra village in Karabondi village, some thugs emerged from the bush and stopped him. He and his friends were ordered out of the car and told and ordered to lie down by the road side.

One of the thugs, who was armed with an AK 47 assault riffle is said to have shot Dr. Obure twice in the head, killing him instantly. Dr. Obure is said to have received his Phd degree only a couple of months ago.

The killing came hardly one month after unknown two thugs shot the late Mr Daudi Ongong’o, a trader within the vicinity of Kendu-Bay Town, as he was delivering maize produce to traders at Oriang’ Market, and made off with unspecified amount of money.

Unconfirmed reports say one of the thugs who killed Mr.Ongong’o was later reported to have been gunned down by police in Kilgoris, in Trans-Mara district. This information is rather faint and could not be confirmed immediately.

The Karachuonyo MP, Eng. James K Rege, has strongly condemned the killing and asked the government to bring the killers of Dr. Obure to justice.

Rege said insecurity was well spread countrywide, and wondered what the police were doing and yet Kenya has gone IT with all the latest technology of communications. The police should be able to apprehend any culprit within minutes after committing a felony
The MP decried poor policing strategies by the Kenya police, saying there is a police station at Kendu-Bay, but the next such station is situated 90 kilometers away, giving the leeway to criminals escaping from the scene of a crime.

In the early incident, the thugs who shot Mr. Ongong’o dead in day light robbery, rode in a motor bike, and escaped with the cash money, which the deceased, who trades in farm produce, had sold a lorry load of maize bugs, which he had brought along from Trans-Nzoia.

 The MP told this writer of an ugly incident, which occurred at Pala Market in West Karachuonyo. It happened that some thugs using a motor vehicle, whose registration number plates had been rubbed with mud, to conceal the vehicles identity, were  caught red-handed while sitting in a car, waiting to strike in a place where some young people had organized a dance, and hired a live band to entertain guests, who were charged at the gate.

The thugs were apprehended and found to be armed with an AK 47 with several rounds of ammunitions. Had the police delayed in arresting them in time, the incident could have been a bloody one.

Eng Rege called upon the government to hunt down criminal elements within the region and rid the area of all the illegally acquired sophisticated weapons, and arrest their owners.

The result of these incidents is that many traders and businessmen, as well as fishermen and farmers feels insecure, even in their own homes, because these thugs could strike them anytime of the day or night on robbery missions. It is already having an adverse physiological effect on traders operating in the region, who now feel unsafe in their day to day business activities.
A good number of people interviewed at Kendu-Bay, Adiedo, Kandiege, Kadel,Omboga and  Rakwaro trading centers told this writer that they were no longer feeling safe, even after closing their shops.

People in the entire Karachuonyo constituency are living under fear and have requested the government to eradicate thuggery in the area. When this writer visited Kendu-Bay Town on Thursday, people were talking in groups in low tones, and showing faces of disappointment and shock. The news of the shooting of Dr. Obure spread like fire in the villages, and in no time, many people walked from their homes in the villages to Kendu-Bay town, with the aims of finding out more information about the latest killing. The thugs took nothing from the victims.


Tourism in Tanzania is rapidly declining, sparking the government to be in a state of financial alertness


Business News By Leo Odera Omolo

TANZANIA is reported to be seriously concerned with the rapidly declining trend over non-arrival of visitors, especially the tourist from Western European countries  and the US.

Reports emerging from Dar Es Salaam say non-arrival of visitors and tourists has put that country in a state of financial alertness, as the country has always relied heavily on tourism for its foreign exchange. The country has plenty of tourist attraction scenery plus abundance facilities, much fewer visitors came this year.

Government sources in both political capital of Dodoma in the Central region and the commercial capital of Dar Es Salaam indicate that tourist arrival in the country declined by 10 per cent in the first ten months of 2009, to reach 576,663 down from 641,951 in 2008.

These reports are backed by the UN World Tourist Organization 2009 report entitled “World Tourist Barometer”, which projects the negative trend in international tourism emerged in the second half of 2008 and at the same time sustained in 2009, due to the global economic downturn and swine flu pandemics.

According to a report recently published by the organization, international tourism dropped by 8 per cent from 269 million in 2008 to 247 million in 2009. The report also speculates that the declining trend will carry on up the year 2010.

However, Ibrahim Musa, who is an assistant director of research, training and statistics at the Tanzanian Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, was last week quoted by the influential weekly, the EASTAFRICAN as saying that the effect of the global crunch has not badly wounded the country.

This is so despite statistics showing declining figures with exception of the month of July, which recorded 79,171 visitors compared to 77,775 visitors in 2008.

The trend is replicated in Zanzibar where the Zanzibar Commission for Tourism has reported only 81,988 tourists arrivals against a projected figure of 150,000 in 2009.

It is possible that Zanzibar will not salvage the situation that has badly affected the economy because peak period are fast elapsing.

Mr Julius Bishop, the director of Zanzibar Association of Tourism investors, is however optimistic about the country recovery from the crisis.

Tanzania earned USD 1.2 million from tourism activities in 2008, while Zanzibar received USD 1.6 million, which is a 3.1 percent decline from the figure that was recorded in 2007.

According to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, the average length of stay for foreign visitors in Tanzania mainland was nine nights as compared to 10 in Zanzibar, which earned the country USD 299 per visitor per day.

Tanzania is now intensifying efforts to revamp domestic tourism, which grew by 19.3 percent to reach 639,749 in 2009 compared to 2008.
The Northern Tanzanian region of Arusha offer spectacular tourist attraction, with its abundant wild life at the world famous Serengeti National Game Park, Lake Manyara , both Mount Kilimanjaro and Mt. Meru scenery, and other centers of tourist attraction, with several well kept and well stocked lodges and camps.


Kenya’s Judiciary Department is Dysfunctioning


This is an act of corruption and impunity denying Citizens the right to assemble and is tantamount to acts of Human Rights Abuse. Secondly, these people had applied for permit to assemble, why were they rounded up and taken to custody as criminals? Why were they harshly rafled up and inhumanly mishandled? Why did they get charged? Why were they given free bond for release if they were criminals?

The Coalition Government has failed in its mandate to provide security and protect its citizen unfair treatment and are not able cooperate amicable with the Society demands to dialogue, so to avoid confrontations. As can be seen here, the Judicial Ministry not functioning and has also failed to respect and honor people/public dignity for peaceful assembly. The public are treated like bags of potatoes without due regard for the older women who were in the midst of the demonstrating group. They were all treated like thugs or criminals. This is quite an unfair treatment. I suggest the Kenyan court is equally not qualified to handle and tackle the judicial civil cases without being manipulative when using powers of the Justice Department or prosecute anyone for injustices. This is because this body does not respect principle of the bar and cannot be trusted. They are not competent and are all prejudiced and suspected to have been compromised in the handling of such kind of Civil matters. They have no business occupying public judicial offices and are earning public money dishonestly.

We demand that the Coalition Government take early opportunity to dismantle the Judicial body including Wako and replace them together with the Judges with unpoluted characters, who the Republic can generate trust to give a just and unbiased ruling in administering Law.

We hope International friends and sympathizers will also help in adding pressure to the Government to stop harrassing Civilians unfairly those who are excercising their democractic rights to demand justice and service delivery.


Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

Check this out……..

Activists request to hold anti-Ongeri demo

Dear Kenyans and friends of Kenyans,

Following our release on free bond on Saturday (26th December, 2009) we appeared before Magistrate Grace Nzioka this morning to answer to amended charges of engaging in an unlawful assembly. However, as indicated in my previous update, before proceeding to plead to these charges, we applied to the court that the magistrate disqualify herself from hearing the case as in our view her manner of handling the case on Thursday had betrayed her lack of independence and in that event compromised our constitutional rights. In this regard it is our intention to make an application to the High Court. The magistrate disqualified herself and for about two hours we waited outside the Kibera Law Courts to be informed to whom the case had been referred and when it was scheduled to be heard.

We were eventually directed to Court No. 4 where the Magistrate insisted that a plea must be taken from each of us before we can move to the High Court for a ruling concerning the violation of our constitutional rights in the arrest, initial appearance before court, re-arrest and treatment while under police custody.

We all entered a plea of “Not Guilty” and the mention date was set for 3rd February, 2010 and the hearing date for 22nd February, 2010 in Court No. 1 before Mrs Kidullah.

The Magistrate set the cash bail for our release at K.Shs. 5000/= each. We appealed to the court for lowering of amount since we are all people of simple means and the amount was simply too high. Despite three lawyers standing to support us in our appeal, the magistrate remained adamant and indicated that if in a week’s time there will be people still in custody for failing to raise the amount, then the court would consider reviewing it. The matter of bail was further complicated by the fact that tracing the court cashier at that late hour of the day was tedious in itself.

It is amazing that we found a police lorry with armed policemen already waiting for us as though they had anticipated we would be returning to the cells at least for tonight if not for more days and nights. It is also amazing that similarly to last Thursday, when we first appeared in court, our matter was delayed all day long only to be dealt with in the evening. Further, the matters that the magistrate was not specific about were implicit directions to the prosecution on how they can keep us in continued custody.

In any event, we managed to post bail of Kshs. 110,000/- for the whole group, thanks to well wishers (friends of the people of Kenya). We will be returning to court on 3rd February, 2010.

We thank you for your continued support – especially everyone that attended court with us, contributed towards the bail or just put out a message of solidarity.


George Nyongesa

Bunge la Mwananchi

Leaflets threatening Luos to leave Kericho before Xmas hit the streets


Reports Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City.

Police in Kericho town are reported to be actively investigating the source and authors of  leaflets, which were dropped in town over the weekend, warning members of the Luo community to leave the region before Christmas.

The undated and unsigned leaflets were dropped along the Kericho-Nakuru and Kericho-Kisumu Highway, starting from outside the main gate of the posh tea Hotel, up to the junction of James Finlay’s Tea Company, within the town.

Those responsible for dropping the leaflets appeared to have been using a motor vehicle, as some of the leaflets are bearing dirty tire marks.

These leaflets appeared to be targeting members of the Luo community working and doing business in the town. It reads as follows in English:
“Mary Christmas Our Brothers from the Lake”.
“Our staying together is being very limited, although we would have wished to be one. It is sad that we now wish you to leave. And thanks for the Prime Minister’s efforts to separate us.”…
“Siasa zake za uchochezi lazima zikome”, says one sentence in Kiswahili version of the seemingly well written leaflets.

The authors of the leaflets were roundly condemned by a section of Kericho politicians, led by Coun. Nicholas Tum, who alleged that he suspected the leaflets to be the work of the PNU agents and sympathizers. He urged the police to leave no stone unturned in their investigations, and to ensure that the authors of what he termed, “cowardice, seditious papers” are brought to book.

Kericho has a sizeable population of Luos. Most of them work as tea pickers for the two major multinational foreign owned tea companies. Others are jua kali artisans and mechanics in the town’s main garages, dress and shoe-makers operating on the verandas of shops in major town’s streets, masons and carpenters in the building industry. And they appeared to be getting on well with their host, the Kipsigis.

There are also a good number of hawkers of petty goods. Others are engaged by wealthy Kipsigis farmers and traders as laborers in their small scale tea farmer, which are spread in Bureti, Belgut, Konoin and Ainamoi constituencies.

There used to be thousands of Luos employed in the tea industry in Kericho and its environs, but their numbers dwindled to only paltry, following changes of work force in the tea estates and factories, and the introduction of robots, which also ushered in the mechanized teas picking system.

Coun Tum told the author of the leaflets to engage themselves on gainful occupations instead of intimidating the law abiding citizens of Kenya. He said the authors of the leaflets had criminal aims, and objective of dividing the ODM members, and weakening the party ahead of the 2012 general elections.

“We want our people to  ignore these warnings and to go about their daily core in the real task of nation building. The ODM is the party, which is so popular in the South Rift and the leaflets are the work of the disgruntled elements”.

“There is no point in certain people singling out the Prime Minister Raila Odinga as individual. What is happening in Mau Forest eviction is a government policy and all those serving in the coalition government are collectively responsible”, Said Mr.Tum.
Coun Tum urged the Kalenjin MPs to preach peace and reconciliation, instead of being hardened like animals, and taken for a ride by those serving selfish interests, through their kind of political deceits.

The next general election is schedule for 2012 and there is plenty of time. When the time come, the ODM like any other party in this country would work for a possible realignment and new political dispensation.

At the same time, discontent is high in Kericho, after the weekend revelation by the government, that a good number of Kalenjin Mps owned land in Mau, even those who in the recent past, went public denying having any farm in the Mau Forest.

Mr Tum blamed some of the Kalenjin Mps, whom he accused for having misinterpreting the common proverbs used by Raila Odinga, the Prime Minister, at most of his public rallies, citing the incident of frogs in the waters drinking cattle, and coined their own poisonous propaganda, and concocted these proverb words to mean he {Raila}, had insulted the Kalenjin, likening those facing eviction from Mau Forest to the ”FROGs”in the rivers..

These cheap lies must come to an end, and the Kalenjin MPs must behave responsibly like leaders and they should guard against selling their community cheaply to the outsiders nursing presidential ambitions. This is not how to win the presidency.

All the future presidential aspirants must exercise some element of responsible and quality leadership meant to attract the voters, must desist from tarnishing the names of their possible opponents.

The coined propaganda words are being spread in the interior parts of Kipsigis region, where the Prime Minister has maintained almost 100 support of the public, and the ODM has the lead. It is all the succession war against the Prime Minister.
“The Prime Minister has at no time abused the Kalenjin in general, the Mau Forest evictees in particular, therefore people must stop listening to these cheap propaganda aimed at tarnishing the name of the Prime Minister for selfish political ends”, said Coun Tum, adding that Raila Odinga is not at war with the community, but meant well for the region..

Coun Tum advised the Kipsigis community to ignore such propagandas. The Prime Minister has no war nor is he nursing any hate attitudes towards the community that voted for him in his presidential election in 2007 man to man. In fact Raila loves the Kipsigis and the entire Kalenjin people, except the few political enemies of the ODM who are allegedly being bankrolled by PNU agent and the advocates of the amorphous triple KKK{Kalenjin,Kikuyu and Kambas}, whose alleged main architect is the Vice President, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka.

”These people have been taking us for a ride, and yet they were only serving selfish interests. And no wonder, the names of the very persons who have repeatedly denied owning any piece of forest land have now been revealed and their true identities.

It is shameful, and bad politics for the Kalenjin community, because the activities of the selfish landlords, who have been vocal, insisting they were fighting for the landless member of the community, and yet they are fighting for their own economic interest. These are the same people who have come out in the open and told us how bad is Mr. Raila Odinga, because he is the one who is hell bent on chasing our people out of Mau. What a confusion?”, asked Mzee James Kenduiywo of Silibwet in Bomet district.

He however, came out in defense of the retired President Daniel Arap Moi, and appealed to the government to spare his important investment in the Mau Forest. “The tea estate and factory should be exempted from eviction as the industry has offered employment to hundreds of Kenyans from all tribes”, said Mr. Kenduiywo.

In the tribal clashes of the 1992 -1993, quite a good number of Luos  living and working in the Kipsigis region were attacked, injured and even some of them killed. These attacks later spread into the full length of the Kalenjin-Luo borders. But in the 2008 post independence violence, the Kisiis and Kikuyus suffered a great deal, when their properties were torched, and some of them killed by the Kalenjin youths. This time around, the Luos, who are supporters of ODM were spared.


Ripoti ya Umoja wa Mataifa Juu ya Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) – Hii Hapa

Yona Maro

This report concludes that military operations against the FDLR have failed to dismantle the organization’s political and military structures on the ground in eastern DRC. The increasing rate of FDLR combatant defections and the FDLR temporary removal from many of its bases are only a partial success considering that the armed group has regrouped in a number of locations in the Kivus, and continues to recruit new fighters. This report shows that the FDLR continues to benefit from residual but significant support from top commanders of the FARDC, particularly those officers in the 10th military region (South Kivu), and has sealed strategic alliances with other armed groups in both North and South Kivu . External support networks, both regional and international, have been used by FDLR in the field to counteract the effects of Kimia II, for instance networks in Burundi and Tanzania . The Group has also documented that the FDLR has a far reaching international diaspora network involved in the day-to-day running of the movement; the coordination of military and arms trafficking activities and the management of financial activities. This report presents two case studies on the involvement of individuals linked to faith-based organizations.

The Group investigated the FDLR’s ongoing exploitation of natural resources in the Kivus, notably gold and cassiterite reserves which the Group calculates continue to deliver millions of dollars in direct financing into FDLR coffers. This report illustrates how FDLR gold networks are intertwined tightly with trading networks operating within Uganda and Burundi as well as the UAE. The Group also documents that a number of minerals exporting houses, some of whom were named in the Group’s previous report in 2008, continue to trade with the FDLR.

This report shows that end buyers for this cassiterite include the Malaysia Smelting Corporation and the Thailand Smelting and Refining Company, held by Amalgamated Metals Corporation, a UK entity.

The report analyzes the integration of non-state armed groups into the FARDC through the rapid integration in January 2009; as well as prior and during the FARDC/RDF joint operation Umoja Wetu and Kimia II. In this context, the CNDP officer class, in particular General Bosco Ntaganda, has continued to retain heavy weapons acquired during its period of rebellion in spite of its official integration into the FARDC and still controls revenue generating activities and parallel local administrations. The Group also presents documentary evidence showing that Gen Ntaganda continues to act as Kimia II deputy operational commander.

CNDP military officers deployed as part of FARDC Kimia II operations have profited from their deployment in mineral rich areas, notably at the Bisie mine in Walikale, North Kivu, and in the territory of Kalehe , in South Kivu . In both these areas, the FARDC commanding officers on the ground are ex-CNDP officers. The Group includes evidence in the report showing direct involvement of CNDP military officials in the supply of minerals to a number of exporting houses in North and South Kivu , some of which also supply the same international companies mentioned above.

The Group has monitored compliance with paragraph 5 of resolution 1807 (2008), by which the Security Council decided that all states shall notify the Sanctions Committee in advance regarding the shipment of arms and related material for the DRC or any provision of assistance, advice or training related to military activities, especially given the Group’s findings on the continued diversion of FARDC military equipment to non-governmental armed groups, notably the FDLR. The Group has conclusively documented irregular deliveries of arms to the DRC from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Sudan as well as deliveries of trucks and aircraft that have been used by the FARDC. This report also documents the failure of a number of States to notify the Sanctions Committee of training they provided to the FARDC.

The Group also reports on violations of human rights committed in contravention of subparagraphs 4 (d), (e) and (f) of resolution 1857 (2008): This report concludes that the FARDC and non-governmental armed groups continue to perpetrate human rights abuses, and in the context of Kimia II operations, in contravention of international humanitarian law. The FARDC and the FDLR have been involved in significant killings of civilians and other abuses from March to October 2009 causing additional waves of displacement of several hundred thousand civilians. The findings of this report underline the need for the urgent establishment of a vetting mechanism as well as the strengthening of accountability and justice system in the DRC. A list of FARDC commanders currently deployed in the Kimia II operation, with an established record of human rights abuses is annexed to this report:


African Union says foreign mercenaries from African nations and other countries are fighting alongside Somali terrorists


News Analysis By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

KENYANS, and Ugandans are among more than one thousand foreign militants fighting alongside Al-Shabaab forces to overthrow the UN and African Union supported Transitional Somali Government..

This startling revelation was made yesterday in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, by the AU Special representative for Somalia, Wafula Wamunyinyi, a former Kenyan MP-turned diplomat..

The AU representative also listed Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, America, Tanzania ,Sudan as countries where Al-Shabaab militants have recruited its foreign fighters.

Speaking at the opening of a confidence building workshop for the Somalia peacekeeping mission, dubbed AMISOM, Wafula Wamunyinyi pointed out that the presence of Al-Qaeda in Somalia is real and the world should be put on notice.

The AU diplomat observed that the managers and operational commanders of Al-Shabaab belong to Al-Daeda.

“If we don’t put our hands together, the Al-Qaeda will take over Somalia and then spread its terrorists activities to other neighboring African nations, considering the grip they have on Somalia,” Wafula Wamunyinyi said.

“With the involvement of foreign fighters, we need to adopt a new approach towards the conflict in Somalia, away from the perception that these are sub-clans fighting.”

The Special representative informed the two days workshop, held at Speke Resort Munyonyo, that Al-Shabaab has established training camps with Al-Qaeda’s help and financial assistance. “With Al-Qaeda training, you know what to expect, suicide bombing and kidnaps,” he noted.

The AU official said Al-Shabaab foreign fighters strength is currently being estimated to be approximately 1200, half of whom are said to be Kenyans. But others are scattered in other smaller towns, scattered all over the Horn of African nations, and as such the exact figure cold not be assessed.

Wafula Wamunyinyi noted that the foreigners holding important positions within Al-Shabaab establishment as Sheikh Mohamed Abu Faid, a Saudi Arabian born, who is the financier and current ”manager”of the group, while one Abu Musa Mombasa is the head of security and training operations. Mombasa purportedly arrived in Somalia recently from Pakistan to replace Saleh Ali Nebhan, a Kenyan who was killed in US military operation.

Another important foreign element is Abu Mansur Al-Amrik,an American, heads the finance and payroll department of the foreign fighters, while Muhamed Mujijir, a Sudanese is in charge of recruitment of suicide bombers, said Wafula Wamunyinyi.

Also l listed is Ahmed Abdi Godane, an Al-Qaeda graduate from Afghanistan,and Abu Suleiman Banidiri, a Somali of Yemen descent.
Wafula Wamunyinyi said AMISOM has been able to collect valuable information about the fundamentalists through intelligence gathering . “Several militant foreign fighters have also been killed, “ he added.

The AMISOM spokesman, Major Bohoko Bargye told the government owned newspaper, THE NEWVISION that he had personally talked to the three of the Ugandan Al-Shabaab fighters, who issued threats against him, claiming that they knew his whereabouts, and the whereabouts of all his relatives back home in Kampala.

Ajor Bargye said the three spoke Luganda,Kifumbira and Iteso, local dialects in Uganda respectively. He said one of the Ugandan mercenaries had told him that he was a member of the Alliance Democratic Forces {ADF}, a rebel group that is fighting the Ugandan government and operating inside the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Majr Bohoko noted that despite the challenge posed by the militants, the AU mission would not demand a change of its mandate.

Al-Qaeda involvement was not a secret, he observed, saying the terrorists published their presence on the various websites, claiming they were in Somalia to defend their Muslim brothers.

“Going by the information we have gathered, these people are fugitives. They are being sought for by security agencies and criminal investigators for criminal activities, in other countries and were now caught up in this web”.
“They are creating anarchy because they don’t know where to go next if the conflict in Somalia get solved,”said Major Bargye.

He went on saying that Al-Shabaab Islamist Extremist want Somalia to be portrayed as a no-go area, a country that cannot be rectified, so that social criminals from around the world can continue operating from it with impunity.

The two day conference was intended to create awareness among the media and civil society organizations on current and potential peacekeeping troops contributing countries.

Uganda and Burundi are the only countries that have contributed soldiers to the AU mission..

Djbouti, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and Malawi promised to send troops, but they have not done so. Out of the 8,000 soldiers needed to pacify the Somali capital, Mogadishu alone has 5,000 deployed.


Aberdares mountain villagers to generate their own electricity

Aberdares mountain villagers to generate their own electricity
Sam Wangwe

In the Aberdares, a small group of villagers got fed up with waiting
for the government’s electrification programme to reach them and
decided to take matters into their own hands. They formed an
electricity company, the Gatiki Electrical Company, in which they had
bought shares of 10,000/- each. The villagers’ plan was to develop
three electricity generating plants along the Gikira River – Chiki,
which is set to produce 0.75MW of electricity; Kiawambogo, which will
produce 0.375MW and Gacharageini which will generate 0.25MW of

The seven thousand villagers will all have their households lit up, where they will pay between a mere $ 0.65 and $1.25 for their electrical usage – a minute fraction of what most Kenya Power and Lighting Company customers have to pay.

This is an exciting initiative for Kenya because it could portend the
beginning of the adoption of a microgrids strategy for Kenya’s power
problem. The fact is, that while Kenya Power and Lighting Company is
currently serving about 20% of Kenya, they will not be able to cover
the country in the next decade even if they tripled their efforts –
not using the current operational framework.

Kenya’s power problems – and indeed all of Kenya’s problems – are also
its opportunities. The Gatiki project is a clear example of how the
Chama culture that Kenyans have so perfected can be taken to the next level so that they will aid in Kenya’s transformation efforts.

The idea here would be that communities could form companies such as
Gatiki and generate power from wind, solar, water and biogas for
themselves. Under existing law, communities will be able to generate a
maximum of 1MW per installation – beyond which the extra power would
need to be shed into the national grid and a power purchase agreement
be signed between the national electricity company and the local one.
Either way, communities will be lit up faster and they will make extra

It is important to be clear that the payoff for such radical ventures
goes beyond the electrification of villages around the country. The
impact on education, health and small businesses cannot be

The chama culture that we Kenyans have done so well would come in
handy when Kenyans in remote villages get tired of the long distances
that their women and children must travel and come together to build a
dispensary near them and go as far as take responsibility for their
running and sustainability. It will be revolutionary when villages in
Loitoktok, Kijabe and Pokot – to name three examples – set aside a
piece of land and build a police station near them and then go to
Commissioner Ali and ask him to staff it.

The idea here is that for Kenya to be a middle class nation by the
year 2030, then some fundamental changes must be made in the way the challenges are handled. Gone must be the days when the villagers look to their parliamentarians to sort out their problems. While it is true
the government has a lot to do with regards to the
transformation of the country and the provision of essential services
to the people, we must accept that the most aggressive of
transformational efforts will take years – especially, when governed
by the government’s rules on procurement and so forth.

Also, from a prioritisation perspective, it may be a while before
government reaches village roads and so forth as they must begin with
the bigger corridors and towns where the return on investment for the
nation would be highest and use the proceeds to repair and develop
smaller roads. However, the main pain points of a country are normally
the sum total of small aches at community level.

I may not feel, at a personal level, the damage to Kenya when the
Mombasa – Kisumu corridor is not functional but I do tend to be most
aware when the road in my estate is full of portholes. The deplorable
state of national hospitals is lamentable and a subject of whiny
conversation with friends in an evening, but the lack of maternity
services at the local dispensary or the lack of medicine, or indeed,
the lack of a roof at my child’s school is what I feel strongly about.
Why then should I wait for technocrats who can only see the big
picture to prioritise my project, when it is in competition with so
many others?

Assuming that we can accept that neither government, business, the
citizens nor any other person can effectively sort out the country’s
challenges, it is incumbent upon us to take on a more transformational
perspective to our approach to solving Kenyan problems at a local
level. We must get fed up as Mzee Ngai, the convenor of the Gatiki
projects did. Speaking to The African Business magazine, he said, “For
14 years, I waited patiently for KPLC to come and bring electricity.
In 2005, I just got fed up. I was getting no younger.”

I don’t suppose that any of the rest of us is, either.

Can Africans learn something from today’s Chinese and Indians?

The West was taken unaware. They couldn’t see it coming. That Chinese and Indian once believed to be peripheral economies could within a twinkle of an eye beat the entire western economies in their own game remains the greatest shock. So shocking it is not because they played well in this unfamiliar territory.

More shocking is how they have disarmed the west, who, now have to
follow the dictates of these two growing economic superpowers. Making recovery from the shock of their lives more difficult, China has gone further to defy the once strongly held western conviction that
capitalism must always go hand in hand with democracy. In fact, China
proves the Singaporean elder statesman, Lee Kuan Yen, right, who
preached to every Asian country he visited in the early 1990s, to
always: “Restore law and order, build more infrastructure, and
concentrate on economics, not democracy.”

But how could these two countries outsmart the west in their own game overnight? What is it that China and India have done that is
impossible in Africa? Could it be their immense populations, a large
army of well-trained cheap workforce? Or could it be their ability to
fully harness their critical human capital stock? Could one attribute
their successes to their ability to build a vibrant entrepreneurial
class? Could the answer be found in their second-to-none social
contracts, highly inclusive social contracts? What about attributing
their success stories to powerful and globally well-networked Diaspora
Chinese and Indians, who today yield enormous economic and
intellectual power around the world?

To understand that there is nothing magical these two countries have
done, all we need to do is to scan through the history books of
economic development. We will be amazed to discover that what they
repeated was what was a known industrialization process, first started
by Britain when it led the first industrial revolution, later spread
around Europe, and used by America to beat the industrial economies
Europe hands-down starting from 1880. What these two countries really have done recently is mobilizing their first eleven economic team,
who, in letting loose the engine of economic growth, have mastered how to fully exploit large local market advantages. Mobilizing their
entrepreneurs to act stubbornly like the earlier American
entrepreneurs such as Carnegie, Rockefeller, Ford, Gould, and Morgan,
acted, and recognizing their vibrant local populations as both sources
of production and consumption wouldn’t have, after all, put them
behind today’s aging western economies.

Put simply, the Chinese and the Indians are today achieving an
unprecedented economic growth thanks to a process that organically
involves many of the interrelated factors, from huge markets to well
educated cheap workforce to increase in inflow of foreign investments.
If it was a huge market incentive that drew unprecedented 19th century European investors to America, it is the same that is happening in twenty-first century in China and India. If it was all about taking full advantage of scale economies available in twentieth-century American manufacturing, distribution, marketing, and research
processes, Chinese and Indians are doing the same today.

In the meantime, understanding that having a large population is not
enough, led them to figure out that it is only a socially and
economically engaged population, a population with income-producing
capacity that can move their economies to the height of middle class.
So, what they have learned from the past American experience is that a large and affluent population, enjoying increasingly higher household
income distribution, is critical to enlarging and standardizing local
markets. Another is their cleverness in recognizing the fact that
dynamism in a natural economy is strongly correlated to
entrepreneurialism, and that the buoyancy of small and medium size
sector in terms of a high-birth rate is equally responsible for
innovativeness and growth in employment. There is another important
historical lesson that never slips their minds. That is that rather
than spend scarce national revenues on building world-class white
elephant infrastructure, infrastructure that can hardly sustain
corresponding capacity utilisation and growth, these two emerging
global economic superpowers, easily figured out that scarce public
money is better focused on critical infrastructure that can encourage
and expand private initiatives.

Just like earlier Americans, today’s Chinese and Indians are fully
aware that for them to be able to build new wealth they too must
imitate what others already invented. That is, they fully recognize
they don’t need to invent the mousetrap for it has already been
invented long time ago, but rather, all they have to smartly figure
out is the best ways to resend the mousetrap to the market to beat
those already in the market. It is this little steps taken that have
given the Chinese and the Indians the enormous advantage of smartly
exploiting the power of their small-firms sector. And the buoyancy of
this highly flexible and innovative sector it is that has given rise
to an unprecedented economic growth. It is this small-firms sector
that now drives their competitiveness, their high rate of employment.

Following the same American footsteps, these two emerging economic
superpowers are equally aware that low-tech could not take them too
far in the game of economic competition, particularly when it comes to
high-value based growth. Cognizance of the potential landmine ahead,
broadening their scientific and technological human capital base has
turned out to be creating more surprises to the west. To this end,
their local universities are now turning out the largest and the best
PhDs in science and engineering in the world. This, they want to
sustain by their recent embankment on building what are going to
become the world’s largest and most sophisticated human knowledge

Their boys and girls are today beating their American and European
counterparts in their own territories. Particularly in the US, Chinese
and Indian students have, without raising any public alarm, taken
over some of America’s best engineering and science schools. At MIT,
Stanford, and Caltech, for example, Chinese and Indian students now
outnumber and outclass their American hosts. But it hardly ends
there. Rather than head home upon getting their newly minted first-
class PhDs in science and engineering, these young scientists,
heading to America’s exclusive research shrines, now outnumber
Americans at such strategic scientific research centres like the MIT
Lincoln Lab and NASA’s Jet Propulsion Lab in Pasadena California,
once reserved only for America’s best and the brightest weaponry and
space science and engineering researchers. When taking an American
citizenship is all that is needed to lower public suspicion, they have
never hesitated go for it. Little wonder these two countries can
boast of possessing nuclear weapons, thanks to the efforts of their
Diaspora scientists in America, who work closely with their homeland
counterparts. They have succeeded like “generals, who, having
carefully laid their planned assault, now shoot down their enemies one
by one.”

But let me also be fair here. What the Chinese and the Indians are
doing is not unheard of because in no known human history, has there
been a country or a civilization that achieved greatness based on
moral purity. Take the British for example. In its quest to lead the
world’s first industrial revolution, not only did it copy whatever it
could and wherever it could be found. The British were equally
notorious as high sea pirates stealing what they could steal from
others as if those were their birthrights. And one way or another, the
American industrial economic was built thanks to slave labour. What
about the European colonizers, who returned to Africa in the
nineteenth century after centuries of participation in the human
trafficking of Africans, this time, to violently occupy the whole
continent and divide it as their commercial interests dictated? Is
there any closeness to what the Chinese and the Indians are doing
today to the European human cruelty?

Can Africans learn something from today’s Chinese and Indians? Can we
learn that a strong market for goods and services is a leading cause
of economic growth, and that market is itself a major cause of
capital, investment, and technological advancement? Are we now
convinced that economic growth is an organic process, involving many
interrelated factors? What about understanding that even the banking
industry and other financial institutions do not create the
conditions for economic growth, since they are only important when an
economy is sufficiently sophisticated to make efficient and creative
intermediation between savings and business?

Have we now finally realised that a continent that does not educate
majority of its young men and women in job-enhancing education
(science and engineering) to prepare them as useful citizens is not
building its future high-value carrying workforce? Are we still in
doubt that Africa having the world’s single largest number of highly
educated professionals in the US and yet they could not be made to
work closely with their African counterparts—like their Chinese and
the Indians counterparts—to help jumpstart continental economy is our
collective sin future generations will find difficult to forgive us?
Have we now come to pose the question: How come our well-trained
scientists and engineers, those that refused to migrate are allowed to
roam our streets without being fully mobilise? What about the
understanding that the future of our economic development lies in the
mobilisation of Africa’s entrepreneurs, especially our highly gifted
men and women who have the psyche of economic warriors? Put
differently, are we now fully aware that it is this lack of
entrepreneurial dynamism that today separates us from the developed
economies of the West and recently Asian economies?

What about our being convinced that it is not about reinventing the
mousetrap, since it has already built, but rather than go through the
trouble of designing and constructing a new mousetrap, we should focus on imitating what is already out there in a way that beats these
others in the market? Can we now concur that to accelerate our
economic engine, we must have some citizens willing and eager to lead
every level of the process, and others willing to prefer locally made
goods, like the Chinese and Indians? That otherwise we continue to
create jobs and build new wealth for other countries from where we
import finished goods?

What we ought to have learned from the Chinese and the Indian economic ‘miracles’ is that the solutions to our economic problems must be home-grown, driven by a large number of our intellectuals. Lamenting on the dearth of the intellectuals in our midst, one of Africa’s celebrated social theorists, Rev. Dr. Matthew Kukah, asks the question: “How do we expect this ‘pickup van’ fully loaded with more than a thousand tones of cement to move forward with such a heavy load? The message Kukah is sending is clear; that bringing home our gifted intellectuals, currently in exile should be vigorously pursued. That, it is now paramount to bring home these specially gifted Diaspora
Africans because not only are they more familiar with the terrains of
economic development but also have the clout and the secrets

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Lets be serous for once. I fully support Mau evictions. At the current rate of birth, what do you think Mau would look like? There would be no water, even in the Mau itself, let alone the nation Kenya. Hey guys, lets put Politics out of this serious issue.

If campaigns against Raila in any of the 42 ethnic constituencies would be based on the Mau issue, then my vote is just waiting to be counted for Raila.

Remember these same thugs making a lot of noise are the very same ones who own land equivalent of NYANZA province. Why cant they surrender some of their grabbed land to the squatters across the country instead of contributing 500,000.00 ksh which is worth a ¼ acre in ISIOLO?

The money lost in the passat deal could have been used to resettle the Mau Squatters. Hey guys lets look at the bigger picture!


Caleb Apondo