Category Archives: Political Assassination

S. Africa: And If Karegeya was Assassinated by Zuma and Kikwete?

From: Juma Mzuri

SA investigations in Nyamwasa/Karegeya attacks become more suspicious

By Shyaka Kanuma

It is now four months and counting since someone strangled Patrick Karegeya to death in a Sandton (Johannesburg) hotel, but neither the South African Police nor its intelligence services appear ready to divulge credible information as to who the killers, or their motives might have been.

South African authorities instead have expelled four Rwandan diplomats and a Burundian (why the Burundian? they do not say) from Pretoria, for which Kigali retaliated by expelling six South African diplomats.

Then there followed a statement on 15 March from the office of Clayson Monyela, head of South African Public Diplomacy. The statement talks, in broad terms, of “certain criminal elements” who “have sought to undermine South Africa’s territorial integrity”. It then talks of the June 2010 assassination attempt on Kayumba Nyamwasa in Johannesburg, and that “criminal proceedings pertaining to this incident are in advanced stages”.

Like everything to do with the South African authorities’ handling of issues to do with attacks on Rwandan dissidents residing in South Africa, Monyela’s statement sheds less light on events it purports to talk about but raises more suspicions whether they (SA authorities) are entirely forthcoming with the truth.

For instance, two of the expelled Rwandan diplomats, Fred Rwabalinda and Aimable Nshagayintwari were new to Pretoria, only two weeks old in their duties, when they were handed their deportation letters. Yet the letters, and Monyela’s statement gave the impression that the “criminal acts” they talked of had been going on for a long time.

So why deport Rwabalinda and Nshagayintwari who had only then just received their accreditation cards from the South African Department of International Relations? Neither the deportation letters or the statement say.

Furthermore the other two diplomats, Didier Rutembesa the Chargé d’Affaires at the Rwandan Embassy in Pretoria and Claude Nikobisanzwe the First Secretary had never received any warning letter, or caution from the South African government in connection with any alleged criminal activity.

Speaking to The Rwanda Focus from Johannesburg, South African journalist Robert Shivambu of radio station Power FM said he and other media colleagues are “quite frankly” puzzled by these expulsions, and the statements that are handed to the media purporting to explain them.

“The statements are out there, but they explain nothing!” said Shivambu.

It is becoming clearer, according to journalists like Shivambu, that the SA government either has no information to disseminate on the Kayumba/Karegeya issues, or it is actively engaged in some cover up. But Shivambu seems to be in a tiny minority of SA journalists willing to question official versions of events given by his country’s officials on things to do with Rwanda.

The RNC and SA security

The Rwanda Focus discovered four years ago is that elements of South African Police in Johannesburg, and some intelligence operatives actively work with members of the so-called Rwandan opposition in exile. When Francis Gakwerere – a perennial victim of false accusations that he is behind assassination attempts on fugitive general Nyamwasa or the killing of Karegeya – was arrested in June 2010 and thrown into the interrogation cells of the John Vorster Police Station in Johannesburg he was taken aback when he saw that among his interrogators was one Frank Ntwali, a brother in law to Kayumba Nyamwasa. Today Ntwali is the “chairman of the RNC (Rwanda National Congress), Africa region”. Gakwerere narrated his ordeals under Johannesburg Police questioning to The Rwanda Focusfor an exclusive interview that we published on 18 July 2010.

“I refused to talk to the Police unless Ntwali left the cell; what was he doing there?!” Gakwerere asked. A day later Police dropped charges against Gakwerere of attempted murder and he returned to Rwanda, having lost a few thousand dollars to thieving police and two days of his life undergoing aggressive questioning and miserably cold conditions in cells.

To repeat Gakwerere’s question, when Frank Ntwali entered a police cell in the company of SA Police to interrogate a Rwandan from Kigali going about his business in a South African city, under what capacity was he acting? It looks, and smells murky.

It gets murkier.

When Johannesburg Police interrogated a young Burundian girl who happened to be in a sex-for-pay triangle with Karegeya and the deceased Burundian singer Christophe Matata, one of her questioners was Frank Ntwali. Matata’s demise in a Johannesburg hospital after ingesting a drug slipped into his drink by the girl (who confessed it to Burundian media) was well chronicled in the country’s media. At this point the question comes up, starkly: has the RNC become part and parcel of South African law enforcement?

Repeated attempts to get an answer from South African Police elicited no answer.

The question takes on more relevance when one takes a closer look at events surrounding the killing of Karegeya in the Michelangelo Hotel on New Year 2014.

This hotel is way up there among the most exclusive, and top end in South Africa. Heads of state stayed there during the recent funeral of Nelson Mandela. It is located in the most affluent neighborhood on the African continent. It goes without saying that security in such a facility is top notch. One cannot imagine for instance that there could be any fault with its closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras.

Yet up to now SA Police and intelligence investigators have not made public any CCTV footage or images, despite initial statements that they would. Four months into this investigation – during which they have put out other (equally false) statements, including the supposed arrest of Rwandan operatives in Mozambique on suspicion of the murder – they have nothing to show for their inquiries.

It is apparent that someone, or several somebodies in the SA security setup is engaged in a cover up, and a throwaway remark by journalist Shivambu offers a nugget of a clue. “Zuma (South African President Jacob Zuma) has issued instructions to the Police not to say anything about it” (the investigation), Shivambu told this journalist.

What is Zuma afraid of that the police or intelligence may divulge? Does CCTV footage of assassins walking into Karegeya’s room at the Michelangelo exist or not? If they do, as they should, why is it the security agencies are sitting on them, despite the clamor by the media for them? And if they existed and somehow implicated Rwanda would the SA intelligence apparatus hold off on making them public? This is hard to believe seeing how eager Zuma’s government seems to be to pin crimes on Rwanda, even in the total absence of evidence.

An incompetently cooked up story

The most recent and most spectacularly childish attempt to frame Rwanda for a cooked up crime is the “assassination attempt” on Kayumba Nyamwasa early last month.

When the alleged assailants “attacked” Nyamwasa’s residence in Johannesburg, he and his entire family conveniently weren’t home. SA intelligence claims the family had been evacuated following a tip-off that a Rwandan hit squad was coming for the fugitive general.

But, according to their version of events South African Police and intelligence acted with a level of incompetence that would make the Congolese gendarme look like the Israeli Mossad in comparison.

They say they knew a Rwandan hit squad was on the way, but did not lay a trap for the “assailants”. In fact, according to these SA intelligence people, the Rwandan “hit-squad” walked to the gate of Nyamwasa’s house, disarmed the two policemen guarding the house, proceeded to ransack it, and walked out of there, unchallenged.

The reality is that this incompetently contrived story gives the game away of the Police and intelligence operatives that planned it: they want, a) to show the public they indeed are doing their work countering perceived Rwandan skullduggery and b) they want to make ever more trouble for Rwanda in the process.

In all this they are being enabled by a media whose incompetence (at least as far as the Nyamwasa/Karegeya story is concerned) seems as staggering as its country’s security people.

Most South African media, which routinely and robustly questions power, has shown only an unfathomable laziness where “the Rwandan story” is concerned, in that they will only swallow and regurgitate stories such as the alleged assassination attempt. No questions to security officials as to how they could fail to trap foreign assassins in their midst even after alleged tip-offs; no challenge as to how it was even possible for foreign operatives to raid in broad daylight a house supposedly protected 24/7, since they know Nyamwasa has been the target of armed attack before; not a single salient question in fact.

One can see the logic in the Zuma government trying to pin crimes on Rwanda, even in circumstances totally devoid of evidence. President Zuma, who as you read this is being investigated for diverting millions of his country’s taxpayers’ rands into revamping one of his private residencies, the one at Nkandla, is a man with a voracious appetite for wealth, especially other people’s wealth.

Him, and Tanzanian head of state Jakaya Kikwete for instance contrived to have their countries’ militaries sent to the Congo under the guise of “peacekeeping”, but in reality to have a piece of the action in the extraction of Congolese mineral wealth. Their real target was the M23 rebel group, which came into being as a self-defense militia of the Tutsis of eastern DRC who for the past several years have been confronted with the prospect of annihilation at the hands of the FDLR Hutu rebels and their Congolese army sidekicks.

After Patrick Karegeya turned traitor and went into self-imposed exile in SA, Zuma saw him as a godsend. Kikwete too was delighted. Karegeya had cultivated both men when he still was head of Rwandan external intelligence. They were close friends. His defecting seemed a boon to Zuma and Kikwete because, they seemed to think, they could use his knowhow of Rwandan security secrets and operations in positioning themselves as protectors to Congolese President Joseph Kabila who has a child’s bogeyman fear of Rwanda, imagining it behind every one of his problems.

Very soon the alliance of RNC (Karegeya, Kayumba) and Zuma/Kikwete was driving a lot of clandestine events, all geared to maximizing their personal wealth while maximizing trouble for Rwanda.

All that is reason for Zuma and his pal Kikwete to be engaged in much rearguard, sniping against Kagame and Rwanda.

International media becomes vehicle of misinformation on Rwanda

But what does the South African media have to gain by broadcasting and propagating the narrative which the corrupt Zuma exactly wants them to? Only they know.

Why is a good number of South African journalists willing to unquestioningly broadcast or publish stories handfed them by the RNC, for example the funny claim which originated from Frank Ntwali that Rwandan “military operative”, “Col.” Francis Gakwerere (he has never been a colonel, and he has been out of military service for several years now) had been arrested in Mozambique, in relation to the Karegeya murder?
Shyaka Kanuma (left) having lunch with Francis Gakwerere in Kigali in January, at a time many media were claiming the latter was under arrest in Mozambique. (courtesy photo)

That was around 16 in January. I got out my phone and dialed Gakwerere’s number. “What is this thing I hear that you’ve been arrested in Mozambique?” I asked him.

His response: “what am I to do? I do not control those media. They will say what they want!” I took him out for lunch and had pictures of us together taken and I tweeted them. That dispelled the rumors.

A foreign press that was too willing to disseminate misinformation which can easily ruin an individual’s life (Gakwerere’s), would find no compunction in jumping onto, and widely broadcasting/repeating the canard that the Rwandan president said he killed Karegeya.

I was in the audience at the Serena Hotel when President Kagame was addressing the prayer breakfast early in January where he purportedly said that. I did not hear Kagame say he killed Karegeya and I did not hear him say he ordered Karegeya killed. All I heard was him expressing satisfaction that such an enemy of Rwanda had met the end he did. All I heard him say was that Rwandans shouldn’t shy away from expressing happiness that such a traitor had died. All I heard was Kagame saying, “You cannot betray Rwanda and expect things will end well for you.” Maybe he was talking about karma. Maybe he was saying someone had put the hex on all Rwanda’s enemies. I was not in Kagame’s mind. But to say he said he killed Karegeya is totally false.

There are many possible scenarios to account for Patrick Karegeya’s death.

Rwanda indeed may have had a hand in his killing. After all he was fighting Rwanda and it wouldn’t be surprising if it fought back.

But the stronger possibility is that South African intelligence working with elements of the RNC eliminated him, and all their suspicious behavior may be a pointer to that. Nyamwasa himself, when one looks at it objectively, would have an interest in having his fellow fugitive wiped out. Looked at from Nyamwasa or even Zuma’s perspective, Karegeya was no longer very useful. The M23 was no longer in existence, hence his intelligence skills dealing with groups perceived to be backed by Rwanda such as they were, were no longer needed. In fact he had become a dangerous liability with his drinking and reckless womanizing and greed for piles of dollars; a man one never trusted was safe with the kind of information he had, at any time of the day, in any place. One other aspect of the Karegeya/Nyamwasa partnership that isn’t public knowledge is that the two had been internally fighting for RNC leadership and things were getting pretty vicious between them.

It may be a long time, if ever, before the truth of Karegeya’s killing is known.

But it is time for the activities of the South African security operatives and the RNC, to come under more intense scrutiny both locally, in South Africa, and internationally.

By Shyaka Kanuma . Twitter @ShyakaKanuma

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Historical feature By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu CITY.

It was indeed an historical evening that many people would wish to forget as fast as it happened more than fifty years ago.

This was a day in 1965. The place was at the D.C.’s house in Homa-Bay town in what used to be the old greater South Nyanza district Commissioner for the area was Isaiyah Mathenge a stoutly built and tough and most efficient administrator from Nyeri town.Nyanza district.

The founding President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta was on an official tour of the district in the company of several cabinet ministers, KANU MPs, members of the defunct Nyanza Regional Assembly, chiefs, civic leaders and party operatives.

This was the day when a drunken body guard of one of his ministers forced his way into the room where the President was a having a consultative meeting with the local leaders.

The incident occurred after the founding president had made an extensive tour of the vast region where he addressed a series of public meetings.. Mzee had arrived at the D.C’S house looking a bit tired and needed sometime to rest. But before this, he was entertained by the traditional Ramogi dancers from Kochi and Karachuonyo and crowned with the a school choir from the nearby Ogande Girls Secondary School.

The entertainment left the President in a jovial mood. He was now making hearty exchange of jokes with the ministers, MPS and other leaders as the meeting progressed well.

All of a sudden, there was a big commotion at the door. One man by the name Owino Aguyo, a former Mau Mau detainee who before the coming of independence in June I fst 1963 was one of the many active KANU youth wingers in Kisumu Town who were always hanging around the then KANU Vice President Jaramnogi Oginga Odinga. Although he had no formal police training, Owino became the security detail of the MinisterI for Information and broadcasting Richard Achieng’ Oneko and was issued with a service revolver or a pistol the time usually carried by policemen guarding VIPs.

This was immediately after the formation of the Republican cabinet In December 1964. Oneko was the KANU MP for Nakuru Town He had won the seat after the JuneE 1ST 1963 independence general election.

Owino menacingly tried to force his way into the D.C’s living room where the meeting was in progress. He was then the KANU MP for Nakuru Toiwn. engaged in rowdy argument at the door with one Joseph Ouma Nis a KANU youth who was also acting at times as Tom Mboya’s bodyguard after the latter had realized that he was drunk and had a loaded pistol. The two were engaged in wrestling match and Ouma Nisa knocked Owino to the ground. The commotion alerted the security policemen who were guarding the D.C”s compound and Owino was overpowered, disarmed and taken into police custody. He was later arraigned in court, found guilty of carrying an offensive weapon in a public place and sentenced toi 18 months imprisonment by a court in KISII Town.

President Kenyatta looked a shaken man after the commotion which took close to ten minutes as more policemen moved in to arrest the drunken man. He addressed Oneko down Oneko down and told him in Kiswahili “Tafadhali sana Bwana Oneko ussije tena kwangu na mutu huyu.”Ameleta Kinyoriro mbaya hapa.”

Cabinet Ministers present at the function included S.o.Ayodo {Wildlife and Tourism} Tom Mboya {Economic Planning and Development},Richard Achieng Oneko [Information and Broadcasting}.Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano {Commerce and Industry},assistant kello- Ministers were Benjamin Maisori Itumboocial Services} Joseph Gordon Odero Jowi { labor} and Tom Okello-Odongo {Finance}

There were also back-bencher MPS in attendance included John Henry OKwanyo {Migori}. Clement Ngala Abok {Homa-Bay},Elijah Omolo AGAR {Karachuonyo}

Regional Assembly members present were George KING Omolo {Homa-Bay}, David Okiki Amayo{Karachuonyo}. Matthews Otieno Ogingo OgingoaNdhiwa} Harrison Odhiambo Opiyo Midiang’a{ Mbita};Herman Odhiambo-Omamba}{Migori},Samson Mwita Marwa {Kuria} And Silas Abong’o Oloo {Kasipul-Kabondo}

The then Nyanza P.C was Daniel Owino. Several Permanent Secretaries were also in attendance. They included Aloys Philip Achieng’ {Fisheries}, Joel Meshack Ojal Adem{Education, and Nathaniel Oluoch Adinda of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting} Aloiys Phillip Achieng’ of the Fisheries department.

Among the elders and civic leaders were Mzee Wilson Lando from Ndhiwa, SENIUOR chief Damianus Ajwang’ from Gembe, Senior Zepphania Malit fromKarachuonyo, EX-senior Chief Simeon Wasonga From Mfangano Island, Chief Zemekiah Wakiaga from Rusinga ,Chief SamueL Odoyo , Chief Mishael Anyango RayolA {Kabondo, MZEE Paul Mbo {Karachuonyo{Kanyada,Chief Julius Ouma {Kabuoch}.

The otherwise a very cordial and friendly meeting between President Kenyatta and the Luo elders almost came cropper, when Ex-Senior Chief Simeon Wasonga of Mfangano

[Nyathi Kwach} sought to know from the President what he termed as the widely rumored and disturbing information what he termed as the very sensitive and most disturbing rumor and speculation widely spreading in both Nairobi and some parts of Nyanza and countrywide that some members of his cabinet were not comfortable and happy with the sterling performance of Tom Mboya and were actually in the process of hatching the plot for his elimination.[Assassination}

President Kenyatta appeared to have been disturbed and perturbed by this particular question and and gave an assurance that Mboya was very safe and therefore there was no cause for alarm ,adding that his government would give each sand every Kenyan citizen the maximum security protection, Mboya included, therefore there will be no harm to anybody. Briefly, there were some murmuring among participants who at first thought Kenyatta in his usual style would rebuke the EX-senior Chief, but he did not and instead gave a very polite answer to the satisfaction of everyone present at the meeting and the meeting ended in a happy and pleasant note.


SOME PARTS of this article are included in a book being prepared and written by this writer about Tom Mboya


From: Abdalah Hamis

Source: ©2014 AfroAmerica Network. All Rights Reserved


“Why didn’t you accomplish the mission on March 2, 2014, as directed? Why did you wait for two days? You failed the mission. You failed the country. You failed me. If the mission had been accomplished as directed, the enemy with his entire family could have been history by now. Now, not only is he, along with his wife and daughter, still alive, but we have to deal with the stupid media, “ General Paul Kagame told his inner circle during a briefing on the failure by Rwandan operatives in South Africa to kill the exiled General Kayumba Nyamwasa, his wife and his daughter and South African Police officers providing personal security.

According to the sources that attended the briefing but were not initially privy to the top secret assassination mission, Genera Paul Kagame was very angry, pounding the table as he spoke, and threatening his closest aides.

A Series of Murders and Assassination Attempts

General Paul Kagame was referring to the attack on March 4, 2014 in Johannesburg, on a safe house provided to the former Rwandan Army Chief of Staff and Ambassador General Kayumba Nyamwasa. South African government has, after a briefing to South African President Jacob Zuma, stated that it has irrefutable evidence that the attack was an assassination plot, planned in Kigali, Rwanda, by General Paul Kagame himself.

According to the sources within General Kagame’s inner circle, the plan was to attack the safe house, kill General Kayumba Nyamwasa and any relative found inside the house. The intelligence possessed by Rwandan intelligence operatives was that General Kayumba Nyamwasa, his wife and his daughter would be home on Sunday, and hence all three killed. However, for unknown reasons, the attack on Sunday did not become possible, and the operatives tried again on Tuesday March 4, 2013, in broad daylight. According to South African police, between six and eight gunmen, armed with AK-47 rifles and pistols, accessed the safe house in Bruma, eastern Johannesburg, where KayumbaNyamwasa, his wife, and his daughter live, under the protection of South African security services.

General Kayumba Nyamwasa: A Man with Many Lives

For some reason, General Kaumba Nyamwasa, who rarely leaves home, his wife and two of his bodyguards had gone out a few minutes earlier, whereas their teenage daughter was at school.

According to witnesses in South Africa, the squad of killers managed to persuade gatekeepers, who are disguised South African policemen, to open the gate to the safe house. Once inside, some of the assailants held the officers captive at gunpoint, while others searched the house for General Kayumba, his wife and daughter. When they did not find them, the grabbed electronics including a PlayStation console, which they later discarded into the garden, when they probably realized it was not a computer.

The well coordinated attack is part of a campaign by General Paul Kagame’s government to assassinate leaders of his political opposition. General Paul Kagame confirmed the intention to hunt down and kill his political opponents earlier this year, while commenting on the assassination of his former spy chief, Colonel Patrick Karegaya. In a speech during a Christian prayer breakfeast meetin, General Paul Kagame warned his political opponents and threatened them to “usually face serious consequences, wherever they are.” (see our article here). General Kayumba Nyamwasa himself has escaped assassination three times, since 2010 (see here)

South African President Jacob Zuma Furious

According to sources in South Africa, when President Jacob Zuma was briefed on the irrefutable evidences against Rwandan General Paul Kagame, he was irate. He ordered the expulsion and immediate departure of three Rwandan diplomats. One of the diplomats expelled, Didier Rutembese, is believed to be the coordinator of attacks and assassinations against Rwandan dissidents living in South Africa.

In retaliation, Rwanda has also expelled six South African diplomats from Kigali (see our article here).

The question now is what General Kayumba Nyamwasa is going to do, now that General Paul Kagame has indicated his intentions to, not only assassinate him, but also hunt down and murder his relatives including his wife and children.

“We were all shocked when General Paul Kagame said that the mission was to kill not only General Kayumba Nyamwasa, but also his wife and daughter,” the source within General Paul Kagame’s inner circle told AfroAmerica Network. “We wondered whether General Paul Kagame thought that he, himself, has children and a wife,” the source added.


From: joachim omolo ouko
News Dispatch with Father Omolo Beste

Vivian from Nairobi writes: “Fr Beste what do you say about the members of the Jubilee Coalition who are drafting a motion for the National Assembly seeking to summon Justice Philip Waki to disclose the full contents of an envelope he handed over to the former International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor, containing names of key individuals implicated in post-election violence?

Don’t you think this is going to spark yet another clashes among ethnic communities. For God’s sake I pray that Adan Duale should not try this. In Kenya we are just trying to heal from the clashes of 2007/08 and now they want to take us back again surely”.

Vivian you are absolutely right, by bringing Waki to open the other secret envelopes is to spark fire. This comes days after immediate former ICC Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo admitted in a radio interview last week that he had been under pressure then from some Western diplomats in Nairobi to pressure judges to declare President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto unfit to run in the General Election.

National Assembly Majority Leader Adan Duale insists Waki must be brought to the Parliament to reveal other names which were not given to Ocampo. By revealing the secret names in the list according to Duale will help confirm widely held contentions that the cases were part of a nefarious design by the West to fix Uhuru and Ruto.

According to Duale, it was clear Koffi Annan was working with envoys from United States, Britain, France and Germany to have Uhuru and Ruto locked out in order to ensure Raila Amolo Odinga ascended to power.

By revealing secret names Duale wants to demonstrate that Uhuru Kenyatta never supported President Mwai Kibaki as alleged to have planned, financed, and coordinated the violence perpetrated against the perceived supporters of the Orange Democratic Movement, the political party of the President’s rival, during post-election violence from 27 December 2007 to 29 February 2008.

According to Duale Uhuru had no control over the Mungiki organization and as such never directed it to conduct murders, deportations, rapes and other forms of sexual violence, persecutions, and other inhumane acts against civilians in the towns of Kibera, Kisumu, Naivasha, and Nakuru.

Kenyatta was summoned to appear before the Court on 8 April 2011 and the confirmation of charges hearing was held from 21 September 2011 to 5 October 2011, in conjunction with the cases against Mohammed Ali and Francis Muthaura. All the charges against Kenyatta were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012.

Francis Muthaura was indicted on 8 March 2011 with five counts of crimes against humanity with regard to the situation in the Republic of Kenya. As the Head of the Public Service, Secretary to the Cabinet, and Chairman of the National Security and Advisory Committee of Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki, he is alleged to have planned, financed, and coordinated the violent response against the perceived supporters of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the political party of the President’s rival, during post-election violence from 27 December 2007 to 29 February 2008.

Specifically, Muthaura was alleged to have directed and paid Mungiki forces loyal to the President to attack civilians and instructed Mohammed Ali, the Commissioner of the Kenya Police, not to intervene against Mungiki forces.

Muthaura was allegedly criminally responsible for murders, deportations, rapes and other forms of sexual violence, persecutions, and other inhumane acts perpetrated by Mungiki forces against civilians who were perceived to be loyal to the ODM in the towns of Kibera, Kisumu, Naivasha, and Nakuru.

Muthaura was summoned to appear before the Court on 8 April 2011 and the confirmation of charges hearing was held from 21 September 2011 to 5 October 2011, in conjunction with the cases against Mohammed Ali and Uhuru Kenyatta. All the charges against Muthaura were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012. He was later left free for lack of evidence.

William Ruto was indicted on 8 March 2011 on four counts of crimes against humanity with regard to the situation in the Republic of Kenya. He is alleged to be the leader of an ad hoc organization created by members of the Kalenjin ethnic group which was created to perpetrate violence on behalf of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the political party of presidential candidate Raila Odinga, during post-election violence in December 2007 and January 2008.

On 1 August 2011, the charges were reduced to three counts. Ruto, as the a top leader in the ad hoc Kalenjin organization, directed Kalenjin youths to target civilians of the Kikuyu, Kamba, and Kisii ethnic groups, which were perceived to be supporters of the Party of National Unity, the political party of Odinga’s opponent during the election.

Ruto is alleged to be criminally responsible for the murder, deportation, torture, and persecution of civilians in the towns of Kapsabet, Nandi Hills, Turbo, the greater Eldoret area. Ruto first appeared before the Court, voluntarily, on 7 April 2011 and through the confirmation of charges hearing, which was held in conjunction with the cases against Henry Kosgey and Joshua Sang. All the charges against Ruto were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012.

Joshua Sang was indicted on 8 March 2011 on four counts of crimes against humanity with regard to the situation in the Republic of Kenya. He is alleged to a top leader of an ad hoc organization created by members of the Kalenjin ethnic group which was created to perpetrate violence on behalf of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the political party of presidential candidate Raila Odinga, during post-election violence in December 2007 and January 2008.

On 1 August 2011, the charges were reduced to three counts. As a broadcaster for the Kass FM radio station, Sang incited Kalenjin youths to target civilians of the Kikuyu, Kamba, and Kisii ethnic groups, which were perceived to be supporters of the Party of National Unity, the political party of Odinga’s opponent during the election.

He is alleged to be indirectly responsible for indirectly for the murder, deportation, torture, and persecution of civilians in the towns of Kapsabet, Nandi Hills, Turbo, the greater Eldoret area. Sang first appeared before the Court, voluntarily, on 7 April 2011 and through the confirmation of charges hearing, which was held in conjunction with the cases against William Ruto and Joshua Sang. All the charges against Sang were confirmed by Pre-Trial Chamber II on 23 January 2012.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Kenya: Of Polygamy & Healthy Talk

To: jaluo jaluo
From: Joram Ragem

It’s early Sunday morning, and I am lying awake very satisfied next to my beautiful and flexible wife Cheruto Nyar Got. I mean she is flexible literally and metaphorically.

She has welcomed the idea of a second wife, not necessarily for purposes of satisfying my sexual needs, I mean that too, but primarily for our building a large family as God commanded us through Adam and Eve, to multiply and fill the earth. Remember never to bring forth a child you cannot care for though. May I also add that it’s for political reasons I say I need to have a large family.

Luos are being assassinated and cheated in elections and we need to change the scale in the Tyranny of Numbers equation choke! Now, let me speak to the men or women who think that the issue of a second wife is about sex. Indeed, as we age, the human male and female tend to relax a little and lose that spark that arouse the opposite sex. However, never get a second wife for that reason. She too could lose it, and you too have corrected nothing, then what? You get a 3rd, 4th….wife? The key to retaining the spark in your marriage is to be flexible literally and metaphorically.

Look, when I noticed I was not getting strong erections, I talked to Cheruto Ragem and my doctor too. The Dr thought I should try Viagra or Cialis which I did, but these medicine didn’t work for me cause my problem was psychological. Hawi Odingo helped a lot with tips on foods that work in that department. But in truth it was my brain, and you know contrary to popular opinion, the largest sex organ in the human male and female body ain’t your dick nor your breast, it’s the brain stupid! So it needs stimulation and I tell you, that’s where Cheruto for me or your partner can help a great deal.

Remember, our ancestors did not craft the word ‘Chiega’ or ‘Chuora’ for nothing. Men, there are a few things you can do though to avoid Erectile Dysfunction so you can meet Chiegi’s expectations as Chuore. Exercise your abdomen, back, pelvic and thigh muscles really good to increase blood flow to your groin and dick. Kata Otieno Aloka osewachonu maber ni ‘Kanumgo E Teko’ donge? Women, remember that God created you with a body which us guys love to see. So do all you need to do, let us see it and no sex in the dark please!

Remember the days women did not shave their armpits? Well nowadays it’s a normal thing to remove hair in the armpit for ladies. The progressive woman of today will also remove hair down there. There is really no need to spot and groom a ‘Karura Forrest’ down there anymore jowa. After all, the temperatures in Kenya stays too high for it! Well shave down there really good and see how your partner will love it. And don’t use a razor please. Otherwise you will breakout with what in Lundha my village we called ‘bundu bundu’ in South Nyanza they call ‘Okuodo’ in Nairobi they call pimples, and in Central they call ‘Boiros’! These actually are boils which in medical terms are inflammation of the hair follicles due to ingrown hair which was not removed correctly! Use hair remover lotions tho.

So as I lie here besides Cherry my wife, who is very flexible in body and mind, I let you know that I am very satisfied because of the flexibility in our relationship. We talk and do all we can to stay active. In addition to exercise and improving your looks to stimulate the brain through vision, eat the right kind of food to avoid obesity. In all, let me assure you my good people, I am up early cause I am happy, Cheruto is happy, Mr Victor is happy and so is Ms Victoria. Notice I never mentioned love anywhere, because love really has nothing to do with what I am talking about.

[The End]


Writes Leo Odera Omolo In Homa-Bay

THE Homa-Bay County government has envisages a plan to have the road from Mbita Point crossing to Rusinga Island termacked in order to give tourists and other visitors easy access to Tom Mboya Mausoleum, which is located at the late freedom fighter’s home near Matenga beach at Kamasengre, Rusinga West Location.

This was disclosed by the Homa-Bay governor Cypria. Otieno Awit. He further explained that ather road network earmarked from future improvement included Oyugis Kendu-Bay road and Rangwe-Rodi-Kopany Oyugis road. These roads are so important not only for easy communication, but would also facilitate easy travelling for traders and formers to access markets in the hinterland.

Other projects which are in the pipeline included tarmarcking the road which is traversing Mfangano, another fishing island which is also potential for tourist attractions.

Plans are also a foot for improving Kadongo-Gendia road and and the road that branches off at Kanyadhiang on the main Kendu-Bay-Homa-Bay rod and traversing Homa Hills via Pala as well as Kadel-Kowuor Pier road.

Prior to independence in 1963 Mboya used to walk from Mbita Point to his Kmasengre home on Rusinga Island.a distant of about eight miles. He used to cross Mbita Channel using a Dingy while leaving his car on the mainland, but this was later replaced by Ferry servicerr and after Mboya’s death in 1969, a Coasway was constructed. A permanent bridge is currently under construction The KENYA Museium services has since taken over the management of Tom Mboya Mausoleum.

Mboya, the most brilliant politician Kenya, has ever had is widely acknowledge as an uncompressed freedom fighter at the same time the architect of Kenya’s independence, died in hails of bullets fired by an assassin in a Nairobi street on July 5, 1969. HE HAD BEEN THE Secretary General of the independence party KANU ever since its inception in June 1960 up to his death while serving as Kenya’s MINISTER FOR Economic Planning and Development.

Governor AWITI said his government is busy initiating many socio-economic projects with far reaching to the electorate in the region. These projects are well spread in all seven parliamentary constituencies.



Reports Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

The over all influence and popularity of the Orange Democratic Movement {ODM} Inside Luo-Nyanza is gloomm following the recent deadly rumors and speculation of in-fighting Within its rank and file in both the national office and local branches.

The situation is aggravated and worsened by the latest widely spread newspaper reports that some of the Orange party luminaries are not comfortable with the performance of the Nairobi governor Dr Evans Otieno Kidero. and ware actively plotting for the governor’s downfall.

The news about clandestine under current activities against the Nairobi governor, if true, could split the ODM in Luo-Nyanza.

The same could rekindle the old near violence confrontation which was witnessed in the region in the middle of 1960s and early 1970 when the two political giants in the region and heroes of the struggle for independence burst into open and caused a major split between the LUOs of Central and those of then greater Southern Nyanza

The close to violence confrontation between the late Jaramogi Oginga Oding and Tom Mboya did not only destabilized, but also polarized the region when the supporters of the two went for each others neck.

Luos living in Central in Central Nyanza rallied behind Jramogi while those of SOUTHERN nynza supported Mboys. The two traversed the region addressing series of rallies while tearing at each other’s style of leaders. These wrangling only came to ubpru0t end following Mboya”s assassination on July 5,1969. Thereafter Jaramogi became the undisputed and overall leader of the community.

CORD and ODM stalwarts in Kisumu and rural areas have been heard making malicious and wild allegations against Kidero to the effect that he was betraying CORD because of he is working in close relations with President Uhuru Kenyatta and other Jubilee leaders, and as such undermining the CORD the party which had sponsored his election as the City governor during the March 4, 2013 general elections.

Other accusations which are so common is that Dr KIDERO is currently warming up towards the jubilee leader Raila Odinga comes the year 2017 general election by contesting the presidency of the Republic.

Kidero only sin is having ushered President Kenyatta for a luncheon at his palatial Muthaiga upper market residence and for having travelled in President Kenyatta”s entourage during his recent state visit to Russia an China.

Those speaking in defense of Nairobi governor have dismissed these allegations and claims as cheap and petty and only based on nothing, but naked jealousy. Kidero supporters have been heard purring up the strong but logical argument that Nairobi County is the seat of the national government of Kenyan which is headed by President Kenyatta and as such the protocols requires the governor to work closely with the government of the day.

Kidero, according to the majority of CORD members has done nothing wrong to warrant such bashing, which are based on negative suspicion. Others are saying that that Raila has had enough backing for the community, though owing to bad luck he has failed to capture the presidency having contested thrice for it, and that it was time he gives up his presidential ambition and pave then way for another youthful Luo to take over the mantle of the community political leadership.

KIDERO who has a Suba ancensestry background hails from Gem Location in Rangwe in the Central region of the votes-rich greater Southern Nyanza.

Prior to his joining Nairobi politics he had served for well over a decade as the Chief Executive of Mumias Sugar Company in Western Province, which had successfully turned around from loss to profit making. the most dynamic , prolific speaker and uncompromising champion of the struggle for Kenya’s freedom. It is indeed in the lips of many Kenyans that the late Mboya whose life was cut short by the bullets fired by an assassin in a Nairobi street on July 5, 1969 was the true architect of Kenya’s political independence. he died while serving as the Minister for Economic Planning and Development in the post independent cabinet and also the Secretary-General of the then ruling KANU party a position, which he had ever since its inception in 1969.

Dr Kidero had traversed many parts of Luo-Nyanza while giving hefty cash donations towards the various economic project, and at first many people in the region thought he would contest one of the parliamentary seats in Southern Nyanza, but having born in NAIROBI he finally settled for the City governor position.

So far the ODM leader Raila the has kept mum, not to uttering anything in regard to the on-going reported under current and undercutting activities against Kidero by other party luminaries. including some Luo MPs.

However, those privy to ODM have been heard as saying that the issue is likely to boil up in the near future unless Raila himself come out in the open and restrain his supporters from making uncalled for criticism of Kidero who is said to be doing a good job for the Nairobi people.




Shouts of Alego ni nono oonge Mjumbe rent the air during the Mashujaa rally in SIAYA town last Sunday when a group of ODM youths made an attempt to heckle and evict the ALlego-Usonga MP Omondi Muluany at a well attended rally held at Siaya Stadium to commemorate the heros day. The party youths and security personnel intervened and ejected the rowdy youths out of the meeting venue.

It later emerged that the MP who the Mardh 14th general on the Whiper ticket had skipped all the campaign meetings which were held all over the County during the recent by-election campaign for Siaya governor,including the one which was attended by the party leader Raila O Odinga.

The MP who appeared to have been shocked and shaken described the group as hired political goons

THOSE who attended the Siaya rally were stunned when speaker after speaker heaped a lot of praise at politicians previously aligned to the late Jaramogi IOginga Odinga showering them as The only heroes who fought for freedom.

They deliberately excluded the names of other LUO freedom fighters who were known to have differed with the Jaramogi leadership style. Observers and pundits were, however quick in pointing out that those whose names had been mentioned prominently at the really included those who are known to be Raila sycophants and political surrogates whose contribution to the liberation war and anti colonialists activities are very insignificant.

THESE names represented only the residents of Siiaya County THEY INCLUDED Achieng Oneko, Jaramogi, Argwings Kodhek, Wasonga SijeyoBut even in SIAYA county, the names of political giants and heroes like Walter Fanuel Odede, DO Makasembo were deliberately omitted and replaced by some characters of some former boot lickers of the colonialists.

Odede who later was to become the father in-law of atom Mboy WALKED INTO THE SHOES OF THE Jomo KENYAT immediately after the latter and five other leading nationalists were rounded up and arrested by he colonialists following the declaration of the STATE OF emergency in Kenya by the colonialists. He too was arrested and placed in detention in the remote Northern Kanya district of Samburu and was detained for eight year because he had taken over as the acting President of KAU. Odede like Oneko hails from Uyoms in Rarieda within Bondo district.

Other uncompromising freedom fighters whose names were missing at the Siaya rally included Tom Mboya, Elijah Omolo Agar, Lawrence Gerald Oguda,Daniel OJijo Oteko,John PAUL olola,BARRACK Owuor,The latter two were the founder of the Kavirondo Taxpayers ,which collaborated well with the Harry Thuku led Kikuyu Central Association that gave the colonialists sleepless nights.

THE Siaya rally clearly portrayed an attempt by Siaya leaders as trying at the distortion of the Nyanza region’s political history.

The history of the past should be told as per its true perspective for the interests of the present and future generations.



From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

On Friday November 1, 2013 will be the Solemnity of all Saints Day, the day on which Catholics celebrate all the saints, known and unknown. The date of November 1 was instituted by Pope Gregory III (731-741), when he consecrated a chapel to all the martyrs in St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome and ordered an annual celebration. All Saints Day is a Holy Day of Obligation.

The first reading is taken from Rv 7:2-4, 9-14, second reading from 1 Jn 3:1-3 and the Gospel from Mt 5:1-12a. When Jesus saw the crowds, he went up the mountain, and after he had sat down, his disciples came to him. He began to teach them, saying:

“Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the Kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they who mourn, for they will be comforted. Blessed are the meek, for they will inherit the land. Blessed are they who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they will be satisfied.

Blessed are the merciful, for they will be shown mercy. Blessed are the clean of heart, for they will see God. Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God. Blessed are they who are persecuted for the sake of righteousness,
for theirs is the Kingdom of heaven.

Blessed are you when they insult you and persecute you and utter every kind of evil against you falsely because of me. Rejoice and be glad, for your reward will be great in heaven.”

If I were to make Saints in Kenya then Anglican Bishop Alexander Muge would be one of them. He was one of the most prominent reformers who lost his life at age forty two. He was among the champions who vigorously campaigned for multiparty democracy in Kenya.

He wanted the government where the president respected the rule of law. He believed that anyone who had been given authority, they should exercise that authority in a just and fair manner. He went on to tell President Daniel arap Moi to his face in public that he would be with him if he did right before men and God but he would not stand by him if he did wrong.

No matter how much he would pray to God to guide Moi in whatever decision he made, he always made a wrong one. He also challenged the church that they had nothing to lecture Kenyans about since it was filled with tribalism nepotism and all forms of isms.

Muge worked hard to alleviate the suffering of the poor and guided his followers to live in harmony as they endured suffering caused by government of Moi. Muge himself lived a humble life. Despite receiving millions from donors he took a loan to build his house and drove the Peugeot he died in.

Muge died on August 14, 1990 in a road accident at Kipkaren, Uasin Gishu County, on his way back from Busia. His death sparked controversy after it was alleged that he had been warned by a former Labour minister Peter Okondo not to set foot in Busia. Muge defied the threat and travelled to but crashed on his way back.

According to former member of Kenya’s Directorate of State Intelligence – the Special Branch, Inspector James Lando Khwatenge, Bishop Muge’s accident was planned by the government of Moi.

Khwatenge told Truth Justice & Reconciliation Commission in March last year that the urder was planned by the security services as “Operation Shika Msumari”.

Prior to his death bishop Muge had urged President Moi to dissolve parliament, convene a national constitutional conference and hold free and fair elections. Large-scale political demonstrations erupted in July 1990 when Moi began detaining most vocal critics, charging them with sedition.

My next Saint is a Mill Hill Missionary Fr John Anthony Kaiser. He had devoted 36 years of his life as a human rights worker and a catalyst for social ministry in Kenya. He advocated for social justice in a country that despite of gaining independence in 1963 poverty was still rampant-Corruption, abuse of power and economic crime.

Father Kaiser did not only live and worked in solidarity with the rural poor, when ethnic unrest in the Rift Valley threatened to fragment the nation during the early 1990s, Father Kaiser openly spoke out against the government for its role in stoking the tensions.

The night he died, Father Kaiser was en route to give sanctuary to another of his flock.

A young girl in his parish had been raped and impregnated by a government official, and he was on his way to get her out of a lodge where she was being forcibly held. Among his most dearly held roles as a pastor was to continually advocate for and work toward safety and respect for women.

Father Kaiser, driving alone through the Rift Valley, was found dead at the side of the road, his body found near his truck and his gun lying nearby. The FBI investigation into his death, released several days after Easter, concluded that Father Kaiser’s death was probably a suicide.

According to FBI report, Fr. Kaiser could have killed himself because of depression which intensified immediately the papal Nucio had summoned him. He met the Nuncio on August 22, 2000.

On August 23, 2000, he bade goodbye to almost all of his friends. When he arrived at the bishop’s residence later that evening, he was informed by Fr. Mwangi Francis that Sister Nuala had telephoned him. In return he told Fr. Mwangi to thank her for the good work she had done.

This looked strange to Fr. Mwangi because he used past tense expressions. Sister Brangan Nuala is a Loreto sister who working for peace and justice for the Association of Religious Women in Nairobi at that time.

He had informed his parishioners that he was going on a long journey and he was not sure he would come back. At this time he had already received the summon to appear before the Nuncio through his regional superior, Fr Cornelius Schilder who later became the Bishop of Ngong.

The report further revealed that he announced to colleagues that he had not slept in three days since he received the sermon to see the nuncio. He appeared solemn, worried and withdrawn. He was observed weeping at a group lunch.

On August 23, 2000, at 8.30 pm, Fr. Kaiser drove from bishop’s residence to Kiambu for unknown reason. Local residence observed him standing on a knoll, holding shotgun in both hands.

On August 23, 2000, at 11.30 pm Fr. Kaiser arrived at Naivasha gas station and did not fuel his car even though he had some money with him. The reported added that Fr. Kaiser was alone in Naivasha and that there was no other vehicle apart from his.

On August 24, 2000, between midnight and 2.00 am, a night watchman in the vicinity of where Fr. Kaiser’s body was found, repeatedly saw and heard a vehicle similar to Fr. Kaiser’s truck, driving on a near by access road.

At about 2.30 am, the same watchman heard a loud noise, similar to a shotgun blast coming from the direction where Fr. Kaiser’s body was later found.

Fr Cornelius Schilder had secretly advised him to leave Kenya. He had seen Fr Kaiser as going astray to his mission by involving himself into human rights, a movement Fr Schilder did not welcome. In 1994 they were working secretly to deport him when his work permit had expired, a move he objected vigorously.

The reason why Fr Kaiser refused to go home was because he so loved the people he worked for so much. For him it was rather to die than leaving his flock, especially the IDPs at at Maela camps.

He was a priest who did not shut his eyes to wrongdoing nor lose his voice in the face of injustice. Fr Kaiser had the “remarkable ability to recognise evil for what it was”. Father Kaiser gained prominence in Kenya as an advocate for thousands of people who had their land and property summarily taken.

In working directly with IDPs he gathered and publicly presented documentation that connected this land grabbing to highly placed government officials. Testifying before a special Kenya government commission, Father Kaiser accused two Cabinet ministers of promoting tribal clashes and seizing land vacated during the fighting.

Father Bill Vos, director of the St. Cloud Catholic Mission Office, was a close personal friend of Father Kaiser’s. “When I received word early Thursday morning of John Kaiser’s death, I was not surprised,” said Father Vos.

“I knew his life was in jeopardy and had shared with him on more than one occasion about the very real possibility that he would be killed. He knew that by implicating some of the most powerful people in Kenya in serious human rights abuses he was putting his life in danger.” Father Vos had served in east Africa for 19 years.

The next Saint in this category is Thomas Joseph Odhiambo Mboya (15 August 1930 – 5 July 1969), a Kenyan politician during Jomo Kenyatta’s government. He was founder of the Nairobi People’s Congress Party, a key figure in the formation of the Kenya African National Union (KANU), and the Minister of Economic Planning and Development at the time of his death.

Mboya was assassinated on 5 July 1969 in Nairobi, Moi Avenue. At the time Mboya was killed he had been widely viewed as the most obvious successor to former President Jomo Kenyatta. He was gunned down by Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge.

Mboya was educated at various Catholic mission schools. In 1942, he joined a Catholic Secondary School in Yala, in Nyanza province, St Mary’s School Yala. In 1946, he went to the Holy Ghost College (later Mang’u High Scholl), where he passed well enough to proceed to do his Cambridge School Certificate.

In 1959 Mboya organized the Airlift Africa project, together with the African-American Students Foundation in the United States, through which 81 Kenyan students were flown to the U.S. to study at U.S. universities. Barrack Obama’s father, Barrack Obama, Sr was among students he airlifted.

The next is Josiah Mwangi Kariuki (March 21, 1929–March 2, 1975), a Kenyan socialist politician during the administration of the Jomo Kenyatta government. He was assassinated in March 2, 1975 by people close to the Kenyatta government.

From the onset of independence in 1963, JM constantly warned those that seemed to have acquired a new disease of ‘grabbing’ thousands of acres of land while the majority of Kenyans remained landless.

“This is greed,” he thundered in Parliament in March 1974, one year before he was assassinated. “It is this greed that will put this country into chaos. Let me state here that this greedy attitude among the leaders is going to ruin this country.”

JM specifically warned privileged elites from Central Province who were taking advantage of their positions to buy up land cheaply from other communities.

“They have even gone as far as Maasailand, saying that they are doing an experiment whereas the whole Masailand has been taken by those greedy people.”

His insight into the creeping inequality in the country acquired a prophetic tone when he warned that if we were not careful, the Kenya would become a country on “ten millionaires and ten million beggars”.

JM indeed was a friend of the poor with his call to the government to create
policies that empowered Kenyans. He used his wealth towards the empowerment of Kenyans.

My last Saint in this category is Prof Wangari Maathai (1940-2011), the founder of the Green Belt Movement and the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate.

Wangari Muta Maathai was born in Nyeri, a rural area of Kenya (Africa), in 1940. She obtained a degree in Biological Sciences from Mount St. Scholastica College in Atchison, Kansas (1964), a Master of Science degree from the University of Pittsburgh (1966), and pursued doctoral studies in Germany and the University of Nairobi, before obtaining a Ph.D. (1971) from the University of Nairobi, where she also taught veterinary anatomy.

The first woman in East and Central Africa to earn a doctorate degree, Professor Maathai became chair of the Department of Veterinary Anatomy and an associate professor in 1976 and 1977 respectively. In both cases, she was the first woman to attain those positions in the region.

Professor Maathai represented the Tetu constituency in Kenya’s parliament (2002–2007), and served as Assistant Minister for Environment and Natural Resources in Kenya’s ninth parliament (2003–2007). In 2005, she was appointed Goodwill Ambassador to the Congo Basin Forest Ecosystem by the eleven Heads of State in the Congo region.

Some Kenyans viewed her move to campaign for Mwai Kibaki’s presidency as tribal. Professor Maathai died on 25 September 2011 at the age of 71 after a battle with ovarian cancer. Memorial ceremonies were held in Kenya, New York, San Francisco, and London.

Maathai and her husband, Mwangi Mathai, separated in 1977. After a lengthy separation, Mwangi filed for divorce in 1979. Mwangi was said to have believed Wangari was “too strong-minded for a woman” and that he was “unable to control her”.

In addition to naming her as “cruel” in court filings, he publicly accused her of adultery with another Member of Parliament, which in turn was thought to cause his high blood pressure and the judge ruled in Mwangi’s favour.

Shortly after the trial, in an interview with Viva magazine, Maathai referred to the judge as either incompetent or corrupt. The interview later led the judge to charge Maathai with contempt of court. She was found guilty and sentenced to six months in jail.

After three days in Lang’ata Women’s Prison in Nairobi, her lawyer formulated a statement which the court found sufficient for her release. Shortly after the divorce, her former husband sent a letter via his lawyer demanding that Maathai drop his surname.

In the latter half of the 1980s, the Kenyan government came down against Maathai and the Green Belt Movement. The single-party democracy opposed many of the positions the movement held regarding democratic rights.

In October 1989, Maathai learned of a plan to construct the 60-story Kenya Times Media Trust Complex in Uhuru Park. The complex was intended to house the headquarters of KANU, the Kenya Times newspaper, a trading centre, offices, an auditorium, galleries, shopping malls, and parking space for two thousand cars.

The plan also included a large statue of President arap Moi. Maathai wrote many letters in protest to, among others, the Kenya Times, the Office of the President, the Nairobi city commission, the provincial commissioner, the minister for environment and natural resources, the executive directors of UNEP and the Environment Liaison Centre International, the executive director of the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the ministry of public works, and the permanent secretary in the department of international security and administration all received letters.

She wrote to Sir John Johnson, the British high commissioner in Nairobi, urging him to intervene with Robert Maxwell, a major shareholder in the project, equating the construction of a tower in Uhuru Park to such construction in Hyde Park or Central Park and maintaining that it could not be tolerated.

The government refused to respond to her inquiries and protests, instead responding through the media that Maathai was “a crazy woman”; that denying the project in Uhuru Park would take more than a small portion of public park land; and proclaiming the project as a “fine and magnificent work of architecture” opposed by only the “ignorant few.”

On 8 November 1989, Parliament expressed outrage at Maathai’s actions, complaining of her letters to foreign organizations and calling the Green Belt Movement a bogus organization and its members “a bunch of divorcees”. They suggested that if Maathai was so comfortable writing to Europeans, perhaps she should go live in Europe.

Despite Maathai’s protests, as well as popular protest growing throughout the city, ground was broken at Uhuru Park for construction of the complex on 15 November 1989. Maathai sought an injunction in the Kenya High Court to halt construction, but the case was thrown out on 11 December.

In his first public comments pertaining to the project, President Daniel arap Moi stated that those who opposed the project had “insects in their heads”. On 12 December, in Uhuru Park, during a speech celebrating independence from the British, President Moi suggested Maathai be a proper woman in the African tradition and respect men and be quiet.

She was forced by the government to vacate her office, and the Green Belt Movement was moved into her home. The government then audited the Green Belt Movement in an apparent attempt to shut it down. Despite all this, her protests, the government’s response – and the media coverage it garnered – led foreign investors to cancel the project in January 1990.

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

Libya: Gaddafism: An African Hero’s Legacy Lives On

From: maina ndiritu

This week marks the two-year anniversary of the assassination of one of Africa’s greatest leaders: Libya’s former president, Muammar Gaddafi. His crime was Gaddafism: an ideology advocating for a strong, united Africa, which prioritized the interests of the indigenous masses over the interests of the foreign corporate bourgeoisie.

Muammar Gaddafi inherited one of the poorest nations in Africa; however, by the time he was assassinated, Gaddafism had turned Libya into Africa’s most prosperous nation. Libya had the highest GDP per capita and highest life expectancy in Africa. Less people lived below the poverty line than in the Netherlands.

After NATO’s intervention in 2011, Libya’s economy is now in shambles. As the government’s control slips through their fingers and into to the militia fighters’ hands, oil production has all but stopped.

The fall of Mr. Gaddafi’s administration has precipitated the country’s worst-case scenarios: the rise of extreme Islamists, tribal massacres, genocide of black Libyans, an economy on the verge of collapse, and the concentration of oil profits in the hands of corrupt, well-connected elites.

A central pillar of Gaddafism was the equal distribution of wealth and oil profits. Prior to Colonel Gaddafi, King Idris let Standard Oil essentially write Libya ‘s petroleum laws. Mr. Gaddafi silenced these corrupt, foreign voices. The redistribution of oil money meant that these profits were deposited directly into every Libyan citizen’s bank account.

Nowadays, the new NATO backed regime in Libya has granted Exxon Mobil and British Petroleum hefty oil concessions. Unsurprisingly, neither company appears too inclined to continue dishing out money to every Libyan. History, once again, circles back around to favor foreign corporations over citizens.

Libya’s oil output has plummeted from 1.4 million barrels per day, a matter of months ago, to only 160,000 barrels per day. As the new government continues to lose control of large parts of the country, black market oil sales are skyrocketing. Libya’s Prime Minister has even threatened to “bomb from the air and the sea” any oil tanker trying to pick up black market oil.

For over 40 years, Gaddafism promoted economic democracy and used the nationalized oil wealth to sustain progressive social welfare programs for all Libyans. Under Mr. Gaddafi’s rule, Libyans enjoyed not only free health care and free education, but also free electricity and interest-free loans.

The International Monetary Fund is currently shredding Gaddafi’s progressive social safety nets. The IMF team, which helped the Libyan Finance Ministry craft its annual budget, has raised a ‘’red flag’’ surrounding these programs. The IMF called these programs “unsustainable pervasive discretionary subsidies.” Again, we see history circling around to secure Western power, while weakening the local populace.

Another pillar of Gaddafism was the championing of women’s rights. Unlike many other Arab nations, women in Libya had the right to education, hold jobs, divorce, hold property and have an income. The United Nations Human Rights Council praised Mr. Gaddafi for his promotion of women’s rights.

When Colonel Gaddafi seized power in 1969, few women went to university. Today, more than half of Libya’s university students are women. One of the first laws Mr. Gaddafi passed in 1970 was an equal pay for equal work law.

Nowadays, the new ‘democratic’ Libyan regime is clamping down on women’s rights. Immediately after Gaddafi’s fall, Libya’s new leader, Mustafa Abdul-Jalil, declared invalid all laws not conforming to Shariah, and vowed to end limits on polygamy.

With Gaddafi assassinated, the strongly patriarchal, tribal warlords and their militias have largely taken his place. The central government in Libya is weak and, under the present conditions, has little chance of controlling them. Islamist militiamen have grown more aggressive in unilaterally imposing their own strict rules on women.

Just recently, a renowned Libyan poet and University lecturer, Aicha Almagrabi, was stopped and beaten by militiamen. Her offense: being alone in a car with men without a male relative as a guardian. One can only imagine what countless other women are enduring in the new “democratic” Libya.

Despite Libya being a small nation, Mr. Gaddafi paid one quarter of the African Union’s bills. Now the African Union has been reduced to begging the European Union for funds to keep the lights on. By losing Gaddafi, Africa may also have lost Libya.

Africans, who supported the intervention in Libya, now have a similar look on their faces as the Arabs who supported the intervention in Iraq.

Perhaps, Mr. Gaddafi’s greatest crime, in the eyes of NATO, was his desire for a strong and United States of Africa. In fact, in August 2011, The US confiscated $30 billion from Libya’s Central Bank, which Mr. Gaddafi had earmarked for the establishment of the African IMF and African Central Bank.

Over the last decade, whilst China’s investment in Africa has risen ten-fold, America has used the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) to establish 10 new military bases on the continent. While China invests in free trade, America tightens its military control. We should all agree that Africa does not need more guns and soldiers; however, the one thing America still forces upon Africa is more guns and soldiers.

Mr. Gaddafi stood as a major obstacle to Washington’s military expansion on the continent. Any African government that America offered money to host AFRICOM, Mr. Gaddafi would offer double that amount, in order to facilitate their refusal. In stark contrast, the new regime in Libya has recently expressed interest in hosting a new U.S. military base.

Of course for AFRICOM, it was a mission well accomplished. The objective was not to help the Libyan people, who had the highest standard of living in Africa, but to oust Mr. Gaddafi, install a Western-controlled central bank, and gain control of Libya’s natural resources.

Perhaps, the greatest legacy of Gaddafi’s life was the manner of his death. He did not look for a sacrificial lamb, but instead chose to be one himself. As Caesar Zvayi once remarked, “while Muammar Gaddafi may lie in an unmarked grave in the desert somewhere, he lives on in the hearts and minds of progressive Libyans and Africans.”

By Garikai Chengu

The author can be contacted at

IFJ Raises Concerns About Deteriorating Situation of Press Freedom in Tanzania

From: Abdalah Hamis

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has today raised serious concerns about the deteriorating situation of press freedom in Tanzania, following the decision of the East African country to ban two widely-read newspapers.

According to independent sources and news reports, on 27 September the Tanzanian government took the decision to ban the Mwananchi (citizen in Kiswahili language) newspaper for 14 days and Mtanzania newspaper for 90 days. The decision was confirmed by the Information Services Director, Mr. Assah Mwambene.

“We are seriously worried by the Tanzanian government’s decision. Banning a newspaper means preventing journalists from providing news to the public. This is a press freedom abuse which must not be taken for granted,” said Gabriel Baglo, IFJ Africa director. “The authorities in Tanzania must re-open the two newspapers and promote press freedom”.

The official reason given for the decision is that the two newspapers were carrying stories “which were likely to force citizens to mistrust their government”. According to the government, Mwananchi has published several stories based on official documents not to be released to the public, while Mtanzania has published stories focusing on violence.

The IFJ believes that journalists in Tanzania are mature enough not to promote unethical standards in their daily work. It has stated that there is nothing to prevent the government from engaging in discussions with journalists and media practitioners to develop a more efficient and responsible way of working. The truth is that the Tanzania government continues to repress the right to media freedom in the country at a time when other African countries are making great efforts to improve freedom of expression.

The IFJ has questioned the decision of the Tanzanian government and stated that these are not the actions of a country that is respectful of the rule of law. In July last year the weekly newspaper, MwanaHalisi was banned. No decision to reopen it has been yet taken. While In September 2012, Daudi Mwangosi, who worked for Channel Ten as a TV reporter, died after being struck by a tear gas canister as police dispersed a crowd at a rally staged by an opposition political party ,Chadema cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Party for Democracy and Progress). Until now there has been no justice for him and his family.

In December last year, Tanzanian police shot and wounded the journalist Shabani Matutu at his house in the capital city Dar-es-Salaam, and Issa Ngumba, a 45- year old radio journalist who worked for a community radio station Radio Kwizera in western Tanzania, was found dead on January 8 this year. He appeared to have been hanged by unknown assailants.

For more information, please contact: +221 33 867 95 86/87
FAJ represents more than 50.000 journalists in 40 countries in Africa

Tanzania; Africa; Press Freedom; Press Release


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

When Archbishop David Gitari gave testimony during the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) sitting in Nyeri he wished he could not die before the government of Kenya answered him the following questions:

1. Who killed Nyandarua politician JM Kariuki in 1975 and why? Gitari told the commission he went to the media to protest against President Kenyatta’s government as it was obvious some of Kenyatta’s cronies had a hand in the murder.

2. What happened with commission of inquiry parliament appointed to investigate the circumstances leading to the murder? He told the commission some people were mentioned as having played a role in Kariuki’s murder but nothing was done, “where is justice?” Gitari posed.

3. Why did the government of Daniel Moi kill Robert Ouko in 1990 and why? And like Kenyatta, what happened with the inquiry to Ouko’s death? “There must be people in government who know how Ouko was killed,” said Gitari.

He said the many commissions formed by the government whose findings have never been made public concerned him. “The government forms commissions to hoodwink people,” said the retired archbishop adding that he hoped the TJTC would not be like the other previous commissions.

4. In 1988 when the government of Moi tried to silence everyone and as a result, outspoken MPs, the media and trade unions were muted and only a few church leaders like him, Bishop Henry Okullu and Bishop Kipsang Muge could not be silenced, Gitari wondered, where was other church leaders?

Gitari told TJRC that he witnessed first hand the injustices of the mlolongo system when he visited a few polling stations and could see smaller queues winning and the longer ones losing.

He summed it: “According to Kanu’s mathematics, five was bigger than 5, 000!”

Gitari urged the TJRC to go to the National Archives, retrieve a report commissioned on his house raid and hand him and his family members copies.

Another injustice Gitari raised was committed when 3, 000 Kanu delegates meeting at Kasarani passed 12 resolutions in 12 minutes. Among them that NCCK should be abolished. He says the government used the delegates as a rubber stamp to pass the resolutions.

Other issues Gitari demanded an answer to no avail included:

1. In early 1975 when the first bombs exploded prior to the death of JM Kariuki in February where there were two blasts in central Nairobi, inside the Starlight night club and in a travel bureau near the Hilton hotel, what was the motive?

2. The day after the second explosion, J.M Kariuki revealed in Parliament that his car had been hit ‘by what seemed to be bullets’. There were rumours of a botched attempt on his life. They were followed by a more serious blast in a Nairobi bus on 1 March, which killed 30 people.

Despite a massive public outcry and a police manhunt, no arrests were made. For several days thereafter, the city lived in fear, destablised by numerous telephone bomb hoaxes. Did someone try to create a climate of fear and if so why?

3. On 2 March 1975, the day after the bus blast, security officials including GSU commander Ben Gethi Publicly accosted J. M. Kariuki outside the Hilton hotel, followed by the police throughout the day, including European police reservist Patrick Shaw, what was the motive?

4. Why did Gethi ask Kariuki to accompany the Security officials into a convoy of cars and took him to an unknown destination?

5. The next day, Maasai herdsmen discovered his tortured and mutilated corpse in the Ngong hills near Nairobi. His fingers had been cut off his eyes gouged out before he was shot dead, why did the police send the corpse to the mortuary as an unknown victim.

6. After Kariuki’s disappearance, there was a lull of five days while friends and family tried to discover his whereabouts, there were rumours that he had been detained. Finally, on 7th March, Assistant Minister Justus Ole Tipis admitted to the Assembly that Kariuki was missing and appealed for anyone knowing his whereabouts to cooperate with police.

The same day Kenyatta, returning to Nairobi from a month-long stay in Nakuru, made a veiled speech that appealed for order, and warned ‘the government would have no mercy on any individual or group that attempted to disrupt peace and harmony in Kenya, what did Kenyatta mean? Did he know what was to come out of it?

7, When on Saturday 8 March, the Daily Nation reported Kariuki was in Zambia, although the news desk already had sworn statements that the corpse in the mortuary was his; editor-in-chief George Githii ordered a reluctant news desk to print this misinformation, who instructed Githii to do so and why?

8. On 11 March, nine days after his abduction, Kariuki’s wife identified his body in the mortuary, after which armed GSU sealed off the building. At the same time Moi was making a statement, reporting that Kariuki’s whereabouts were still unknown, could Moi be asked who told him to tell lies and why?

9. On 12 March, police commissioner Bernard Hinga finally confirmed that Kariuki was dead, killed by two bullet wounds. He claimed that the ‘partial decomposition’ of the body made identification impossible, why did it take time to declare JM had died?

10. On 14March, parliament appointed a Select Committee to investigate the killings. Its chair was backbencher Elijah Mwangale from Bungoma, and it included Martin Shikuku, Seroney and other friends of Kariuki, why is result of the committee not made public?

Since then several inquiries gave been formed and their findings have not been made public. They include Justice Akilano Akiwumi commission to find those who initiated the ethnic clashes under Moi.

Emeritus Archbishop John Njenga of Mombasa who was the chairman of the Catholic Church’s Justice and Peace Commission had written twice to Attorney General Amos Wako, asking him to make the finding public to no avail.

The archbishop wrote to Wako first on August 3, 1999. The Attorney General did not respond. The archbishop wrote again on February 23, 2000 and has not received a response to date.

Similarly, in January 2000 the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) issued a statement asking the government to release the Akiwumi findings as a way of healing the wounds, to date the finding has never been made public.

Long before Akiwumi Commission was set up, a parliamentary select committee had investigated the 1991-1993 land clashes in the Rift Valley. The committee, headed by Changamwe MP Kennedy Kiliku, linked several Kanu MPs and government ministers to the violence that preceded the 1992 General Election. Kanu and a few opposition MPs ganged up against the Kiliku report and threw it out of parliament.

Throwing the findings out when it touches the government is not something new to Kenyans. The parliamentary Anti-Corruption Select Committee, the List of Shame that detailed corrupt government leaders, the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Cult of Devil Worship in Kenya, chaired by Nyeri Catholic Archbishop Nicodemus Kirima, presented its report to the president in June 1995. To date the government has not released the report to the public.

In August 1999, the Commission of Inquiry into the Education System of Kenya, headed by Dr. Davy Koech, presented its report to President Moi. Kenyans are still waiting for the report.

President Uhuru Kenyatta wants to form another inquiry to find out how Westage Mall was attacked. Kenyans will not be amused that the findings will never be made in public. This brings us yet to another question as to why waste tax payers money to inquiries that have never been?

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ
UN Disarmament
Conference, 2002

The Government is for the People and all must play in the same set of rules – No One is Above the Law !!!

From: Judy Miriga

Good People !!!

African People don’t understand the deep social disintegration with economic collapse from serious vices, theft with purposeful injustices, that render pain and human sufferings without care from corrupt political leadership practices.Where, in leaps and bounds, the conspirators of the politically correct network, engage in destroying important fabric of livelihood and survival including those that affected climate change.These actions are organized and executed in private deals that are unconstitutional and therefore, are illegal.

Consequently over a time, this practice render their ugly head pressurizing and intimidating on innocent people, forcing the people to submit to unfavorable prescriptions offered by the condition in such like, joblessness will find opportunity to join organized gangs in engineered framed Rebel Groups; with others forced out of their dwelling places and yet others are conditionally forced to engage in unfavorable dismembering of body organs against their cultural values, practices and norms.There is no alternative when put on corner by intimidating force; whether good or bad, the people have to succumb where there is no choice and their circumstances equally does not permit or give them option to defend their rights………thus in this critical state-of-affair, the people are oppressed and are denied their obligated Rights with social and economic freedom and liberty from living a favorable, honorable and justified life.This amounts to International Crime, Violation and Abuse of Rights.

The Crime, violation and abuse in the effect of theorized plan put in effect thereby causing people disharmony, and where people are killed at will and or are forced out of their dwelling homes unfairly are causes of acts against moral justice for humanity.The spanner at work by the politically correct, make it in such a way, that the people become victims of circumstances without their honest validated consent as, they systematically forced and formed to be in a condition as hunted targets that are destined for extermination under unfavorable conditions, their Lands to be unfairly Grabbed, used as guinea pigs put on concentration camps or set to be used as slaves for selfish greed of enriching unscrupulous political corporate Special business interest network.

In this prospect, the behavior amounts to injustices against humanity that are punishable by law; and victims compensated ……. and it is because, they emanates from Abuse and mis-use of Public, Facilities and Utilities that are violated from abuse of public office through conflict of interest against Public interest and mandate.

The conspiracies of the politically corrupt network should not escape justice because they engaged in organized crimes against the innocent, and that these are violation and abuse that are done with careful orchestrated, well defined execution through shared engineering that are systematically and timely executed in a compact agenda.It is not an accident but a purposeful plan rendered through criss-cross shuttling with expenditures from public taxpayer incurring heavy expenses made to corrupt and push people to extreme poverty with bitter impunity to fulfill selfish greed ……..and this is unacceptable…….

Therefore, if the government is under democratically controlled principled rule, its service is per-mount to the people. Let it prioritize serving the people first.The people must take the lead……consulting with the people first for way forward before negotiating with the business community.

The business community equal to the people, and it must not act as a Government to the people or superior to the people.The business community needs must fall in harmony regulated with those of the people.When the Business Community self interest overtakes the Government, this is when economy faces a collapse. Any business first interest is to make gainful profit. If it is allowed to own power more than the Government, it will use those power to overtake and control the Government and suppress, oppress, intimidate and evade paying taxes to the Government, thereby maximizing its profit over those of the people going beyond margin in the balance of profit making. No Government in the world can survive in this manner of unscrupulous special business interest invasion. Which is why, all must play by the same set of rules………..which is why, in every practice, there must be control for discipline, guidlines to be observed, balancing to maintain leverage, checks and balances to avoid short-changing, theft with unscrupulousness……..

This is why, in the balance of all, Justice must take its central rule to execute just rule of law in balancing acts that protects peoples rights in fairness, and offer guidance to government facilitative engagement mutually. When the rule of law fails, it gives rise to the jungle rule which the business community with corrupt politicians loves…… it goes to intimidate its target further to gain power and amass more wealth and power in a greedy manner so to control its target………rendering its subject the target to collapse in decay………The law will in effect control the hostile environment to allow Human Rights Activist to stand up for peoples rights and continue to educate and empower people to know and demand their rights………..and that, people must act on informed choices…..because, knowledge is power………and people have a right to access the knowledge, it is their human rights, freedom and Liberty for pursuit of happiness……..

Therefore, to balance, both the business community and the people must work collaborate and agree to acceptable principles that work well for all on a fair mutual Plan of Action.Both must be guided by Policy guidelines that are the Law and no one is above the law.

May our Good God Bless us all to overcome human pain and sufferings and overcome the injustices of the wicked minds……….

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson
Executive Director
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa Inc.,

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More hostile environment for human rights activists

Updated Saturday, August 17th 2013 at 12:53 GMT +3

By Philip Mwakio

“The environment in which human rights defenders operate is becoming more and more hostile, limiting space for negotiations. Those who stand up for human rights continue to pay a high price for their courage

This quote aptly captures the daily work of one Francis Auma, 35. Auma or ‘Gamba’ as he is fondly referred to in the civil society arena, is a household name in activism at the Coast.

Police harassment

He has withstood police beatings, harassment and threats to his life to help bring to light unfair and unjust human sufferings.

Recently, he was part of the group that featured prominently during the Occupy Parliament protests in Nairobi.

In Mombasa, he has become the public face of protests against all forms of injustice including extra-judicial killings of terror suspects, land grabbing and has several criminal charges on his head.

While growing up in the densely populated Makupa estate, Auma came face-to-face with the grim reality when unknown assailants clobbered his father, Aloice Kizito Nyando Auma to death outside his house in 1989.

“The killers have remained unknown to date. We had to grow up under the care of our hardworking mother, Alice Osea,†he says.

Today, working at the Muslim for Human Rights (Muhuri) as head of the Rapid Response Unit, Auma has led demonstrations against the Lamu port, police brutality, suffering of Kenyan domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and rampant land grabbing cases in and around Mombasa, among many others.

Rapid Response Programme

Auma€’s designation is Programme officer for Muhuri’s Rapid Response Programme (RPP).

They (family) are always apprehensive. They are always in constant fear for my life,†he says.

Auma says the RPP has been on the forefront of fighting for justice at the Coast.

“This programme has been dealing with day-to-day human rights violations that have been brought to its attention. Members of the public have trusted the organisation to be at the forefront of championing their rights,†he said.


Auma says every day, the organisation receives at least 15 different complaints of violations that need to be rapidly followed up.

“Indeed the RRP are certain that we cannot conclusively deal with all the issues that are reported as this can only be done by the State. The programme has put more emphasis on matters that are communal in nature,†Auma added.

 He describes Muhuri board chairman Munir Mazrui and Chief Executive officer Hussein Khalid as his role models and also admires South African politician Julius Malema who was expelled from the African National Congress for advocating for a land grab policy against minority whites.


From: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste

My learned friend Ambrose Otieno Weda posted in his Facebbok Wall about the August calamities in Kenya that I need to share with you. Following the fire breakout at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) he wonders whether this fire is part of August darkness in the history of Kenya.

Jomo Kenyatta died on 22/8/78, the Coup was on 1/8/82, worst terror attack on 7/8/98, Bishop Muge died on 14/8/1992, Wamalwa Kijana died on 23/8/03 and Martin Shikuku died on 22/8/2012.

I need to add here that on the same day in August two years later – 14 August 1992, a prominent opposition leader Masinde Muliro died under mysterious circumstances. American Mill Hill Missionary priest, Fr John Anthony Kaiser also died in August 2000.

On August 27, 2004 Karisa Maitha dies and 22 august 2012 the wife of Michuki dies. On August 3, 2013 senior police officer Chief Inspector Zebedeo Maina, Kitui deputy CID boss gunned down in Kitui.

Maina was shot in the back on Saturday evening as he led a team of officers to rescue a five-and-a-half year old girl in Kitui town.

The girl had been kidnapped from Nairobi.

He was shot near a nightclub in Kitui town and later died in what authorities termed unclear circumstances. Witnesses told the press he was shot by men in a Peugeot station wagon car. It was claimed a woman pointed out Maina before he was shot.

Witnesses said the officer was shot in the back and the bullet tore through his stomach.

The men would later identify themselves as police officers at a nursing home, about 500 metres from the scene of shooting.

The four men, armed with rifles, reportedly asked nurses at Neema Hospital to “treat the suspect they had shot”. The nurses, however, insisted on identification and the men reportedly produced police badges. But as the injured officer was put on a drip, they took him away and he was pronounced dead on arrival at Kitui District Hospital.

The most dreadful moment for Kenya was 7 August 1998 when an innocent looking truck drove up to the then US embassy on Haile Selassie Avenue and stopped. Moments later a powerful bomb went off and with it the lives of over 200 people.

On 13 August 1997 Kenyans received the news of an attack on the police station in the coastal town of Likoni and the killing of a number of policemen sparking a period of mindless political and ethnic blood-letting that left many dead.

August 2000 Kenyans had to grapple with some of the worst railway and road accidents in its history that left a total of nearly 200 people dead. The railway line between Butere and Kisumu had been closed indefinitely as a result of the accident.

On August 12, 1997 the World Bank announced it was withholding the disbursement of $5b in structural adjustment credit to Kenya.

August 1 a small airplane belonging to AIM-Air crashes into a flat in Nairobi’s Highrise estate, while approaching the Wilson Airport, resulting in one fatality.

August 23 a bus and a truck collide near Gilgil, resulting in 16 deaths. August 24 long-distance buses and matatus are banned for entering the Nairobi CBD, in order to reduce traffic congestions.

This brings us to the big question as what is a curse. “Curse”may refer to a wish that harm or hurt will be inflicted by any supernatural powers. In many belief systems, the curse itself is considered to have some causative force in the result that calls for rituals or prayers to remove or break. If this is not done the curse will always befall you.

Deuteronomy 28:15-68 spells out why a curse comes about. It comes if you do not obey the Lord your God and do not carefully follow all his commands and decrees. The Lord will send on you curses, confusion and rebuke in everything you put your hand to, until you are destroyed and come to sudden ruin because of the evil you have done in forsaking him.

The Lord will strike you with wasting disease, with fever and inflammation, with scorching heat and drought, with blight and mildew, which will plague you until you perish if you do not repent.

This brings us yet to another big question as to why most calamities take place in August. My take here is that since calamities begun with Jomo Kenyatta, and because he died in August this month is set aside by God to remind Kenyans that the country needs repentance for evil deeds their leaders caused.

Jomo Kenyatta shed innocent blood of Pinto Gama, Tom Mboya and JM Kariuki. God is not only annoyed with people who shed innocent blood, he is also cursing them. That is why after Cain killed his brother Abel, God declared to Cain, “Now you are under a curse and driven from the ground, which opened its mouth to receive your brother’s blood from your hand. When you work the ground, it will no longer yield its crops for you. You will be a restless wanderer on the earth” (Genesis 4:11-12).

Deut. 27:24 spells it out very clearly that even if you should never get caught, you and your descendents will be under a curse and will be hunted by others and be killed. This is because the Devil will never leave you and your descendents alone until you repent of your sins and break the curse on the family line. If you or you children sin in this manner later, the curse will return.

When Daniel Moi took over from Kenyatta his government continued with shedding innocent blood. First it begun with the death of Dr Robert Ouko and then the return to multi party politics prior to the 1992 General Elections where non-Kalenjins, particularly Kikuyu communities were killed in Rift Valley for not supporting KANU and Moi.

Huge chunks of the Rift Valley were declared KANU zones, in reference to Moi’s political party. Moi and his cronies went back to parliament unopposed. Among those who formed Youth for Kanu 1992 (YK92) that helped Moi capture the seat is Deputy President William Ruto.

It was not only the Kikuyu who were affected but large numbers of Luo, Luhya, Kamba and Kisii. Non-Kalenjin tribes in the Rift Valley were refered to as, “madoa doa,” meaning, “specks of dirt.” The Rift Valley is also home to the Pokot and Maasai tribes whose politicians were drawn into the Moi alliance, called KAMATUSA.

Consequently, Kikuyu, Luo and Luhya settlers were evicted from Pokot and Maasai areas especially around Narok, Enoosupukia and Kapenguria. As a result of the ethnic chaos, Moi won the 1992 elections with 36 percent of the vote.

Five years later, there were politically motivated ethnic clashes prior to and after the 1997 General Elections. This time, the flash points were not only the Rift Valley, but also the Coast.

Evidence was produced in the Akiwumi Commission of Inquiry implicating senior politicians in the Moi government and KANU party. An Asian farmer in Kwale District alleged that prior to the Likoni violence, his land was used to oath local youths but his reports to the police were ignored.

After Moi then came Mwai Kibaki with similar problem of shedding blood of innocent Kenyan beginning immediately with that of Dr Crispin Odhiambo Mbai. The killers attempted to destroy his legacy and the fruits of his labour.

Dr. Crispin Odhiambo Mbai was the architect of devolution. He made the most significant single contribution in explaining this concept to politicians, intellectuals and ordinary citizens alike.

After Kibaki here comes Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta. Together with his Deputy William Ruto they are accused of crimes against humanity, including murder, rape and persecution during post-election violence in 2008.

Prosecution said Uhur met members of a outlawed criminal organization known as Mungiki at State House and Yaya shopping centre in Nairobi before and after the election in 2007 to arrange some of the retaliatory attacks.

Although he denied the accusation at a preliminary hearing at The Hague-based court last September, the big question is-when will Kenyan leaders stop innocent blood in Kenya? And will they accept the sins they have committed so as to repent?

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
Facebook-omolo beste

Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ UN Disarmament Conference, 2002

Tanzania to investigate killing of 7 Peacekeepers in Suda

From: Judy Miriga

Are Kagame and Museveni bullies in the great lakes of East Africa in their persistance quest to destroy DRC Congo livelihood with take-over of Migingo Island???

Will the world just sit and watch when innocent are killed with pain and suffering on the faces of the innocent?

Advancing to Goma means, the organized terrorist Rebel group of Tutsi M23 are inciting people to war and are asking for full-fledged-war. The M23 is trouble and they must be wiped out from the Great Lakes region of East Africa.

Peace is important in this region, but if the two cannot behave themselves, the world leaders must unite to stop them from taking what does not belong to them by force of the gun. They must also be made to pay for the damages they have caused in their terrorism and invasions with crimes committed. They must not be let to get away with it.

Judy Miriga
Diaspora Spokesperson &
Executive Director for
Confederation Council Foundation for Africa

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DRC wants all rebel groups to disarm

Published on Jul 13, 2013

The DR Congo government has warned all rebel groups operating in the country to lay down weapons or face retaliation.Congolese Army spokesperson Olivier Amuli told CCTV that now is the time to disarm. This comes days after UN peacekeepers clashed with a group of unknown gunmen, killing four of the attackers, a few kilometers outside Goma. CCTV’s Hillary Ayesiga reports


(speaking in Ki-Rwanda is confirmation these are Rwandese Rebel group)

Published on Mar 3, 2013


DRC refugees stream into Uganda

Congolese refugees flood into Uganda

Congolese government troops fight M23 rebels

Sudan: Tanzania to Investigate Killing of 7 Peacekeepers in Sudan

15 July 2013

Related Topics

Tanzania: Dar Seeks Peace Missions Review

Dar es Salaam — The Tanzania People’s Defense Forces (TPDF) on Sunday announced the appointment of a team of experts to investigate the killing of seven Tanzanian soldiers on a peacekeeping mission in Sudan’s Darfur region.

Unidentified armed assailants on Saturday ambushed a convoy composed of troops and police of the African Union and the United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) at Khor Abeche in southern Darfur, killing the seven Tanzanian soldiers.

Colonel Kapambala Mgawe, spokesman for TPDF, said the experts will travel to Khartoum and Darfur to have talks with authorities over the deadly attack, which also left 14 others injured.

However, Mgawe declined to mention the composition of the experts and the day the team will leave for Sudan.

In February, Tanzania sent 875 soldiers to Darfur on a peacekeeping mission according to a UN declaration.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on Sunday also expressed “outrage” over the deadly attack on peacekeepers in Darfur.

In a statement issued by the UN Information Center in Dar es Salaam, the UN chief expressed his deepest sympathies to the families of the fallen peacekeepers, the government of Tanzania and all UNAMID personnel.

“The Secretary General condemns this heinous attack on UNAMID, the third in three weeks, and expects that the Government of Sudan will take swift action to bring the perpetrators to justice,” said the statement.

Congo-Kinshasa: UN Blue Helmets On ‘High Alert’ As M23 Rebels Advance Towards Goma

15 July 2013

United Nations peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) are on high alert today and stand ready to use force to protect civilians in Goma from an advancing rebellion by the March 23 movement (M23), the top UN official in the country said, urging all parties to exercise restraint.

The UN Organization Stabilization Mission in Congo (MONUSCO) expressed “deep concern” about the latest bout of fighting which broke out after a significant group of the M23 attacked the national forces (FARDC) on 14 July in Mutaho, eight kilometres northwest of Goma, in eastern DRC. According to the Mission, heavy artillery and a battle tank were used in the attack.

“Any attempt by the M23 to advance toward Goma will be considered a direct threat to civilians,” the Mission warned. It also noted that the UN blue helmets stand ready to take any necessary measures, including the use of lethal force, in order to protect civilians.

The acting Special Representative of the Secretary General in the country, Moustapha Soumaré, urged restraint to avoid a further escalation of the situation.

“I call on all to abide by the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework Agreement and to allow the political process towards peace to move forward,” Mr. Soumaré said, referring to the UN-brokered accord adopted in February with the support of 11 nations and four international organizations (11+4), with the aim of ending the cycles of conflict and crisis in the eastern DRC and to build peace in the long-troubled Great Lakes region.

“I urge all signatories of the PSC Framework to exercise their influence in order to avoid an escalation of the situation,” he added.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Mary Robinson, the UN Special Envoy for Africa’s Great Lakes Region, along with World Bank President Jim Yong Kim, visited the DRC in May to bolster support for the PSC Framework which Ms. Robinson dubbed a “framework for hope.”

Last month, there was talk of a possible resumption of peace talks between the Government of the DRC and the M23. At that time, Mrs. Robinson had urged both sides to engage in earnest discussion under the auspices of the Chairperson of the International Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. Mr. Robinson was convened in Burundi last week a conference to help develop a road map for women’s engagement in efforts to bring peace to Africa’s long-trouble Great Lakes countries.

Since March, tensions in the region have been heightened, leading to the Security Council to authorize in March the deployment of an intervention brigade within MONUSCO to carry out targeted offensive operations, with or without FARDC, against armed groups that threaten peace in eastern DRC.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Congo-Kinshasa: UNHCR Rushes Aid As 66,000 Congolese Refugees Stream Into Western Uganda

15 July 2013

Bundibugyo — The UN refugee agency is providing emergency shelter, blankets and other essential relief items to some 66,000 Congolese refugees who have fled fighting for the safety of western Uganda in the last five days.

Refugees began fleeing after a reported attack last week on the town of Kamango in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) by the Allied Democratic Forces, a Ugandan Islamist rebel group said to be operating around the Ruwenzori Mountains of DRC’s North Kivu province.

By the early morning hours of last Thursday, the refugees had reached Bubandi sub-county in western Uganda’s Bundibugyo district, with 13,000 arriving on the first day alone. By mid-afternoon Sunday, the Uganda Red Cross Society said it had registered 66,139 people. Whole families have been carrying mattresses, pots and pans, and children were even carrying chickens.

“This is an extraordinarily swift and concerning influx of refugees into an area with very limited preparedness to extend humanitarian assistance to such a large number of people,” said Mohammed Adar, UNHCR’s representative in Uganda. “We are, however, moving to mount the initial response as quickly as possible while preparing at the same time for an enhanced operation.”

With no indication the refugees will go home soon, UNHCR joined the Office of the Prime Minister and other agencies in providing emergency aid. UNHCR sent plastic sheeting for shelter construction, plates and cups, and temporary latrine kits as well as soap. The agency has also provided fuel for transfers to a new transit centre, 23 kilometres from the DRC border, and the first 300 refugees were moved on Sunday.

Today, UNHCR plans an emergency shipment of tents, blankets and sleeping mats.

Bundibugyo is a mountainous and densely populated area about a seven-hour drive from the Ugandan capital Kampala. The new arrivals are being received in five primary schools, and other sites. Some are staying with families in the community.

The World Food Programme has delivered enough food to feed 20,000 people for five days, with more food due to arrive on Monday. The Ugandan Red Cross has organized communities to cook and serve hot meals, while the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and other partners are providing water.

Even before the arrival of the newest refugees, Uganda was already home to more than 210,000 registered refugees and asylum seekers, 63 per cent of whom came from the DRC.

Uganda Police Deny Migingo Torture Claims

By Charles Etukuri, 3 July 2013

Ugandan police force has refuted reports appearing in a section of Kenyan media that its officers beat up their counterparts on Migingo Island, a piece of land that is the centre of a row between the two east African countries.

These reports indicate that Ugandan police beat up three Administration Police (AP) deployed at the controversial island, seriously injuring three others.

“There was no fight as it was being portrayed by the Kenyan media,” deputy police spokesperson Patrick Onyango said.

He termed the incident as a minor disagreement between the two sides.

“The Kenyans were beaten by Ugandans in public glare after they were stopped at Nyandiwa Islands in Kenyan waters. As per procedure, the Ugandans were told to register at Ugingo Island, and leave their weapons behind which angered them,” The Star newspaper quoted a Kenyan Government official.

Nyatike deputy county commissioner, Moses Ivuto was quoted by the paper saying Rashidi Agore – the new head of Ugandan police at the island – was not aware that when his officers cross over into Kenya they are supposed to leave their firearms behind.

“The officer was pushed, slipped and injured his leg and was taken to hospital. We have sent more officers on the ground to ascertain the situation,” Ivuto said.

On the contrary Onyango said some of the officials were blowing the matter out of proportion.

“Our boat had got spoilt and our officer Agore asked his Kenyan counterpart for permission to take it over across to Nyandiwa so that it could be repaired and he was granted permission. But then another officer who was leading the AP, which controls the rural border, stopped them.”

The regional police commander of Busoga East, Echodu Egapytus told New Vision that there was lack of communication between the officer in the communiqué between and their counterparts on the ground.

But even as the Ugandan authorities sought to claim that the officers slipped, The Star quoted Juma Ombori, the island Beach Management Unit (BMU) chairman as stating that the officer didn’t slip but was beaten up by the Ugandans who are more superior in ranks and better facilitated than Kenyans.

“The Ugandan contingent is led by Senior Superintendent of Police, have better pay and weapons with 18 officers while Kenya’s head Richard Omaya is just an inspector with about eight officers,” Ombori said.

The row over the one-acre island has simmered since 2004 when Ugandan security pitched camp at the island to fight piracy in Lake Victoria.

Uganda Police is controlling security in Migingo in line with an agreement signed in Arusha in April 2009 by President Yoweri Museveni and his former Kenyan counterpart Mwai Kibaki to resolve the dispute.

In 2009, the two countries instituted a survey to determine who owns the island but the outcome of that survey has never been conclusive.

Echodu said both sides had met to try and calm any tensions in the area and that more meetings will be held over this weekend to calm down the tension.

Kenya, Uganda Police Clash At Migingo Island

By Manuel Odeny, 2 July 2013

Tension is high at Migingo Island after three Kenyan Administration Police (AP) officers were seriously beaten and hurt by a group of Ugandan police.

Officers from the two countries at the island have been keeping vigil with residents fearing that the tension may escalate if top official from the two countries don’t met.

The Kenyans were beaten by Ugandans in public glare after they were stopped at Nyandiwa Islands in Kenyan waters. As per procedure the Ugandans were told to register at Ugingo Island, and leave their weapons behind which angered them.

Nyatike deputy County Commissioner Moses Ivuto termed the incident unfortunate incident saying Rashidi Agore the new head of Ugandan police in the island was not aware that when his officers cross over into Kenya.

“The officer was pushed, slipped and injured his leg and was taken to hospital, we have sent more officers in the ground to ascertain the situation,” Ivuto said.

Yesterday senior officers in the county met in a security meeting and they planned to visit the island yesterday. But residents said tension has been building between Kenyan and Ugandan officers in the island and it was further fueled by President Uhuru Kenyatta recent visit in Uganda.

“When Uhuru visited Kampala the island was abuzz that the two presidents could find an amicable solution to the issue. Sadly it wasn’t mentioned to the delight of Ugandans,” Juma Ombori, the island Beach Management Unit chairman said.

Ombori said the officer didn’t slip but was beaten up by the Ugandans who are more superior in ranks and better facilitated than Kenyans.

“The Ugandan contingent is lead by Senior Superintendent of Police, have better pay and weapons with 18 officers while Kenya head Richard Omaya is just an inspector with about eight officers,” Ombori said.

According to agreement signed between the two countries, each was to have 12 officers but Ugandans have just ignored the agreement.

“These coupled with demoralization of the Kenyan officers as most are poorly paid and equipped has led to the problem,” he said.


United Nations Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (Kinshasa)

Congo-Kinshasa: Monusco Expresses Deep Concern Over M-23 Attack and Warns Against Any Action That Will Threaten Gom

Kinshasa — In the afternoon of 14 July, heavy fighting broke out in Mutaho, 8 km NW of Goma, after an FARDC position in the locality was attacked by a significant group of the M-23.

The attack occurred after the M23 had reinforced its positions around Kibati, close to Mutaho, earlier in the day, including with heavy artillery and a battle tank.

The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in Congo (MONUSCO) expresses deep concern over this development and calls for restraint to avoid a further escalation of the situation.

“I call on all to abide by the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework Agreement and to allow the political process towards peace to move forward”, said the acting Special Representative of the Secretary General in the DRC, Moustapha Soumaré. ” I urge all signatories of the PSC Framework to exercise their influence in order to avoid an escalation of the situation”, he added.

MONUSCO has put its troops on high alert and stand ready to take any necessary measures, including the use of lethal force, in order to protect civilians. Any attempt by the M23 to advance toward Goma will be considered a direct threat to civilians.

I will Just Wait For You At the Right Place And I will Hit You, Rwandan General Paul Kagame Threatens Tanzanian Jakaya Kikwete

by AfroAmerica Network on July 3, 2013

“Those people [Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete] you just heard siding with Interahamwe and FDLR and urging negotiations… negotiations? Me, I do not even discuss this topic, because I will just wait for you [Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete] at the right place and I will hit you! He[Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete] did not deserve my answer. I did not waste my time answering him…It is well known. There is a line you cannot cross, there is a line, a line that you should never cross. It is impossible…”“

It is in these ominous terms that the Rwandan dictator General Paul Kagame threatened to get even with Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, while addressing Rwandan Youth on June 30, 2013 during a summit called “Youth Konnect””, sponsored by his wife, Janet Kagame.

Relations between Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete and Rwandan leaders have soured in the last weeks. On several occasions Rwandan leaders called the Tanzanian President “a genocide and terrorist sympathizer”, “ignorant”, “arrogant”, and “mediocre leader”. The relations have deteriorated following the recommendation by President Jakaya Kikwete of open negotiations between Rwandan, Ugandan and Congolese leaders and their respective armed opposition in order to bring durable peace and security in the African Great Lakes region.

First the Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Louise Mushikiwabo and Defense Minister, James Kabarebe, publicly cursed the Tanzanian President and called him a sympathizer of “genocidaires”, a “genocide denier”, and other names.

Then, General Paul Kagame, while addressing a closed door meeting with his close aides, called the Tanzanian President “4Bs”, which in Rwandan language means “an opportunist, attention seeker, arrogant and contemptible person.”

Then the Rwandan puppet Hutu Prime minister Prime Minister called the Tanzanian President a mediocre leader .

The latest public threats by General Paul Kagame against the physical person of the Tanzanian President are arguably the most serious sign of how worse the relations among the two countries and the their leaders have become. According to sources in Kigali, General Kagame has also been frustrated by the attention Tanzanian President has been receiving from World powers. Until a few years ago, Rwanda and its dictator was the darling of the West. The attention from the West has since dwindled.

The recent visit by US President Barack Obama to Tanzania may have further increased the frustration and perhaps led to the grave public threats by General Paul Kagame against the Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete.

The upcoming days and months promise to be full of anticipation and sursprises in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.

2013 AfroAmerica Network. All Rights Reserved.

Tagged as: FDLR, General Kagame, Jakaya Kikwete, President Barack Obama, Rwanda, Tanzania

Kenya: The story of the mysterioiusly huge snake which the Luos allmost worsipped in 1940 and aftermath of the reptile’s visit


Short Story By Leo Odera Omolo who traces a historical disastrous which occurred in Nyanza Province in 1940

It was in the early part of the year 940 when a mysterious creature visited some low-laying locations in Nyanza Province in what is today called Rarieda district.

A huge and excessively big snake visited Uyoma Peninsula. It slithered from the direction of Kunya in Kabudha a

The huge snake is believed to have slithered out of Lake Victoria in search of food, but it was of a snake species which has never been seen in the area and nothing in comparison with the known species as it was excessively huge and long

THe reptile is appeared to have traveled by night. Its presence in the village attracted thousands of people.

The big tree has previously been used as the venue of weekly administrative Baraza by the first colonial administrative chief of Uyoma, the late Chief Otumba Mbede. The place is called “Gunda Kotumba” it is situated next to the homestead of the former Chief’s son Nathan Ojungo Otumba, who had inherited his chieftainship, but was retired around 1927.

According to the account of some still surviving eye witnesses, the snake was which was baptized by the villagers as “Nyang’idi “was three time longer than the normal python and resembled the common python in color. Its body was so huge that the eye witnesses compared its size to that of the rear tyre of a tractor.

The reptile resembled the “African Rock python which is usually larger and longer than the common python, and even stronger. The serpent was not aggressive and posed no threat to anyone. Thousands of people came to Chianda villagfe,some of them travelling on bicycle or on foot as far as away as from Yimbo, Alego Usonga, Gem, Seme, Sakwa, Asembo and even across the narrow water way of the Nyanza Gulf { previously known as the Kavirondo Gulf} from Suba and other locations in Southern Nyanza just to come and have a glimpse of the mysterious snake.

It was being fed with two animals every day or half a dozen of chickens. The huge snake was never scared of disturbed by huge crowd that milled around the creature. The crowd brought the live animals which were given as sacrifice for feeding the creature.

The animals on which it feed on for a couple of weeks were sacrifices made by the elders and sub-clans in Uyoma. And because it was during the Second World War II, which had started in earnest in the previous year 1939, the colonial administration in Nyanza got the winds of the news and became alarmed, after the white missionaries had warned that the population in the region was just about to start worshiping the mysterious creature.

The white missionaries were also alarmed by the volume of people flocking to Uyoma the mysterious creature.

As the usual culture of the Luos, the musicians also composed songs of praise for “Nyangidi” sending the white missionaries into great panicking.

Acting under the pressure of the white missionaries, the then Nyanza Provincial Commissioner a Mr Hunter asked the Kisumu based colonial District Commissioner a Mr Winright to immediately dispatch the team of sharp-shooter Administration policemen to Uyoma to go and shoot, kill land destroy the huge snake.

When the three armed APs arrived at Chianda School, they were shown the tree under which Nyang’idi was resting after a mean of a sheep, the police men developed cold feet and refused to open fire on it saying it was a mysterious creature not worth killing and the policemen went back to Kisumu without firing even one single shot at the creature.

Some people who saw the creature included Hon Wilson Ndolo Ayah, the former MP for Kisumu Rural constituency. He had just joined lower primary classes at Chianda Primary School and was staying with his uncle the late Ex-Chief Nathan Ojungo Otumba.Mr Ayah on a telephone interview with this writer said he was among the smaller boys who collected grass and covered the body of the snake as it rested under a tree during warm hours of the afternoon. Ayah served in the Moi’s KANU government as Foreign Affairs Minister and at one time Minister for Water Development admitted that he had seen this mysterious creature before he physically saw any python. Mr Ayah is on his 85 years.

Another eye witness is Mrs Grace Deya Omoso, the daughter of the late Ex-Chief Nathan Ojungo Otumba who is now ageing abut 86.Contacted at her home near Wang’arot in SemeMrs Omoso said Nyang’idi was a harmless creature.Children could even move close to where it had recoiled under the tree and play around.

Mr Ayah said the creature left mysteriously and slithered at night and the next morning many people trailed its footprint which looked like a place where a D8 or D10 heavy earthmoving tractor had passed. It travelled toward the neighboring Asembo location and was later seen in Akado area of Seme west before it permanently disappearing in the horizon.

The following year 1941 the entire Luo-Nyanza was hit by acute shortage of food grain. The worse famine came about which was baptized Ke Ladhri or Ke-Aladhra which his the area like thunderstorm up to 1943. Many people died of hunger.

Two prominent colonial chiefs died. They were Chief Ahenda of Alego and Chief Onunga Amimo of Kano plains.

Two prominent medizinemen {Witchdoctors} also died. They were Katete Owuor {Rambo} of Rusinga Island and Abang’a |Oungu of Uyoma. A wealthy businessman on Rusinga Olunga Onyango also died.A unit of Luo soldiers mutinied in Madagascar laying down their armed and demanding to be told the reason and the cause on which they were fighting for.

The mutiny became so serious that the colonial administration ordered for A RAF war plane stationed in eastern Uganda to fly one influential Luo Chief to the Indian Ocean Island of Madagascar to go and persuade the soldier to continue with fighting. The late Mzee Paul Mboya from Karachuonyo was chosen for task. Mboya, however, failed and almost got assaulted by the rebellious Luo soldiers and was flown back. He was quickly replaced by the late Chef Muganda Opwapo of Ugenya. Chief Muganda succeeded.

It was one year after Nyangidi disappearance when the formidable anti-colonialist campaigner Coun.Daniel Ojijo Oteko, died mysteriously at a government hospital in Kisumu. Thedeath of Ojijo Oteko raised political temperature in the region as the population pointed accusing fingers to the chiefs and colonial administrators.

The sealed off casket containing the body of the late Ojijo Oteko was taken immediately to his home in Kanjira in West Karachuonyo and buried with only his wife allowed near the coffin which was buried under the supervision of security police and thousands mourners harshly dispersed.

The year after the appearance of Nyang’idi SNAKE IN Uyoma was the same when Chief Paul Mboya sent packing the late Hussein Onyango Obama, the grand father of the US Present Barack Obama and forced him out of his home at Kanyadhiang’ in Central Karachuyonyo to go to Nyang’oma Alego in Siaya.

The two had disagreed over Hussein Onyango Obama closeness to the politician the late Ojijo Oteko.The action came after Mboya who was the then the Chief of Karachuonyo had issued repeated warnings to Obama to steer clear of political activities in the erea. The two had disagreed on a trophy ,which Hussein Onyangoi bought while working in Nairobi and brought home and wished it be used on a football tournament involved inter-sub-clans, but the Chief retained the trophy to his own clan despite his team having been beaten.

People who were born at the time of the visit by the mysterious snake are now ageing about 62 and above. Most of them are found n Sakwa Bondo, Yimbo, Asembo and Uyoma and even in Karachuonyo.



COMMENTARY By Leo Odera Omolo In Kisumu City

I have sat down for a length of time perusing and scrutinizing the report released last week by the Truth and Justice Reconciliation Commission and found them to be shallow shoddy and hollow, not even worth reading any sane person.

Perhaps the Bethwell Kiplagat team just wanted to justify the millions of taxpayers money its members had consumed during the stormy period it conducted it half-baked inquiries.

The TJRC did not caste its net wide open, though it came up with some names of leaders both in the present and past it has recommended should be probed further so as to ascertain the truth about their wrong doing.

In regards to past politically motivated assassinations TRC reported is highly rubbished for merely bush-beating, which are devoid of any iota of the truth.

The TJRC chairman Kiplagat himself had long been rejected by the entire Kenyan society that he was not the right person for the job, but insisted on carrying it out and even went to court so that he could be clear to proceed on with the job. Those had loudly raised objections knew it pretty well that Kiplagat was not the right person taking it into account his covert operations and flirting with RENAMO of Mozambique and its renegade forces under the rebel leader Dr Dhlakama .

The TJRC came out with the large number of names of innocent Kenyans, which it has recommended should be probed further in connection to human right abuse of the past regimes.

Conspicuously missing from the names that the TJRC wanted to be investigated was the name of the late James Kanyottu, the former director of the security intelligence police unit, which was known as the {Special Branch}.

Kanyottu who has since died after retiring from the security intelligence service which he headed ever since 1965 after succeeding Benard Hinga might have gone into his grave with the heaps of secrets about the past political assassinations in this country, therefore any inquiry report which exclude his names is considered by Kenyans of average intelligence as shoddy and shallow and not worth its salt.

Kanyottu might have not personally participated in actual assassination exercises, but definitely knew the political enemies of the victims who might have been involved in hatching plots to eliminate those whom their perceived to be their political enemies.

During Kanyotu’s rein as the head of the security intelligence five senior Kenyan politician were gunned down or killed

The victims were Pio Gama Pinto, a specially elected member of parliament who was the first to die I a series of well hatched plots of assassination, Thomas Joseph Mboya, C.MG.Argwings-Kodhek, Ronald Gideon Ngala, Josiah Mwangi Kariuki {JM} and finally Robert John Ouko being the last one to die.

From my own intelligent guesswork Kiplagat ‘s commission job was only to rekindle the communal emotions of families and relatives of the victims while serving the interests of some evil and invisible forces still operating lie mafia groups in this country.

For Mr Kanyottu, there was no way someone of the late Tom Mboya status could be assassinated without the knowledge of the head of the national security intelligence unit unless the unit’s operations had long collapse or were on the verge of total collapse.

If it was so Kanyottu couldn’t have lasted on his job for close to 40 years after those painful events of the early and late 1960s.

We have been eagerly waiting to read from the TJRC report as to who ordered fro the closing down of all the phone communications between Nairobi an Addis Ababa as from June 29,1969 to July 4,1969 on the very day Mboya and his delegation to the UNCEA returned home to be killed the next day July 5,1969.

There were strong rumors making the round in the Kenyan capital of Nairobi ad its environs, that some of the late Mboya’s closes friend who hah heard o the assassination rumors made frantic effort to reach him in Addis Abba by phone for the purpose of alerting him about the dreadful rumor in Nairobi, but Nairobi Addis phone were severed off at the external-telecom. Surely such events if it is true they took place could not have escaped the knowledge of the head of the nation’s national security organ, and here is where the name of Kanyottu comes in hand.

Obviously someone in a very senior position in the government of the day might have been the one who ordered the phone line between Addis and Nairobi line severed of for a specific pupose.

These are some of the area which were so fertile for the TJRC team to visit an make thorough inquiries because all the records in those institutions are said to be still intact for probe.

In the case of Dr. Robert John Ouko, reports were made I courts tat his phone lines at his Koru Farm in Kisumu had also gone off during the fateful night of his mysterious disappearance and death. Obviously the head of the security intelligence cannot be exonerated for having been totally ignorance of these events.

The same could be said of the deaths by faked road accidents of Ronald Gideon Ngala and CMG Argwings-Kodhek. Like Mboya both died while serving in the cabinet as Minster for Foreign Affair and minister for Power and Communications respectively. All the four Mboya, Ngala, Argwings-Kodhek and Ouko were the possible future presidential materials during the reign of the late Jomo Kenyatta. And as such Kenyans were expecting Kiplagat’s TJRC to caste its net much more wider and come out with some truth about thee past politically motivated killings in Kenyatta instead of writing rubbish and perhaps copying some old reports from other regions.

Leo Odera Omolo


from: Ouko joachim omolo
The News Dispatch with Omolo Beste in images
SATURDAY, MAY 25, 2013


In Chapter 12 of Moi’s biography, The Making of an African Statesman, author Andrew Morton advances several hypotheses-First, Morton points a finger at the late powerful Internal Security minister Hezekiah Oyugi.

“The man who posed the greatest threat to Oyugi’s short term goal of tribal leadership was the Foreign Affairs minister, Bob Ouko, an internationally respected diplomat, brilliant orator, and the architect of the ground breaking 1986 Sessional Paper”.

Morton also suggests that Oyugi, possibly intent on hiding something from Scotland Yard’s detective John Troon, is alleged to have been obstructing the investigations. Secondly, Morton offers the view that Ouko was paranoid about his own safety and impending death.

Thirdly, he advances the view that Ouko was a habitual womaniser. Morton suggests that Ouko dangerously cavorted with “Oyugi’s third and favourite wife, Betty”. The former Langata Kanu MP, Philip Leakey, is also reported to have told Morton that Ouko was “a great womaniser”.

Fourthly, Morton advances the theory that Ouko’s death was an ethnic (rivalry) affair. Writes Morton, with unreserved authority on Ouko’s political death: “Ouko’s death was Luo affair. Every tribe in Kenya knows that”.

Finally, Morton writes that Moi propped up Ouko politically. Morton argues that Ouko won his Kisumu West Parliamentary seat in 1988 by default. The biographer states that Moi had “promised to campaign in his (Ouko) constituency to help smooth the path of his re-election”.

Scotland Yard’s Superintendent John Troon led a team of detectives to unravel the murder of Dr Robert John Ouko. Former President Moi had ordered investigations into the death. Initial investigations zeroed in on two key suspects; the late Internal Security PS Hezekiah Oyugi and former Energy minister Nicholas Biwott. The former minister has, however, denied any role.

Troon traced the circumstances leading to the murder to a Presidential trip to the United States in January 1990, where Moi led a strong delegation of government officials. During the Washington trip, according to Press reports, the American media “launched an ambush” on Moi by accusing him of running a dictatorship rife with human rights abuses.

Troon’s investigations centred on the alleged massive corruption at the Kisumu Molasses plant, and efforts to conceal the alleged perpetrators-It is claimed that Ouko had conducted thorough investigations into the malpractice at the plant, which allegedly touched on key Government officials close to Moi and who were opposed to the revitalisation of the plant.

Troon’s findings led to the arrests of Mr Oyugi and Biwott, both close associates of Moi. They were later released for lack of any incriminating evidence. The late Nehemiah Obati and former Rift Valley CID boss is reported to have interviewed both Oyugi and Biwott.

On November 26, 1991, Moi disbanded the Ouko Commission of Inquiry, which was chaired by Justice Evan Gicheru, now Chief Justice. Moi later said the discontinuation of the commission was to enable further investigations to be carried out into the minister’s death and also into alleged obstruction and interference in Troon’s work.

By that time, Oyugi had died in the United Kingdom where he was being treated. Two weeks later, Mr Obati also died. Obati, a former Interpol chief in Kenya, died at the Nairobi Hospital where he had been hospitalised for three weeks. He allegedly developed liver complications.

It was then that Mr Jonah Anguka, a former Nakuru District Commissioner, was charged with Ouko’s murder. Anguka, who was a friend of the murdered minister, is alleged to have been spotted in a white saloon vehicle believed to have been central to the murder. Anguka was later released for lack of evidence connecting him to the murder.

According to former Chief Inspector of Police Luchiri Wajakoya who fled to Britain in 1992, the Ouko murder mystery could be pieced together from the Police “music room”. This is where all the police radio communication is received.

Hezekiah Nelson Oyugi Ogango was for a long time the Permanent Secretary to the President in charge of the provincial administration and internal security. President Moi dismissed him from this post on October 28, 1991. At the Commission, Troon named him as one of the principal suspects in the Ouko murder.

The Kenya Times reported Oyugi as saying that he was “as fit as a fiddle” and that he would personally defend himself at the Inquiry. However, four days before he was to do this, Moi disbanded the Commission and Oyugi was arrested and later released for lack of evidence.

In June 1992, six months after his release, he became sick and was subsequently admitted to Nairobi Hospital, reportedly suffering from a brain ailment. Although his condition worsened, the government refused to give him a passport to travel abroad for specialist treatment, which forced his family to fly in a British neurologist, who gave independent examination results on Oyugi’s deteriorating condition. It was only then that the government allowed him to go to London for specialist treatment. He died in London on August 8, 1992.

Reportedly, he died from a motor neuron disease which impaires the nervous system that controls the sense of touch, sight, hearing, smell and touch. It is claimed that the disease can be induced and that it is incurable once contracted. According to Kenyatta National Hospital records, the disease is rare and affects only five people per annum, killing them within six months to six years.

The manner in which the government handled Oyugi’s sickness and death left a lot to be desired. When Oyugi’s body was returned to Kenya there was no single government officer to receive it at the airport. Given the fact that Oyugi had served the government so loyally for over three decades, this was strange.

And at the time of his death he was chairman of General Motors, a quasi-government organisation. And although Oyugi’s death was headline news for the daily newspapers, the government-controlled radio and television gave the item a news blackout. This hands-off position was maintained not only during the arrival of the body, but even at the funeral and burial services.

As the Provincial Commissioner for Rift Valley Province, and later the Permanent secretary of the Office of the President, Oyugi and Moi were very close. The President never attended Oyugi’s funeral service or burial, or sent a condolence message to the family of his most faithful and powerful civil servant ever.

One thing is clear; Oyugi was one of the most important individuals in the Ouko case. He was regarded as a key witness and his death resulted in loss of vital information he intended to give before the Ouko Commission. After Oyugi’s death the police used Philip Rodi to allege that he saw both Oyugi at the Minister’s home the night he disappeared.

Morton’s version of the Ouko killing differs sharply with previous written accounts. One, by former United States Ambassador to Kenya Smith named a powerful Kenyan politician as Ouko’s killer. A second one by former Provincial Commissioner Jonah Anguka – who was tried for the murder and acquitted – also points a finger at individuals allied to President Moi.

Morton’s book claims Mr Oyugi hosted lavish parties as Dr Ouko’s death was being investigated and tried to use his influence to divert the Commission’s suspicion to Mr Biwott. It confirms previous reports that the Special Branch bugged the judges’ hotel rooms.

Speaking at the historic Kanu Delegates Conference that approved the repeal of Section 2(A) of the Constitution, on December 6, 1991, Moi said that the people who had killed Dr Robert Ouko in February 1990 had also tried to poison his vice-president George Saitoti. “The people who killed Ouko also poisoned my Vice President in a plot to topple my Government,” Moi said.

Following the revelation, Saitoti told Parliament the following day: “I did not want to blow up this issue, but I thank the President for revealing for the first time that I was a victim of poisoning last year.” He did not give details then nor has he ever said anything until his mysterious death in a chopper crash in June last year.

But in reconstructing the events of that day, the Sunday Standard established that after Saitoti was poisoned, he was advised by top people in Government to keep quiet about it so as not to endanger State security at the time when Ouko was yet to be buried.

But as he read the eulogy of Ouko at Nairobi Pentecostal Church, Saitoti was himself recovering from severe effects of poisoning by a deadly substance. If the poisoning plot had succeeded, he too would have been the subject of a requiem service. Saitoti could not talk about who poisoned him or why, but it is confirmed that as he recovered, he was forced to take on a posture of normalcy so as not to arouse suspicion.

In the newspapers of the same day, Saitoti had been photographed with Moi and former Office of the President Permanent Secretary, Hezekiah Oyugi, at the airport as the President left for Bangkok.

Sources say that the doctors who had treated the V-P for poisoning had recommended he take a full bed rest for at least a week.

Moi rejected calls to appear before the committee investigating the death of Ouko. His lawyer, Mr Mutula Kilonzo, said to question the retired head of state was malicious because he (Moi) had nothing to reveal to the committee.

The committee, headed by Kisumu Town East MP Gor Sunguh, announced it would summon the former President on January 5 to elaborate on a public statement he made about Dr Ouko after the minister’s charred remains were found. He was to elaborate on his comments Mr at the time; “Those who killed Ouko are the same ones who wanted to poison Prof. [George] Saitoti.”

Ouko’s problems are said to have started in 1983 when he fell out with Hezekiah Oyugi the then Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President in charge of Internal Security and Provincial Administration. Oyugi was then a Provincial Commissioner in Moi’s home province of Rift Valley and was said to enjoy powers beyond even his boss, Permanent Secretary J. Mathenge whom the former later succeeded.

Having been business associates in a number of commercial ventures, Ouko and Oyugi parted ways. The immediate consequence was the demotion of Ouko from the glamourous Foreign Office to an obscure Labour Ministry in October 1983. Ouko’s relegation was due to advice from Oyugi, who is the only personality from Nyanza who enjoys Moi’s total confidence.

In the next four-and-a-half years, Ouko was kept “on his toes”. He shuffled around in every reshuffle to ministries of labour, industry and economic planning – an average of a new ministry every 18 months. Meanwhile, Oyugi and his mentor were busy looking for a replacement in Ouko’s Kisumu Rural Constituency.

The only man who was ready to challenge Ouko anytime and anywhere was Joab Henry Onyango Omino, a popular former civil servant and a successful businessman-cum-sports administrator.

Moi and Oyugi were not ready to back Omino since the latter had the “undesired” qualities of being popular and principled. But while Ouko was unpopular on the domestic front, internationally he had as a career diplomat, cultivated a likeable image and had many useful friends. It was on these friends that his temporary political survival and also his eventual demise would hinge.

As for the number Two slot, the Kenyan President had his own scheme. He was paving a succession path to the presidency for his nephew and long time manager of Moi’s personal estate, Nicholas Kiprono arap Biwott. Instead, Ouko was handed back the Foreign Affairs portfolio.

The Number two post went into the hands of Josephat Njuguna Karanja, a former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Nairobi, who had recently been imposed upon the people of Mathare as their Member of Parliament. Karanja’s tenure as the VP was shortlived as he was removed in very humiliating manner only twelve months later. George Kinuthia Muthengi Saitoti, an associate professor of topology and former chairman of the Department of Mathematics at the University of Nairobi was appointed to take over the vice presidency.

Margaret Thatcher and her mentor Ronald Reagan (and later Reagan’s successor George Bush) were not amused by Moi’s refusal to take their orders. They were also not comfortable with Moi’s continued association and reward for people who massively looted public coffers of billions of dollars.

Whenever Moi sent Ouko on the numerous begging missions to solicit more aid, the donors showed concern about the diversion of the aid money to foreign secret accounts in Europe. Among the listed leading looters were Biwott; Saitoti (who had headed the treasury since 1983); Eric Kotut, the Governor of Central

Bank of Kenya (CBK); Kipng’eno arap Ng’eny, the Managing Director of Kenya Posts and Telecommunications Corporation (KPTC); Arthur Magugu, once the Minister for Finance; Bethwel Kiplagat, Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs; Benjamin Kipkorir, Chairman Kenya Commercial Bank; Sam Ongeri, Minister for Technical Training; Mark Too (Moi’s son who is Deputy Chairman, Lonrho) and Hezekiah Oyugi, sarcastically known as “the Governor”. As at the end of 1988, estimates by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) showed that Kenyans held more than US $4 billion in overseas accounts.

Other sources indicated that in the first half of the year 1988, alone, US $175 million was siphoned out of Kenya into foreign accounts. Ouko confronted Moi the facts and that was his error number one. This hard evidence did not amuse Moi. This was in October 1989. Order was immediately issued that Ouko be shadowed round-the-clock.

Things came to a climax when Moi and his team including Ouko visited the US on January 1990. The main purpose of the visit was to persuade President Bush to prevail upon the Congress not to suspend aid to Kenya.

The Congress and a number of donor agencies had threatened to freeze assistance to Kenya due to Kenya’s well known record gross violation of human rights, diversion of aid money to individuals’ foreign accounts, corruption and lack of accountability in the government.

While in Washington, Moi and his delegation met three congressmen Donald Tayne, Tonny Hall, and Paul Simon in an attempt to persuade them to convince the Congress not to block a US $60 million military aid Moi was soliciting from the US.

They also held talks with high-ranking officials of the World Bank and IMF. The talks, however, did not bear much fruit and only ended in Moi being given stiffer conditions to fulfill before any assistance could come forth. A meeting with the US Assistant Secretary of State in charge of African Affairs, Michael Cohen was equally fruitless.

Interpreting his president’s public humiliation as a failure on his (Ouko’s) part as a Foreign Affairs Minister, Ouko used his experience in the world of diplomacy to try and arrange a face-saving private meeting between Moi and Bush.

In such a meeting, nobody would know whatever transpired between the two Heads of State, and would believe whatever is reported. He, therefore, secured an audience with the US Secretary of State James Baker and managed to persuade the latter to prevail upon President Bush. Ouko was, thus, invited to meet Bush.

The three – Bush, Baker and Ouko – are said to have met for forty minutes before President Bush agreed to grant Moi an audience, in the presence of Baker and Ouko. The meeting took only ten minutes, according to reports.

During the ten minute talks, Moi is reported to have been given a number of conditions for continued assistance, including putting someone with knowledge of economics in charge of Treasury as opposed to topologist Saitoti; democratization of Kenya’s politics; release of all political prisoners and improvement of Human Rights record; making Ouko his Vice President as well as ensuring that money smuggled out of Kenya was brought back. Moi was not particularly pleased with the apparent rapport between Bush and Ouko.

After the meeting, Moi addressed a news conference, where he was in-undated with a barrage of what he considered “embarassing” questions like torture of suspects at Nyayo House, mass imprisonment on trumped-up political charges, street shooting by the police, discrimination of ethnic Somali Kenyans, persecution of the clergy and rampant corruption.

Moi had no ready answers to these questions. Once again, in a bid to save his boss from public embarassment, Ouko intervened time and again to “elaborate on His Excellency’s self explanatory answer” and articulately, albeit untruthfully, answered the questions.

The journalists in attendance were impressed by Ouko’s articulate interventions and, as is typical with American scribes, some remarked that ought to have been the president. That was Ouko’s mistake number two. Moi could not hide his rage. To be upstaged twice in half a day was not something he was accustomed to. Ouko’s other detractors, chiefly Biwott and Oyugi, did not waste away this opportunity.

After that Press Conference of February 2, 1990 Biwott is said to have even sarcastically addressed Ouko as “Your Excellency the President”. Moi on his part emotionally declared that he did not want even to set eyes on Ouko and that he would not travel with his foreign minister in the same plane.

Ouko was, thus, left in Washington. Worried by the inexplicable behaviour of his President Ouko took the next flight and arrived in Nairobi two days later, only a few minutes after Moi’s arrival. He infact found Moi still being entertained at the airport and asked his escorts who had come to the airport to meet him to show him where Moi was being entertained (“Kenya Times”, October 23, 1990 page 18). That was Ouko’s third blunder.

The following day, February 5, 1990, Ouko went to State House, Nairobi, understandably to plead with Moi to forgive him whatever sins he (Ouko) might have committed. His worry was even more compounded by the fact that upon his arrival at Jomo Kenyatta Airport, his passport was impounded “for adjustment”. Instead of forgiving him, Moi ordered his Foreign minister to go to his Nyanza home and never to appear in Nairobi unless and until called back by Moi personally.

Ouko left State House a shaken and confused man and extremely worried. From State House he went to his office along Harambee Avenue via his lawyers, Oraro and Rachier Advocates. From his office, he is reported to have taken his confidential file, bid his staff “Kwaheri ya kuonana” and left.

He was convinced that he was going to be relieved of his ministerial post. The same day in the evening, Ouko, his wife and two youngest children went to Moi’s Woodley residence, along Kabarnet Road. He was of the illusion that on seeing his two young children, Moi the “lover of children” Moi have pity. The mission badly aborted and Moi was uncompromising in his decision to send Ouko to Nyanza.

Ouko is said to have been silent all the way as he drove his family back from Woodley to his Loresho Home. On arrival at Loresho, he found his driver and one of his security escorts waiting. One of the security escorts, George Otieno, had already been withdrawn. The other two, including driver, Joseph Yogo Otieno were under instruction to leave him as soon as (Ouko) arrives at his home in Nyanza (Nyahera or Koru).

On February 6, 1990 a meeting chaired by Biwott and attended by Saitoti, Kotut, Kipng’eno arap Ng’eny, Noah Too, Frederick Koskei (Saitoti’s Aide de Camp) and Bethwel Kiplagat was held at Midwest Hotel, Kericho.

It was at this meeting where the decision to deal with the ‘Ouko problem’ was taken. Noah Too was appointed to head the project. Moi was briefed about the meeting at his Woodley house on February 8 or 9 (Our informant could not get the exact date) in the evening around 9 p.m.

Another meeting was held at Nyayo House, Nairobi, 24th Floor on Saturday February 11, 1990 where specific tasks were assigned. It was at this stage that Oyugi, Julius Kobia (the PC Nyanza), John Anguka (the DC Nakuru) and Philip Kilonzo (Commissioner of Police) were indoctrinated into the conspiracy, which had been codenamed “Operation Bikini Succession” – Bikini being Biwott’s initials (BIwott, KIprono, NIcholas).

Ouko, meanwhile went to the official residence of Peter Lagat, the Kericho District Commisioner, who is close kin of Biwott’s on February 9 to ask Lagat to plead with Biwott to save Ouko’s neck. He had arrived at the Kericho DC’s house at 7.25 a.m. Lagat phoned Biwott who told him to leave Ouko’s matter alone.

Ouko’s worries multiplied as his earlier attempts to have Oyugi plead with Moi for him had only drawn the remark: “If you have collided with Nyayo, ‘shauri yako’. I give you only two days”. On Saturday February 10, 1990, while officiating at a function organized by Lions Club held at Kisumu’s Imperial Hotel, Ouko attempted to “apologise” publicly by narrating how His Excellency had “articulately” answered Kenya’s critics.

Ouko was not a keen churchgoer. But on Sunday February 11, 1990, he surprised his family when he went with them to AIC Koru church and even asked for special prayers after volunteering to preach.

During the week, Ouko had tried to get help from people like Kibaki and Dalmas Otieno, but they were not of much help. He, therefore, decided to fall back on Oyugi – this time asking the latter to provide him with a GK vehicle for his escape. Oyugi promised to oblige – and he indeed came in a white GK mercedes ! Ouko’s mistake number 4 and 5.

By Monday February 12, 1990 Ouko was properly isolated and focused on. The directive from Managing Director Ng’eny home had cut telephone links with Ouko’s Nyahera and Koru. His security escort had long been withdrawn and all his movements were closely monitored.

Biwott and Kobia had been spotted together in Kisumu that Monday afternoon while Noah arap Too, Frederick Koskei and other high ranking security personnel were seen at Kapkelion in a white Subaru (KTN 865), light blue Volkswagen Kombi (KQC 039) and green Audi (KQC 041). Between 3 and 4 a.m. on Tuesday February 13, a white Mercedes Benz car from the Nyanza PC’s office pulled at the gate of Ouko’s Koru home.

The occupants introduced themselves as Security Intelligence officers who had been sent to call Ouko as the president wanted to see him urgently. Within less than 2 minutes there were more than 15 men in GSU uniform at the minister’s gate and all security personnel attached to Ouko had been whisked away. They were severely warned not to “talk”.

The only person the abductors forgot to lock up was Ouko’s housegirl, Sebina Were who was sleeping in one of rooms in the main house. She was woken up by an unusual bang as the abductors dragged Ouko away. She rushed out, only in time to see the white car moving out of the main gate.

As he was confronted, Ouko asked his captors, who had told him Moi wanted to see him, for time to change from his pyjamas. Back in his bedroom Ouko wrote down the names of his captors, who included Oyugi, Biwott, Kobia, Koskei and Noah Too. He folded the note and put it behind a wall picture.

Ouko was driven straight to Nakuru with a brief stop at Kericho, at Shell Petrol Station along the Kericho-Nakuru highway just opposite Kericho Police Station. One motorist who knew Ouko saw him and went greet him. He was immediately chased away but after he had gone close enough to notice that the minister was handcuffed. This man later wrote an “anonymous” letter to Ouko’s Koru address, giving a clue as to how the New Scotland Yard detectives would trace him.

Ouko was reportedly killed at Nakuru with a pistol shot after intensive torture. His naked body was later dumped at Nakuru mortuary, with genitals missing. By a twist of fate, a nurse at Nakuru General Hospital, who was a family friend of the Oukos recognised the body and telephoned Christobel, Ouko’s wife. Mrs. Ouko immediately began enquiring from the government about the whereabouts of her husband. Alerted by this enquiry the murderers rushed to the mortuary and removed the body.

They sprayed it with highly corrosive chemicals and then flew it in a Police Airwing helicopter for dumping at Got Alila, a few kilometers from the late minister’s home where they “discovered” it two days later.

The dumping of the body was done on Wednesday February 14 and the spot remained guarded by GSU personnel until Friday February 16 at 12.30 p.m. when an announcement was made through public address system at the scene that Ouko’s remains had been found.

When this writer visited the scene at 3.00 p.m. he found the police had cordoned the spot and people, including the press, were kept about 20 metres away from the spot. No vegetation was burnt at the spot where the body was found despite the fact that the body was burnt beyond recognition. As Commissioner Kilonzo, Oyugi and Too collected the remains on a stretcher, Oyugi personally lit fire on the spot where the body had been found.

Nobody understood the significance of this act but our guess is that the Nyanza butcher wanted to burn the grass and vegetation around that spot to sell the story that Ouko had shot himself and burnt himself there.

Two days later, Oyugi issued what he termed the preliminary findings of police investigations, which tended to suggest that Ouko had committed suicide. What followed were massive demonstrations demanding that the truth be told. The government, through Moi himself, promised that “no stone would be left unturned” to bring the culprits to book.

Moi asked the British government to send him detectives from the New Scotland Yard hoping this would lull the people as he bought time for emotions to cool down. Troon (John) the leader of the team and his two colleagues began their work conscientiously briefing the press at every stage. The government was not impressed. Within two weeks of the detectives’ work, the state ordered the Scotland Yard sleuths not to issue any more press statements.

Later, Troon felt he could not proceed further without interviewing Biwott. On three occasions when they had appointments with the Energy minister, Biwott simply failed to turn up. Meanwhile, through the British High Commission, Kenya was asking Mrs. Thatcher to prevail upon the New Scotland sleuths to write their report without mentioning “sensitive” personalities. Mrs. Thatcher is reported to have been reluctant to help in this, fearing the consequences should the British people know.

After several attempts to interview the ‘Kabarak Syndicate’ failed the British detectives saw no option other than packing their bags and returning home. Troon refused to come to Nairobi to deliver his incomplete report unless he was guaranteed of his security as it was rumored both in Nairobi and London that the “Kabarak Syndicate” was planning for him an “accident” the Kenya style.

As soon as the report was delivered to Attorney General Mathew Guy Muli, the government announced that the report was not to be made public. This was a 180-degree turn from the earlier assurances that the government had nothing to hide and would make the entire report public.

To appease people – or so the Nairobi regime deludes itself – Moi has appointed a Commission of Inquiry to inquire into the “mysterious disappearance and subsequent death” of minister Ouko.

Another attempt at diverting people’s attention from the truth behind Ouko’s murder was the arrest and torture of Ouko’s younger brother, Barrack Easton Mbajah, a former District Commissioner for allegedly murdering his brother. Ouko it would therefore seem fell victim to the bloodthirsty murderers of the Nairobi regime.

Final edition on this take

Fr Joachim Omolo Ouko, AJ
Tel +254 7350 14559/+254 722 623 578
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Real change must come from ordinary people who refuse to be taken hostage by the weapons of politicians in the face of inequality, racism and oppression, but march together towards a clear and unambiguous goal.

-Anne Montgomery, RSCJ UN Disarmament Conference, 2002


From: Nyambok, Thomas


There is a brighter prospect of Barack Obama visiting his father’s home Land during his presidency and touting the gains of democracy in Africa.

No doubt the post election politics in Kenya are of interest to the International community for a number of reasons. It will determine the countries relationship with the United States where Barack Obama, a Kenya-American, is the president.

It is clear that elections, corruption, transparency and political participation are perennial challenges facing nearly 1.2billion African Citizens.

The United Nations has one of its headquarters in Nairobi, Kenya’s Capital and therefore they have a stake in the future stability of the East African Country.

The forces of nationalism and patriotism among Kenyans have also been responsible for the elections’ outcome, surely an unintended consequence of prosecuting a nationalist of Kenyatta’s stature at International Criminal Court.

The rigged electoral votes for Kenyatta was made to look like votes were cast for Kenyatta by Kenyans in protest of his Indictment by the International Criminal Court, and other western collaborators for crimes against humanity that Kenyatta allegedly committed after the 2007/08 election.

The retired presidents are culprits for killing Kenyans, the genocide that have been executed by this thugs, mafia and mungiki should bee addressed by Kenyans and by the International Community before this retired presidents dies, they have to be taken to court some where not in Kenya because they are corrupt as they buy Kenyan’s Judiciary from Chief Justice, Attorney General and parliament, 80%Congress are in their hands, once red briefcase is lifted up they gung to gather to oppose the International Criminal Courts.

There is nothing like ICC, ICC is in their hands so Kenyans’ you will be forced to enter into the cord of 6666 other wise you will bee left behind time this is true and watch.

Since 1963 have you ever seen or having knowledge of knowing any prominent Kenyan that have been prosecuted for any wrong doing? No, Why’ because they are protected by the 6666 cord system from the masters using the powers from the devil to make sure that Judiciary is only for the middle class and for the poor see the Kenyan’s jails and prisons statistic.


Dear Kenyans and the world at large, it is pathetic to have Kenyans being killed just like dogs by a few individuals around the presidency. I have been mentioning about the system and the methods that the State House does it’s poaching among tribal lines – the house of the people, the state house, is being misused for every execution exercise. They plan how some innocent or notorious Kenyans can be executed and the government goes free. The system of killings is really working from State House Nairobi successfully.

The killings are done in order to elect those who are the members of the evil clubs. Kenyans are competent with my reports as I have been reporting about the reach Kenyans and the money. I have been giving reports including the time when Jomo Kenyatta took over the leadership. It becomes a usual system as Arap Moi took over the presidency from J. Kenyatta in 1978.

Watch, the leadership of Mwai Kibaki is all about killing innocent Kenyans especially during the 2007/08 Genocide. He is getting away with the two reports from the two commissions. Why can’t former presidents reveal the secrets in the numerous commission’s findings – are the reports kept secret to protect those who were mentioned in these reports.

And now the three presidents have shown Uhuru all the methods to use for killing innocent people. Killing will still continue in Kenya till Jesus comes back, or till some wise Kenyan will have away to set Kenyans free from the bondage of evil.

Kasarani stadium was used to commemorate the day wrangles and fighting professor Saitoti started so that Uhuru Kenyatta would take over from Arap Moi for Kanu to be in power for one hundred years as Moi promised.

Raila Odinga and Professor Saitoti left Kanu party to start new collisions to succeed the Moi Uhuru project. Kasarani stadium was used for Uhuru Kenyatta’s inauguration day to burry Professor Saitoti’s ghost. Kenyans must demand the recorded video’s on the day Moi and Saitoti fell apart for Uhuru Kenyatta to succeed Moi. That’s why Raila Odinga and Saitoti decided to leave Kanu party.

Kenyan’s, it is time to wake up and to work together before this former presidents die. Kenyans must stand straight and demand to know why Saitoti was killed by the presidency’s mafia machinery from State house Nairobi. Killing plans got executed by Moi, Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta. Professor Saitoti was killed because he was more powerful than Uhuru.

Kenyans must demand the tapes that were recorded on the first day Moi, Saitoti and Raila Odinga’s relationship fell apart at Kasarani stadium when Moi declared Uhuru Kenyatta as his project.

Kenyans, remember that after they had executed the late professor Saitoti, Moi took his Crocodile tears to Saitoti’s family house as he did to Dr. Robert Ouko?

Remember, Uhuru Kenyatta and Kibaki contested the presidency one time – both of them are from Kikuyu Land and what happened between Raila and Kibaki was that Raila got in between Kibaki and Uhuru and used the words of only Kibaki is enough (Kibaki tosha). This happened because Raila knew that Uhuru was Moi’s project and by all means, Uhuru was to be rigged in just the same way they succeeded this time round.

Kenyans should know that they are at risk of living with Moi’s Kanu party under Uhuru’s ambrella. Kanu is ruling now, not Jubilee. That’s why Biwott is at a higher smiling point. They used mafia machinery for the successful execution to make rigging as the norm.

The rituals are done by executing prominent Kenyans and Intellectuals while rich people receive red briefcases from Kabarak. Those who got the red briefcase will have to pay back by sacrificing themselves or their family members soon.

Remember, you could be smiling with these mafia people today, and tomorrow, you’ll never know, you may find that you’re in the execution list for the next kill as a sacrifice for riches – blood money.

Kenyans, let’s use the wisdom and the commonsense we were given by God. God wants us to be very careful about things that are not done in his way, hold your Bible with your right hands higher up if you are a true Christian don’t copy the former presidents who never held Bible for the truth but for the evil motives don’t love money too much brothers and sisters you will find your self at sine.

Kenya is still at stake of 6666.

Yours faithfully Tom Nyambok and all be blessed. 4/12/2013.


By Agwanda Saye

Lawyers from East Africa have accused police officers of shooting to kill demonstrators in Kisumu over the weekend.

They called for prosecution of the trigger happy police officers towards bringing to an end perpetual shooting of demonstrators using live bullets.

The East Africa Law Society President James Mwamu said firing of live bullets when quelling down demonstrations at the lakeside city must stop.

“We demand an explanation from the police force as the officers seemed to have been given orders not only to shoot but shoot and kill,” Mwamu said.

Mwamu said that several of the civilans who are nursing gunshot wounds at the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Provincial Hospital were shot while running away.

“It seems that it is has become a rule in the police force that every time there is demonstration in Kisumu live bullets must be used,” Mwamu said.

The EALS President said that the security officers have in the past five years shot to kill protestors at the lakeside city.

Mwamu was reacting to media reports following demonstrations that rocked parts of Kisumu after the Supreme Court upheld the Presidential election of Uhuru Kenyatta.

Gun shots were heard up to almost midnight as armed police officers dispersed youth from Kondele and chased them to areas such as Nyawita, Obunga and Nyalenda.

“The Constitutional right to life must not be taken for granted and can only be taken away legally,” Mwamu said.

Article 26 of the Constitution provides that every person has the right to life and shall not be deprived of life intentionally except when authorized by the Supreme Law.

“We strongly condemn the shootings in Kisumu that led to the death of two civilians and injuring several others on Saturday evening,” Mwamu said.

The EALS President said that the police must up hold the rule of law arguing that use of excessive force must stop under the new Constitutional dispensation.